Cartas que os Padres e Irmaos da Companhia da Iesus, que andao nos Reynos de lapao escreverao aos da mesma Companhia da India, e Europa, desde anno de 1549 ate 1580. Primeiro Tomo, Evora 1598. f.435
Alejandro Valignano S. I. Sumario des las Cosas de Japon(1583). Adiciones de l sumario de Japon (1592). editados por jose Luis Alvarez-Taladriz. Tokyo 1954. Introduction. p. 70.
OKAMOTO Yoshitomo. Jūroku Seiki Nichiō Kōtsūshi no Kenkyū. Tokyo: Kōbunsō, 1936 (revised edition by Rokkō Shobō, 1942 and 1944, and reprint by Hara Shobō, 1969, 1974 and 1980). pp. 728-730
COSTA, João Paulo Oliveira e. O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís Cerqueira. PhD thesis. Lisbon: Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1998, p. 312. Sousa indicates the same letters, but he mistakenly attributed them to Filipe II, Filipe III’s father. See SOUSA, Lúcio de. Escravatura e Diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII. Braga: NICPRI, 2014, p. 298.
Boxer, C. R. (Charles Ralph); Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation. UK; Commonwealth Branch; Fundação Oriente; Discoveries Commission(1993)(英語).The Christian century in Japan, 1549-1650.Aspects of Portugal.Carcanet in association with the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, The Discoveries Commission, Lisbon, the Fundação Oriente, Lisbon.ISBN9780520027022.""But since the Portuguese are unwilling to do this, and they often go to places against the padres` wishes, there is always much jealousy and rivalry between these lords, from which follow in turn to great toil and moil to the padres and to Christianity. And, moreover, it sometimes happens that the Portguese go with their ships to the fiefs of heathen lords who bitterly persecute the padres and Christianity, wrecking churches and burning images, which causes great scandal and contempt of the Christian religion.""
Harald Fischer-Tiné(2003).“'White women degrading themselves to the lowest depths': European networks of prostitution and colonial anxieties in British India and Ceylon ca. 1880–1914”.Indian Economic and Social History Review40(2): 163–90 [175–81].doi:10.1177/001946460304000202.
Handbook of Christianity in Japan / edited by Mark R. Mullins. p. cm. — (Handbook of oriental studies, Section 5, Japan; v. 10) ISBN 90-04-13156-6 I. Japan—Church history. I. Series. pp. 251-252, "A more antagonistic dynamic between Shinto and Christianity in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries is more easily identified. Early evidence is to be found, for example, in Hideyoshi's expulsion edict of 1587 and his 1591 letter to the Governor General of Goa (Gonoi 1990, 150ñ1). In both, Hideyoshi deploys Shinto symbolism to justify the expulsion from Japan of Christianity and its missionaries. Item 1 of the edict reads: Japan is the Land of the Gods. Diffusion here from the Kirishitan Country of a pernicious doctrine is most undesirable. His 1591 letter begins in the same vein. The fact is that our land is the land of the godsîóand then proceeds to an exposition of what Takagi Shÿsaku (1993) has identified as Yoshida Shinto theories of the origins of the universe. Asao Naohiro has observed that Hideyoshi was consciously constructing the idea of Japan as land of the gods as a counter and response to the idea of Europe as land of the Christian God. Ieyasu's letters to the Governor General of the Philippines in 1604 and the Governor General of Mexico in 1612 articulate the same ideas about Christianity's incompatibility with Japan as shinkoku, the land of the gods (Asao 1991, 108ñ18; Gonoi 1990, 203ñ5). More research needs to be done on this linkage between the Christian proscription and Shinto ideas, but it would not be surprising, given the nature of the nativistic dynamic, if counter-Christian concerns were somewhere present in the anxiety of both Hideyoshi and Ieyasu to have themselves deified and venerated after their deaths. "
Sources of Japanese Tradition, vol. 2, 1600 to 2000, edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary, Carol Gluck, and Arthur E. Tiedemann, New York: Columbia University Press, 2005. pp. 169-170
Guillaume, Xavier. “Misdirected Understandings: Narrative Matrices in the Japanese Politics of Alterity Toward the West.” Contemporary Japan, Volume 15, Issue 1. Japanstudien: Jahrbuch des Deutschen Instituts für Japanstudien 15 (2003): p. 99.
Sansom, George Bailey, Sir(1965).The Western world and Japan.CHaddon Craftsmen, Inc.p.129.""From his standpoint as a dispotic ruler he (=Hideyoshi) was undoubtedly right to regard Christian propaganda as subversive, for no system can survive unchanged once the assumptions upon which it is based are undermined. However high their purpose, what the Jesuits were doing, in Japan as well as in India and China, was to challenge a national tradition and through it the existing political structure. This last is an animal that always defends itself when attacked, and consequently Hideyoshi's reaction, however deplorable, was to be expected and does not seem to need any fuller explanation.""
La colonia de japoneses en Manila en el marco de las relaciones de Filipinas y Japón en los siglos XVI y XVII, José Eugenio Borao Mateo, Revista anual de Literatura, Pensamiento e Historia, Metodología de la Enseñanza del Español como Lengua Extranjera y Lingüística de la Confederación Académica Nipona, Española y Latinoamericana, ISSN 1344-9109, Nº. 17, 2005, págs. 25-53, "Con ocasión de la llegada de los barcos de Matsuura de Hirado (1585) y de Ohmura de Nagasaki (1586), los japoneses que aún permanecían en Cagayan así como muchos de Lingayen, se desplazaron a Manila. Las primeras relaciones entre españoles y japoneses de Manila estuvieron marcadas por el recelo. Por un lugar estaban las sospechas sobre los verdaderos motivos de la llegada de barcos japoneses, ya que ello no casaba demasiado con la promulgación del decreto de expulsión de misioneros cristianos en 1587, es decir, de los jesuitas portugueses venidos de Macao. Ciertamente, el decreto no tuvo grandes consecuencias, ya que los misioneros disminuyeron sus apariciones públicas, e Hideyoshi se dio por satisfecho. Pero, las sospechas en Manila se agravaron con los dos barcos que llegaron en 1587. En el primero de ellos, perteneciente al japonés Joan Gayo, la tripulación resultó sospechosa de complicidad en una insurrección de nativos, liderada por Agustín Legazpi. Algunos fueron arrestados y, en particular, el intérprete japonés Dionisio Fernández fue ajusticiado el 13 de junio del año siguiente (1588)8. El segundo barco, de Matsuura de Hirado, llegó el 15 de julio con armas y provisiones. Aunque el capitán del barco llevaba un mensaje de buena voluntad de su señor Matsuura y de su hermano, cuyo nombre cristiano era Gaspar, esta vez los españoles tomaron precauciones y los 40 marineros de la tripulación fueron atendidos por la iglesia de Manila y tras acabar sus negocios se marcharon."
La colonia de japoneses en Manila en el marco de las relaciones de Filipinas y Japón en los siglos XVI y XVII, José Eugenio Borao Mateo, Revista anual de Literatura, Pensamiento e Historia, Metodología de la Enseñanza del Español como Lengua Extranjera y Lingüística de la Confederación Académica Nipona, Española y Latinoamericana, ISSN 1344-9109, Nº. 17, 2005, págs. 25-53, "En 1589, fueron 30 ó 40 japoneses los que llegaron a Manila. Iban con vestimenta de peregrinos, para visitar las iglesias del país. Llevaban rosarios en el cuello y se movían con gran penitencia. Anduvieron 15 leguas alrededor de Manila y sus esteros, reconociéndolo todo. No se les molestó y se acabaron marchando. El gobernador fue de los que creyó a posteriori que habían venido en misión de espionaje, y con los datos que hubieran obtenido, tras contrastarlos con los de otros de los comerciantes, “se [habría] conocido en Japón la riqueza y la flaqueza de los naturales y la gente española que había para defender las Islas”9. Era el inicio del expansionismo de Hideyoshi10, y los españoles pensaron que también podrían ser objeto de un ataque japonés, y, en previsión de ello, Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas dio instrucciones, a principios de 1592, para preparar la defensa. Una de las medidas adoptadas fue congregar a todos los japoneses residentes de Manila en un barrio extramuros, el de Dilao, confiscarles sus armas y limitar su libre movilidad por la ciudad. La medida no parecía vana, a juzgar por las embajadas de Japón que llegaron a continuación a Manila."
「Handbook of Christianity in Japan / edited by Mark R. Mullins. p. cm. — (Handbook of oriental studies, Section 5, Japan; v. 10) ISBN 90-04-13156-6 I. Japan—Church history. I. Series. p. 9-11
Never Imagine Yourself to be Otherwise: Filipino Image of Japan over the Centuries, Elpidio STA. ROMANA and Ricardo T. JOSE, Asian Studies 29 (1991), pp. 67-68, "In 1591, a Japanese named Harada Magoshichiro was reported to have studied parts of the Philippines and recommended that Hideyoshi conquers the Philippines. Hideyoshi made concrete plans but sent an emissary the following year to Manila and demanded that the Spaniards become his vassals and pay tribute; otherwise he would invade the Philippines. He has just invaded Korea, and the poorly defended Spaniards could only reply that they sought friendship with Japan. Japanese ships entering Manila were checked thoroughly to make sure they carried no weapons. The Japanese community in Manila was disarmed and resettled outside Manila in a place called Dilao district. The next year, the Spaniards tried to guard their north flank by invading Taiwan but a typhoon thwarted that expedition. Later, Hideyoshi also sent a request to the Spanish authorities in the Philippines for shipbuilders but was refused by the Spaniards who realized that they will be used to build warships. The apprehensive Spaniards sought reinforcements from Mexico. 10 The Japanese were also suspicious of Spanish attempts to proselyte in Japan. This mutual suspicion - Spain fearing a Japanese invasion, Japan suspicious of Spanish evangelization and fearful that Japan might be involved in power conflicts in Europe- was to continue into the early 17th century."
Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 282, "Forced labor was a sub product of these struggles, and the Japanese slave market became dependent not only on Chinese and Koreans captured by Wakō, but also on servants captured domestically."
da Silva Ehalt, Rômulo (2017). Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan (Thesis). Tesis Doctoral, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. p.345-346., "The description abounds in horror and awe. The horrific scenario described instantly reminds contemporary readers of the horrors of the slave trade between Africa and the Americas. However, there are issues that may be raised to question the text’s accuracy. The chronicle sounds somewhat fantastic when describing the eating habits of the Portuguese. In fact, the description of Europeans as raw meat-eating monsters was quite common in East Asia."
CRUZ, Frei Gaspar da (auth.) and LOUREIRO, Rui Manuel (ed.). Tratado das Coisas da China (Évora, 1569-1570). Lisbon: Biblioteca editores Independentes, 2010, p. 177.
Human Trafficking and Piracy in Early Modern East Asia: Maritime Challenges to the Ming Dynasty Economy, 1370–1565, Harriet Zurndorfer, Comparative Studies in Society and History (2023), 1–24 doi:10.1017/S0010417523000270, p. 13, "The wokou also engaged in human trafficking. In 1556, the Zhejiang coastal commander Yang Yi sent his envoy Zheng Shungong (flourished in the sixteenth century) to Japan to ask Kyushu authorities to suppress piracy along the Chinese littoral. When Zheng arrived, he found in Satsuma some two to three hundred Chinese working as slaves. Originally from southern Fujian prefectures, they were kept by Japanese families who had bought them from the wokou some twenty years before.61"
Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 277, "Chinese forced labor brought to Japan via these pirates is Zhèng Shùn-gōng 鄭舜功’s Rìběn Yíjiàn 日本一鑑. The book was compiled during Zhèng’s six-month trip to Bungo 豊後 in 1556, during the height of the Wakō activities in the region. In the section describing captives in Japan, Zhèng mentions that in Takasu 高洲, southern Kyushu, there were about two to three hundred Chinese people, “treated like cattle”, originally from Fúzhōu 福州, Xīnghuà 興化, Quánzhōu 泉州, Zhāngzhōu 漳州 and other areas serving as slaves in the region.910"
Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.274-275, "[Those from Satsuma, seeing that they were so successful in their intent,started to burn, destroy and devastate throughout those lands of Nangun and otherwere they went through, that nothing would stand still, and those who resisted alittle soon were killed. And what was not the least shameful thing, but the greatest shame, was to see the great crowd of people they would take captured, especially women, boys and girls, to whom they committed the greatest cruelties, and among these there was a great number of Christians.].
Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 275, "The scenario is confirmed by the diary of Uwai Kakken 上井覚兼, a bushi at the service of the Shimazu clan. In the entry for the 12th day of the 7th month of Tenshō 14 –August 26th 1586 – he writes:「一、十二日、早旦打立、湯之浦ヘ着候、路次すから、手負なとに行合候、其外、濫妨人なと・女・童なと数十人引つれかへり候ニ、道も去あえす候」903"
Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 333, "In conclusion, the interrogatory sent by Hideyoshi shows that the ruler was more concerned with economic aspects and the impact of the way Jesuits acted in Japan rather than moral issues. The depletion of the fields of Kyushu from human and animal labor force was a serious issue to the local economy. This conclusion overturns what has been stated by the previous historiography, since Okamoto, who defended that Hideyoshi, upon arriving in Kyushu, discovered for the first time the horrors of the slave trade and, moved by anger, ordered its suspension.1053 However, as we saw before, the practice was much older and most certainly known in the whole archipelago, although apparently restricted to Kyushu. Because the Kanpaku consolidated his rule over the island, conditions were favorable for him to enact such orders."
Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.333, "The Kanpaku made three irrefutable offers to the Jesuits, effectively establishing the conditions for them to stay in the archipelago."
Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 330-331 ,"Fróis was, in fact, explaining his audience that Hideyoshi’s was poised to demand the return of people who were displaced by events such as war, kidnapping, or even people who had voluntarily fled their village...And the order for return of laborers to one’s fief was one of the necessary maneuvers to guarantee these conditions. These people could be displaced not only by conflict or kidnappings, but also by fleeing economic and social conditions. 1050 These were moves occurring in all Japanese territory and were not restricted to areas of Kyushu."
Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 328 ,"He explains the necessity they had of cows and horses in the country, as an important resource for war and manual labor. Hideyoshi also explains that eating these animals could deplete the land of this important resource. Once more, the ruler makes an irrefutable offer to the priests: if the Portuguese and the missionaries could not live without eating meat, Hideyoshi would order the construction of a facility to keep hunted animals to be consumed by the foreigners."
Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 366, "First, it is important to consider the format chosen by the missionaries. As Nina Chordas explains, early modern dialogues were a quasi-fictional genre, in the sense that they insisted on being accepted as an entity “with some agency in the actual, material world”. As a literary genre, the dialogue was the result of a “general distrust of imaginative literature” in the late Renaissance, thus offering an alternative for seducing the rational mind.1151 These texts were, as pointed by Jon R. Snyder, “never transcriptions of conversations or debates that actually occurred (although this is one of their enabling fictions); no unmediated traces of orality can be discovered in dialogue, except in the form of carefully constructed illusion.”1152"
Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, Jesuit Arguments for Voluntary Slavery in Japan and Brazil, Brazilian Journal of History, Volume: 39, Number: 80, Jan-Apr. 2019., p.10
BRAH, Cortes 566 (9/2666), maço 21, f. 275. RUIZ DE MEDINA, Juan G. Orígenes de la Iglesia Catolica Coreana desde 1566 hasta 1784 según documentos inéditos de la época. Rome: Institutum Historicum S.I., 1986, p. 114-22.
Servitutem Levem et Modici Temporis Esse Arbitrantes: Jesuit Schedulae & Japanese Limited-Term Servitude in Gomes Vaz’s De mancipiis Indicis, Stuart M. McManus, BPJS, 2018, II, 4, 77-99
BRAH, Cortes 566 (9/2666), maço 21, f. 273-276v. Pagès in PAGÈS, Léon. Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon – Seconde Partie, Annexes. Paris: Charles Douniol, 1870, p. 70-9. SOUSA, Lúcio de. “Dom Luís de Cerqueira e a escravatura no Japão em 1598.” Brotéria, 165. Braga, 2007, pp. 245-61.
PÉREZ, Lorenzo. Fr. Jerónimo de Jesús: Restaurador de las Misiones del Japón – sus cartas y relaciones (1595-1604). Florence: Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1929, p. 47.
OKAMOTO Yoshitomo. Jūroku Seiki Nichiō Kōtsūshi no Kenkyū. Tokyo: Kōbunsō, 1936 (revised edition by Rokkō Shobō, 1942 and 1944, and reprint by Hara Shobō, 1969, 1974 and 1980). pp. 730-2
Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "This was due not to theoretical or legal reasons, but to the lack of authoritative power held by Jesuits in Japan. As argued numerous times by the visitor of the vice-province, Valignano, missionaries could not expect positive outcomes from their reprimands and admonitions because of their limited capacity to alter or influence the courses of action taken by Japanese Christians, particularly powerful individuals, when facing moral doubts.46 "
Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, Because of this disadvantage, there was the need to create grey areas where missionaries could let go of otherwise inadmissible situations. Hence, from the get-go, the debate envisioned three outcomes: forms of Japanese bondage equal to slavery; situations that were not the same as slavery but could be tolerated by the missionaries; and intolerable cases.
Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "Tolerance was a rhetorical device closely related to dissimulation, a legal strategy tacitly approved by canon law that authorised missionaries to conform to local practices while adhering to established theological and legal principles, a much-needed rhetorical device for those attempting to accommodate the Christian dogma to local social dynamics.48"
OM, Lib. 4, Tit. XVI; LARA, Silvia Hunold. ‘Legislação sobre escravos africanos na América portuguesa’. in: ANDRÉS-GALLEGO, Jose (Coord). Nuevas Aportaciones a la Historia Jurídica de Iberoamérica. Madrid: Fundación Histórica Tavera/Digibis/Fundación Hernando de Larramendi, 2000 (CD-Rom), p. 57. Tit. XCIX.
Visiones de un mundo diferente: Política, literatura de avisos y arte namban Imagen de portada del libro Visiones de un mundo diferente: Política, literatura de avisos y arte namban, Osami Takizawa (coord.), Antonio Míguez Santa Cruz (coord.), Centro Europeo para la Difusión de las Ciencias Sociales, 2015, ISBN 978-84-608-1270-8, p. 63, "Tras el edicto de expulsión de los jesuitas en 1587, Hideyoshi se interesó por abrir una posible vía de comercio que no pasase necesariamente por los portugueses y, puesto que el trato con los chinos seguía cerrado, las Filipinas eran una de las pocas alternativas disponibles; así, a partir de 1591 se autorizó el comercio con Manila9 . De todas formas, se trató de un lujo muy luctuante y bastante pobre, tal y como se extrae del reducido número de navíos comerciales japoneses llegados a la capital ilipina durante los años analizados en este artículo, diecisiete según nos dice el profesor Emilio Sola10. En cuanto a las mercancías intercambiadas, sabemos por los documentos castellanos que el principal negocio era el de la plata japonesa –Japón producía en ese momento nada menos que un tercio de la plata mundial11– a cambio de la seda china, con lo que realmente se trataba básicamente de hacer de intermediarios en el interrumpido comercio entre Japón y China. Aparte de esto, Filipinas importaba cáñamo, cobre, hierro, acero, plomo, salitre, mantas, pólvora, espadas, etc.12 y en Japón estaban muy interesados por cierto tipo de vasijas de cerámica ilipina."
Never Imagine Yourself to be Otherwise: Filipino Image of Japan over the Centuries, Elpidio STA. ROMANA and Ricardo T. JOSE, Asian Studies 29 (1991), pp. 67-68, "In 1587, an ill-fated Filipino anti-Spanish rebellion led by Don Agustin de Legaspi, Martin Panga and Magat Salamat took place in Manila and adjacent areas. The Filipino rebels got in touch with a Christian Japanese adventurer named Juan Gayo and enlisted him in a plan to use other armed Japanese to be disguised as traders stationed offshore. On signal, Gayo and his men were to attack from the sea and help the Filipinos drive the Spaniards out of Manila. But when the time of the attack came, Gayo either simply lost interest or betrayed the rebels. The Filipino rebels waited in vain for his help; meanwhile, the Spaniards discovered the plan, rounded up the leaders and executed them publicly. 9 The involvement of a Japanese naturally made the Spaniards more suspicious."
Cartas que os Padres e Irmaos da Companhia da Iesus, que andao nos Reynos de lapao escreverao aos da mesma Companhia da India, e Europa, desde anno de 1549 ate 1580. Primeiro Tomo, Evora 1598. f. 155.
アルメイダ、1564年10月14日付豊後発信書(Cartas que os Padres e Irmaos da Companhia da Iesus, que andao nos Reynos de lapao escreverao aos da mesma Companhia da India, e Europa, desde anno de 1549 ate 1580. Primeiro Tomo, Evora 1598.f.151v.)
Schwaller, John F. (October 2016). "Franciscan Spirituality and Mission in New Spain, 1524–1599: Conflict Beneath the Sycamore Tree (Luke 19:1–10) by Steven E. Turley (review)". The Americas. 73 (4): 520–522.
de Bary,Wm. Theodore(2005).“Part IV: The Tokugawa Peace”.Sources of Japanese Tradition: 1600 to 2000.Columbia University Press.pp.149.ISBN9780231518123
Never Imagine Yourself to be Otherwise: Filipino Image of Japan over the Centuries, Elpidio STA. ROMANA and Ricardo T. JOSE, Asian Studies 29 (1991), pp. 67-68, "In 1591, a Japanese named Harada Magoshichiro was reported to have studied parts of the Philippines and recommended that Hideyoshi conquers the Philippines. Hideyoshi made concrete plans but sent an emissary the following year to Manila and demanded that the Spaniards become his vassals and pay tribute; otherwise he would invade the Philippines. He has just invaded Korea, and the poorly defended Spaniards could only reply that they sought friendship with Japan. Japanese ships entering Manila were checked thoroughly to make sure they carried no weapons. The Japanese community in Manila was disarmed and resettled outside Manila in a place called Dilao district. The next year, the Spaniards tried to guard their north flank by invading Taiwan but a typhoon thwarted that expedition. Later, Hideyoshi also sent a request to the Spanish authorities in the Philippines for shipbuilders but was refused by the Spaniards who realized that they will be used to build warships. The apprehensive Spaniards sought reinforcements from Mexico. 10 The Japanese were also suspicious of Spanish attempts to proselyte in Japan. This mutual suspicion - Spain fearing a Japanese invasion, Japan suspicious of Spanish evangelization and fearful that Japan might be involved in power conflicts in Europe- was to continue into the early 17th century."
Francisco de Lorduy, statement incorporated in report by Governor Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas to the king of Spain on the second embassy to Japan, April–May 1593, in The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, ed. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 39. The reference may be to Kiemon’s close associate Hasegawa Sōnin instead.
Turnbull, Stephen (2016) "Wars and Rumours of Wars: Japanese Plans to Invade the Philippines, 1593–1637," Naval War College Review (海軍大学校 (アメリカ合衆国)レビュー): Vol. 69: No. 4 , Article 10., p.5
Visiones de un Mundo Diferente Política, literatura de avisos y arte namban, Coordinadores: Osami Takizawa y Antonio Míguez Santa Cruz, Centro Europeo para la Difusión de las Ciencias Sociales, ISBN 978-84-608-1270-8, p. 80, "Tras el incidente del galeón San Felipe y la ejecución de los religiosos, en Manila se entendió que la relación de amistad a la que supuestamente se había llegado con Hideyoshi había terminado, por lo que se volvió a temer una invasión japonesa de las Filipinas –si es que alguna vez había desaparecido la sospecha. Así, se continuó trabajando en las defensas de Manila y su isla, e incluso se llegó a considerar nuevamente la conquista de Formosa. En un movimiento calcado a otros que se habían efectuado en el pasado, se decidió enviar una embajada a Japón para, nuevamente, ganar tiempo y tratar de recuperar tanto la carga coniscada del San Felipe –sumamente importante para la economía de las Filipinas– como los restos de los mártires de Nagasaki. Para ello, esta vez se preirió no elegir a un religioso como embajador y la tarea recayó en Luis de Navarrete, un militar muy cercano al Gobernador Tello."
Turnbull, Stephen (2016) "Wars and Rumours of Wars: Japanese Plans to Invade the Philippines, 1593–1637," Naval War College Review (海軍大学校 (アメリカ合衆国)レビュー): Vol. 69: No. 4 , Article 10., pp. 8-9
The perceived status of the Dutch as the shogun’s “loyal vassals” is brilliantly analysed in Adam Clulow, The Company and the Shogun: The Dutch Encounter with Tokugawa Japan (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 2014).
Turnbull, Stephen (2016) "Wars and Rumours of Wars: Japanese Plans to Invade the Philippines, 1593–1637," Naval War College Review (海軍大学校 (アメリカ合衆国)レビュー): Vol. 69: No. 4 , Article 10., p.10-11