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2025 Singaporean general election
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The 2025 Singaporean general election was held on Saturday, 3 May 2025, to elect all 97 members[b] of the Parliament of Singapore across 33 constituencies.[c] The election was the 19th in Singapore since the first general election in 1948 and the 14th since its independence in 1965. For the first time since the 2001 general election, Lee Hsien Loong did not lead the governing People's Action Party (PAP), as Lawrence Wong succeeded him as prime minister on 15 May 2024[2] and as secretary-general of the PAP on 4 December later that year.[3] The PAP has won a supermajority of seats in every election since independence.
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The 14th Parliament was dissolved on 15 April 2025, and the Nomination Day was set on 23 April 2025.[4] Polling Day was held on 3 May 2025. This was the first general election since 2011 and the first contested election of any kind since 2016[d] where Polling Day occurred on a Saturday.[5] It was also the first general election since 2011 with a walkover in at least one constituency, with the PAP being the only party to contest Marine Parade–Braddell Heights Group Representation Constituency (GRC).[e][6] It was also the first general election since 1997[f] to see a four-cornered contest in one contested constituency and the first four-cornered fight inside a GRC since 1992, with the PAP, the Workers' Party (WP), the National Solidarity Party (NSP), and the People's Power Party (PPP) contesting in Tampines GRC.[7] It also saw a straight fight between PAP and one independent candidate in Mountbatten Single Member Constituency (SMC), a situation last seen in 2001.[8] Voter turnout was 92.47%, a three percentage point decrease from 2020, and the lowest since 1968.
211 candidates contested in this election, the highest number of candidates in Singapore's history; 53 were women, an all-time high.[g] This edged the previous record of 210 candidates set in 1963. The 2025 election also saw five multi-cornered contests,[h] the highest number of multi-cornered contests in any election since 1991.[9] 27 candidates lost their S$13,500 election deposits, surpassing the previous record of 22 back in 1972.[10] This election saw, for the first time, some opposition parties — the NSP, the PPP, and the Singapore United Party (SUP) — have every contested candidate forfeit their deposits; Ang Mo Kio GRC saw every opposition party losing their deposits in a multi-cornered fight, a first since Kebun Baru in 1980.[11][i] While the two[j] independent candidates did not win any seats, they managed to retain their election deposits; Jeremy Tan's 36.16% result in Mountbatten was also the best score garnered by any independent candidate since 1972.[18]
The final result saw the PAP retaining its supermajority, improving on its popular vote share from 2020 by 4.34% to 65.57% and winning 87 out of 97 seats in a landslide, reversing the electoral decline from the previous election; with the exception of the WP, which claimed the remaining ten seats which are Aljunied GRC, Sengkang GRC and Hougang SMC also with two additional Non-constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) seats,[19] all other opposition parties saw their vote shares decline and therefore became extra-parliamentary parties, including the Progress Singapore Party (PSP). In terms of overall popular vote, the WP scored about 14.99%, an increase of 3.77%, though its contested vote share fell slightly by 0.45%.[20] It nevertheless managed to win the popular vote overall in constituencies they contested against the PAP for the second consecutive election at 50.04%.[21] No other opposition party won more than 5% of the vote, including the NSP, which had the record-worst performance of any opposition party or independent candidate in post-independence Singapore — 0.18% in Tampines GRC[k] — and the overall worst performance since 1988,[l] garnering only 1.19% of valid votes cast in both contested seats and 0.13% of the overall popular vote.[24][25]
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Background
The People's Action Party (PAP) won a majority of seats in the 2020 general election in what was its toughest contest since independence, although it still won all but three electoral divisions (two GRCs and one SMC). It retained West Coast GRC in a fight against the Progress Singapore Party, with the narrowest margin of victory among all electoral divisions;[26][27] its largest margin of victory was in neighbouring Jurong GRC.[28] The Workers' Party won the new Sengkang GRC and retained Aljunied GRC and Hougang SMC. Ng Chee Meng, Minister in the Prime Minister's Office and Secretary-General of the NTUC who had led the Sengkang PAP team, was considered the highest profile political casualty of the election.[m][29] The 14th Parliament was the second longest in Singapore's history at four years and eight months, only behind the 8th Parliament;[30] it also had the most sittings in one term at 162, surpassing the previous term's 135.[31]
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Electoral system
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Under Article 65(4) of the Singaporean Constitution, a parliamentary term lasts a maximum of five years from its first sitting before its automatic dissolution. However, the Prime Minister, with a vote of confidence from a majority of sitting Members of Parliament (MPs), can advise the President for early dissolution at any time.[32] A general election must be held within three months of dissolution.[33]
Electoral Divisions (also referred to as seats in Parliament) are organised into Single Member Constituencies (SMCs) and Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs). Each SMC returns one MP using the first past the post voting system, while each GRC returns four or five MPs by party block voting. At least one candidate in the GRC must be from the Malay, Indian or other minority community in Singapore. A group of candidates intending to contest an election in a GRC must all be members of the same political party, or a group of independent candidates. The voting age in Singapore is 21 years. Elections are conducted by the Elections Department (ELD), a department under the Prime Minister's Office.[34]
The Returning Officer for this election is Han Kok Juan, the Director-General of the Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore (CAAS).[35]
Political parties
The table below lists political parties elected or nominated in Parliament after the 2020 parliamentary election:[36][37]
Pre-election composition
Under Singapore's constitution, the opposition will be guaranteed a set number of parliamentary seats which may consist of elected members of parliament (MP) from the opposition team and unsuccessful candidates in this election from the best-performing losing opposition party or parties, collectively known as Non-constituency Members of Parliament (NCMP). The 2016 constitution set a 12-seat minimum. The opposition consisted of ten elected seats all by the Workers' Party and two NCMP seats from the Progress Singapore Party (PSP).[38][39][40]
Speculations of possible election dates
On 8 March 2024, the Elections Department (ELD) announced that 50,000 public servants had been appointed as election officials.[41] After Lawrence Wong became prime minister in May 2024, the South China Morning Post speculated that elections could be held as early as September; elections were typically held around the school breaks of March and September. Goh Chok Tong held his first general election in August 1991, ten months after he assumed office in November 1990; his successor Lee Hsien Loong held his first general election in May 2006, two years after he assumed office in August 2004. However, Eugene Tan, an associate professor at Singapore Management University, felt a September election would be "hasty" for Wong to establish his mandate, and that the election was more likely to be held after the announcement of the 2025 budget.[42][43] Holding the elections in 2025 would coincide with the country's SG60 National Day celebrations.[43]
Following Lee Hsien Loong's announcement in April 2024 that he would step down as prime minister in May, Channel NewsAsia (CNA) speculated that the general elections could be held at the end of that year.[44] However, Lee's successor, Lawrence Wong, said in November that the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) had not yet been convened.[45] Following the formation of the EBRC in January 2025, political observers interviewed by The Straits Times speculated that the election could be held as early as April or May, following the passage of the 2025 budget. July was deemed unlikely because it would be right before the SG60 National Day celebrations.[46]
Voter rolls
The ELD released a statement outlining that the Register of Electors would be refreshed in 2025, being closed for updating a few months ahead of the plausible election date. As such, for the 2025 election, a citizen must be aged 21 and above as of 1 February 2025 to be able to vote.[47] The latest certification from the Register of Electors was released on 21 July, announcing an electorate of 2,715,187.[48] The voter rolls opened for public inspection from 15 to 28 February,[49][50] and was updated on 24 March, further increasing the electorate to 2,758,095; after the writ of election is issued, the number was further increased to 2,758,858.[51][52] By 18 April 2025, 18,389 voters were registered as overseas voters, with 8,630 casting their votes at one of 10 overseas polling stations,[n] and 9,759 via postal voting, first introduced in the 2023 Singaporean presidential election.[53]
Other constitutional changes
Amendments were made by the ELD, together with the Ministry of Home Affairs and Ministry of Digital Development and Information. It was announced that family members of candidates who are foreigners or Permanent Residents would not need written authorisation signed by a candidate (or their election agent) to participate in election activities, though direct involvement in politics, such as canvassing, would still be prohibited,[54] with this regulation extending to minors under the age of 16.[55] On 31 May 2024, the ELD announced that the Returning Officer, appointed by the prime minister to ensure fair and orderly elections, would have the authority to instruct individuals and social media platforms to remove online election advertisements that violate election regulations.[56]
The ELD stated on 15 October 2024 that special arrangements at nursing homes, first implemented in the 2023 presidential election, would be discontinued due to logistical constraints and mixed reception.[57][58] The ELD also sets a spending limit for electoral campaigns, hitherto set at S$4 per elector. However, on 27 March 2025, ELD raised the spending cap to S$5 per elector per constituency to account for inflation.[59]
After the writ of election is issued, ELD announced further rules during campaigning period where deepfake technology (such as digitally manipulated online material or advertising that misrepresent a candidate's speech or action) are banned, which came in light after former President Halimah Yacob's deepfake video surfaced online on the same day.[60] No new banners, flags, and posters were allowed to be posted until the start of campaigning, with exceptions for some banners, flags, or posters that are used as permanent location markers, or existing ones that were placed in the constituency prior to the issuance (such as Town Council banners); Aetos Security Management could take down posters at its own discretion if there were violations.[61][62]
Electoral boundaries changes
Electoral boundary changes between 2020 and 2025
2020 electoral boundaries
2025 electoral boundaries
| 2020 | 2025 | |
|---|---|---|
| Seats | 93 | 97 |
| Electoral divisions | 31 | 33 |
| Group representation constituencies | 17 | 18 |
| Four-Member GRCs | 6 | 8 |
| Five-Member GRCs | 11 | 10 |
| Single member constituencies | 14 | 15 |
| Average GRC size | 4.65 | 4.56 |
| Voters | 2,647,372 | 2,740,469 |
| Voters (including overseas voters) | 2,653,942 | 2,758,858 |
The Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC), which reviews and updates the Singapore's electoral map before the elections, was convened on 22 January 2025.[49] The EBRC released their report on 11 March, which called for the creation of 18 GRCs and 15 SMCs.[63][64] The number of MPs in the next parliament was increased to 97 elected seats.[65] These changes were to account for the uneven distribution of growth in the number of electors across the existing electoral divisions,[66] with most notable changes in the eastern and western ends of Singapore.[67]
The report introduced six new SMCs: Jurong Central, Sembawang West, Bukit Gombak, Jalan Kayu, Queenstown, and Tampines Changkat. In turn, five current SMCs – Bukit Batok, Hong Kah North, MacPherson, Punggol West, and Yuhua – were absorbed into neighbouring GRCs.[68] The boundaries of only four existing SMCs, namely Bukit Panjang, Hougang, Marymount, and Pioneer, remained unchanged.[69]
Many GRCs in the east and west of Singapore were reorganised. Jurong GRC was split into the newly-established Jurong East–Bukit Batok and West Coast–Jurong West GRCs.[70] West Coast GRC was renamed to West Coast–Jurong West GRC.[71] In the east, Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC was split into Pasir Ris–Changi and Punggol GRCs.[72] Marine Parade GRC was also renamed into Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC as it absorbed MacPherson, and parts of Potong Pasir and Mountbatten.[63] Bishan–Toa Payoh, Jalan Besar, Marsiling–Yew Tee, Nee Soon, and Sengkang GRCs remained unchanged.[69]
The boundary changes were accepted by the Singapore government.[63] While the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) was "heartened that the EBRC has somewhat disclosed more of the reasoning behind its decisions, contrary to its previous report in 2020", the party felt that "the EBRC could have accounted for population shifts without making drastic changes to existing major electoral boundaries". The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) expressed "disappointment with the disappearance of Yuhua and Bukit Batok SMCs" – the electoral districts where the SDP had planned to contest[73] – and claimed the process of redrawing boundaries "lacked transparency".[67] Similarly, on 25 March, Workers' Party's (WP) Pritam Singh cited the change as "one of the most radical redrawing(s)" in one of his Facebook posts, and said that an opaque institution could become divisive and that changes to the political system could be greatly improved.[74]
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Pre-election activities
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Vacated seats
Six seats were vacated during the parliament term.
List of vacated seats
The 14th Parliament saw the largest number of vacated seats since Singapore's independence.[30]
People's Action Party
Leadership succession
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Lee Hsien Loong (left) was succeeded as Prime Minister and Secretary-General of the PAP by Lawrence Wong (right) in May and December 2024 respectively.
In November 2018, the governing People's Action Party (PAP) appointed Heng Swee Keat as the party's first assistant Secretary-General. The Straits Times speculated that with Heng's appointment, he would succeed Lee Hsien Loong as the next prime minister.[80] Heng remained in the PAP's Central Executive Committee (CEC) in the 2020 party elections,[81] in which Lawrence Wong was first elected into the CEC.[82] However, in April 2021, Heng stepped down as leader of the PAP's fourth-generation (4G) team, citing his age and health concerns.[83] Analysts from The Straits Times suggested that Heng's withdrawal might be due to the PAP's weaker performance in the previous general election, where it secured only 61.24% of the popular vote. This outcome could signal a lack of voter confidence in his leadership.[84][85] On the other hand, CNA analysts said Heng still held support from the 4G team following the elections and suggested Heng's decision might be "personal".[86]
In a party caucus on 14 April 2022, finance minister Wong was selected as the leader of the 4G team, following consultations with other ministers of the 4G team.[87][88] On 13 June that year, Wong was appointed deputy prime minister (DPM) following a cabinet reshuffle. Wong also assumed responsibility for the Strategy Group within the Prime Minister's Office.[89] On 5 November 2023, Lee said he would hand over party leadership to Wong in 2024, before the party's 70th anniversary.[90][91][92] On 15 April 2024, Lee announced Wong would succeed him as prime minister on 15 May.[93][94] In Wong's new cabinet, Gan Kim Yong was promoted as DPM and Lee was appointed as senior minister;[95] Wong only planned major changes to the cabinet after the next election.[96] On 24 November, at the PAP's biennial conference celebrating the party's 70th anniversary, Lee stepped down as secretary general, although he remained in the CEC.[97][98] Gan also stepped down from the CEC, while Chee Hong Tat was co-opted into CEC for the first time.[99] On 4 December 2024, Wong was elected as the PAP Secretary-General.[3]
At the party's Women's Wing conference on 1 September 2024, Wong pledged to field more women candidates in the upcoming election.[100] Candidates were to be progressively announced before the expiry of the parliament term, including the successors for the three (out of four) vacated seats,[101] three new members in the opposition-held constituencies,[102] and at least one candidate in a potential swing constituency.[103] On 7 July 2023, Tharman Shanmugaratnam resigned from all his positions in the government and as a member of the PAP to run for the 2023 presidential election.[104] He won the election and was elected president on 14 September.[105]
Corruption and marital affairs
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On 12 July 2023, Transport Minister S. Iswaran was summoned to assist in an unspecified corruption investigation by the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB). Upon being briefed on the investigation by the CPIB, Prime Minister Lee instructed Iswaran to go on a leave of absence with immediate effect until investigations ended, and subsequently suspending his duties as an MP; Chee Hong Tat was appointed as Acting Transport Minister.[106] On 15 July 2023, it was revealed that Iswaran had been arrested pursuant to the investigation and was released on bail on 11 July 2023.[107] The investigation had also expanded to include billionaire businessman Ong Beng Seng, who was arrested at the same time.[108][109][110]
On 17 July 2023, Cheng Li Hui and Tan Chuan-Jin, the speaker for Singapore's parliament, resigned from Parliament and the PAP due to "propriety and personal conduct", for having an extramarital affair between themselves, with Tan being already married and with a family.[111] Prime Minister Lee, in response to their resignation letters, said in a statement that their resignations were "necessary" to "maintain the high standards of propriety and personal conduct which the PAP has upheld all these years." On 2 August 2023, Seah Kian Peng succeeded Tan as Speaker of Parliament.[112][113]
CPIB's investigations on Iswaran were concluded on 9 January 2024 and was handed over to the Attorney-General's Chambers (AGC) for prosecution, according to a parliamentary reply given by Minister-in-charge of Public Service Chan Chun Sing.[114] A week later, Iswaran resigned from the Cabinet and as the MP of West Coast GRC and member of the PAP, following the charges against him by the AGC.[115] In a follow-up letter the next day, he pledged to return the salary that he had received since the beginning of the CPIB investigation in July 2023 back to the government.[115] On 18 January 2024, Iswaran was charged in the State Courts with 27 offences, including charges of corruption and obstruction of justice,[116][117] becoming the first cabinet minister since Teh Cheang Wan in 1986 to be charged for corruption; the charges against Iswaran, who pleaded not guilty, thus attracted several international news outlets to report on the case.[118][119][120][121] Consequently, Chee succeeded Iswaran as Minister for Transport, while Grace Fu succeeded him as Minister-in-charge for Trade Relations.[122] Iswaran eventually pleaded guilty to five charges (out of the 35 known) on 24 September and was sentenced to a 12-month jail term on 3 October.[123][124][o]
In October 2024, a S$2.2 billion deal by the National Trade Union Congress (NTUC) to sell its Income Insurance branch to Allianz sparked controversy and was ultimately unsuccessful after the government stepped in to cancel the deal.[126] A Bill was also passed in the same month to amend the Insurance Act so that the Monetary Authority of Singapore would have to consider the views of the Ministry of Culture, Community and Youth when an application for regulatory approval involves an insurer that is either a cooperative or linked to one.[127]
Workers' Party
Leadership succession
After the 2020 general election, the Workers' Party (WP) elected the four newly elected MPs in Sengkang GRC into the Central Executive Committee (CEC).[128] Secretary-general Pritam Singh and Chairperson Sylvia Lim were re-elected to their posts unopposed.[129] The government also officially appointed Singh as Singapore's first recognised Leader of the Opposition, citing the scale of the WP's presence in Parliament.[130] Former Hougang SMC MP Png Eng Huat stepped down from the CEC in 2022.[131] As of the most recent CEC change on 30 June 2024, former secretary-general Low Thia Khiang remains listed as a CEC member, as did Singh and Lim; among the new members were Ang Boon Yaw, Nathaniel Koh, and Tan Kong Soon. Lee Li Lian, former MP of the defunct Punggol East SMC, was reinstated into the CEC on 30 June 2024 after a three-year absence;[132] she was working as a town councillor for Sengkang Town Council at the time of the announcement.[133]
Observers predicted that the party may contest an estimated 30 seats, mostly in the eastern areas of Singapore,[134][135] including the possibility of contesting Pasir Ris–Punggol and Tampines GRCs (both of which had divisions previously part of the defunct Cheng San and Eunos GRCs where the party were narrowly defeated in the 1990s), and in the central region, such as Jalan Besar GRC which the party last contested in 2015.[136]
Former secretary-general Low, who stood down in the previous election following an injury, was initially adamant that he would continue to be involved in politics, though he felt that it would be a "back step" to nominate himself for candidacy.[137][138] On 7 December 2024, Low confirmed his political retirement via Instagram, quashing further speculation on whether he would make a comeback.[139][140] On 18 November, WP engaged several commercial parties to help in candidate screening and personality reviews for the upcoming election[141] in efforts to best represent Singapore.[142][143]
Legal challenges
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Raeesah Khan (left) resigned on 30 November 2021 after making unsubstantiated allegations in Parliament, while Leon Perera (right) resigned on 19 July 2023 following an extramaritial affair with Nicole Seah.
The trial for Aljunied–Hougang and Sengkang Town Councils (AHTC and STC respectively) against the leaders of the WP which started in 2012, who were alleged to have breached their duties as town councillors, ended with a successful appeal in July 2024 in favour to WP; while the High Court ruled that the WP MPs and town councillors, as well as FMSS' owners, have breached their duties, the Court of Appeal had overturned the initial rulings, awarding WP the costs while both Town Council claims for damages and costs were dropped.[144] In the last review of the town councils on 27 June 2024, both the town councils of Aljunied–Hougang and Sengkang had outperformed better (along with 15 other town councils) in its management areas over the years.[145]
On 30 November 2021, Raeesah Khan admitted to making unsubstantiated allegations in Parliament on three occasions.[146][147][148] Upon interviewed by the Parliament's Committee of Privileges on Ms. Raeesah Khan, Parliament referred party leaders Singh and Faisal Manap to the public prosecutor for potentially lying to mislead Parliament. Faisal has since been advised by the police "to familiarise himself with the conduct expected of Members of Parliament". Singh has since been charged for lying to Parliament by the public prosecutor.[149][150] The party had also expelled a former CEC and NCMP Daniel Goh in June 2023 over his Facebook posts questioning Khan's resignation and criticising the party leadership for "allowing the transgression to persist".[151][152]
On 8 November 2024, Singh's trial concluded and was eventually pleaded guilty for two counts for falsified parliamentary committee under the Parliament (Privileges, Immunities and Powers) Act;[153] his verdict was determined on a court hearing on 17 February 2025,[154][155] in which he was given a maximum S$7,000 fine for both counts and has since lodged an appeal;[156] however, he was not issued an election ban as these sentences are separately counted.[157][158][159][p]
On 19 July 2023, a viral video showing an extramarital affair between Leon Perera and president of the party's youth wing, Nicole Seah, surfaced online. Both members subsequently resigned from the party afterwards.[163][164] While Perera was seen working with the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) sometime in January 2025,[165] he had since resided in New York City, implying that he would likely not contest in the election; the PSP subsequently confirmed that Perera did not join the party.[166]
Progress Singapore Party
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PSP founder and chairman Tan Cheng Bock (left) and current Secretary-General Leong Mun Wai (right) contested in West Coast–Jurong West GRC.
After the 2020 general election, Assistant Secretary-General Leong Mun Wai and Vice-Chairwoman Hazel Poa were appointed Non-Constituency Members of Parliament by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.[167] A policy research team, youth, and women wings were also created as part of the reorganisation of the party.[168] As of 2024, PSP's founder Tan Cheng Bock revealed he had not retired from politics, and continued his walkabout and rallying at West Coast GRC, the ward where it was their best-performing constituency for the party; however, neither Tan nor the team revealed further details at the time until the election date draws close.[169] Certain observers predicted that an unspecified number of PSP candidates will contest in most of western Singapore.[170]
Tan relinquished his secretary-general role on 3 April 2021 to Francis Yuen, which quashed a speculation of a rift within the party that Tan had been pressured by party cadres to step down in order to make way for a younger candidate;[171] Yuen left the role on 26 March 2023 citing work commitments.[172] Leong then held the role from 4 April of the same year until 20 February 2024,[173] following complications over the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) for a post about financial aid to an elderly couple living at West Coast, leading to his resignation from the post.[174] He was succeeded by Poa on 23 February 2024,.[175]
On 13 May 2024, Assistant Secretary-General Ang Yong Guan, who was also a medical practitioner in his namesake Ang Yong Guan Psychiatry, was found guilty of three counts of professional misconduct for departing from guidelines in prescribing various medications to a patient, leading to the patient's death in 2012. The PSP did not take any immediate disciplinary action on Ang, but respected the court's decision.[176] It was later confirmed on 5 February 2025 that Ang would not stand in the election nor PSP's next CEC, due to held on 20 March 2025.[177][178]
In November 2024, Tan announced he was ready to contest in the next general election and said the party will "proactively facilitate" the forming of an alliance among the opposition parties.[179] On 8 February 2025, Tan reaffirmed his party's position on multi-racialism in light of accusations against by Leong made by minister K. Shanmugam during a parliament session, following the publishing of Leong's "Multi-racialism, National issues and Mature politics" Facebook post three days prior.[180] On 23 February, Tan announced his intention to contest West Coast GRC in the upcoming election. Tan also added that it was possible for the electoral boundaries of West Coast GRC to be redrawn, describing the constituency as being "too big".[181][182]
The next CEC was held on 20 March, in which six new members replaced into the CEC, while Tan, Poa, and Leong were re-elected into it, the key positions of Secretary-General and Chairman were not disclosed at the time.[183][184] The party also confirms their intention to challenge Chua Chu Kang GRC, West Coast–Jurong West GRC, and several constituencies, but did not disclose who would stand in the election.[185] On 26 March, Leong was re-instated in the party's Secretary-general post, marking his return to the post in over a year.[186][187] It was confirmed on 20 April that these three will rematch West Coast–Jurong West GRC.[188]
Analysts such as Felix Tan reported that the re-handover of the Secretary-General post would not shake the party's voter base and that the CEC were collectively "core individuals that members trust and have confidence in", and that current issues (such as Leong's handover to Poa due to POFMA) would not undermine the party's branding itself. NUS Associate Professor Chong Ja Ian however cited that the party's undergoing four leadership changes in-between the two elections flagged questions pertaining to the party's stability, but praised on the determination on its leadership.[189]
Volunteer disruption
In their lead-up to the elections on 4 January, a series of altercations took place between volunteers of both PSP and PAP during their separate walkabouts in Bukit Gombak, in which Senior Minister of State Low Yen Ling (who also oversees Bukit Gombak and contesting said SMC) mentioned that these two groups of volunteers met each other during their respective walkabouts prior to the incident, but her account was later disputed by PSP Treasurer Sri Nallakaruppan via a separate Facebook post. Two separate videos were uploaded online, one with PSP where Tan posted a video allegedly taken by a PSP volunteer in a lift on 8 January, and the entirety of the incident on 10 January taken by Azman Ibrahim, a PAP volunteer. Tan later told on the media on 12 January that these members had to adhere the code of conduct, and confirmed that neither party's volunteers were physically harmed; separately, police reports were lodged and investigations are ongoing.[190][191][192][193] On 30 April, during the campaigning, PSP urged a release of probe findings behind the altercations before polling day, citing it as a "serious allegation", and that PSP raised the incident prior to the election but the Government has yet to reply.[194]
On the same day, The Online Citizen revealed that leaked WhatsApp messages suggesting that grassroots volunteers linked to Shawn Huang (who oversees Taman Jurong and contesting in West Coast–Jurong West GRC) had planned to disrupt a PSP walkabout during the campaign on 20 April; however, the disruption attempt was later cancelled after the messages became public, and the message group TJ PAP and its community group Shawn TJ Full Heart&Volunteer Community, were disbanded thereafter. Huang however, has yet to comment,[195] but he has since limited his social media presence the following day.[196] Two more messages were leaked on Reddit on the same day, one depicting screenshots suggesting Teck Ghee volunteers (a division under Ang Mo Kio GRC which was overseen by Lee Hsien Loong) are also attempting to disrupt Singapore United Party's walkabout;[197] and another posted by "Gilbert", who questioned the community about the scrutiny of grassroots political conduct after WhatsApp messages from a private residents-only group, Kampung Helm, in Sengkang to promote partisan content. PAP has also yet to release a statement.[198]
The disruption was addressed by Hazel Poa on the final day of their rallies, in which she also coined the word "Gombakgate", which was accompanied by booing; Poa also demanded Huang for comment.[199][200][201]
Singapore Democratic Party
The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) began its walkabouts in August 2023, mainly in constituencies where it had contested in the previous election.[202] SDP had also previously announced its intention to contest Sembawang GRC for the first time since the 2011 election.[203][204] On 11 November 2023, the party relocated their headquarters to WGECA Tower, bringing it closer to constituencies where it had been active, including Bukit Batok, Bukit Panjang, Holland–Bukit Timah, Marsiling–Yew Tee, and Yuhua.[73] On 20 February 2025, the SDP announced that secretary-general Chee Soon Juan would contest in Bukit Batok SMC for the third time to "keep its primary focus on the constituencies" where the party maintains a presence.[205] However, following the redistricting of Bukit Batok SMC into the new Jurong East–Bukit Batok GRC,[206] Chee announced on 23 March 2025 that he would contest in the newly-created Sembawang West SMC instead, while chairman Paul Tambyah would contest in Bukit Panjang SMC.[207][208]
Singapore Democratic Alliance
The SDA, consisting of the Singapore Justice Party and the Singapore Malay National Organisation, planned to contest in Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC as they did so since 2006. SDA chief Desmond Lim also stated that the alliance is working to amend its constitution to allow associate members to join under the SDA banner, including independent candidates.[209] Following the redrawing of electoral boundaries, the SDA announced its plans to contest in Pasir Ris–Changi GRC, and is open to discussions with WP regarding the boundary changes for Punggol GRC.[210] Despite opposition parties outlining their intentions, Chong Ja Ian, an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore (NUS), viewed it as a strategic move to coordinate among themselves, given that none have the manpower to contest all seats. Meanwhile, Kasthuri Prameswaren, an associate faculty member at the Singapore University of Social Sciences, emphasized the importance of opposition parties forming blocs and following through with their plans rather than merely "paying lip service".[209]
Reform Party
In August 2020, Reform Party (RP) secretary general Kenneth Jeyaretnam removed chairman Andy Zhu and treasurer Noraini Yunus from the party's CEC. The party accused Zhu and Yunus of improper handling of the party's bank account, and the CEC unanimously agreed to their removal. Zhu claimed the allegations were "baseless" and criticised Jeyaretnam's "undemocratic stance". He was succeeded by Charles Yeo.[211] In January 2021, Zhu formed a splinter party, Singapore United Party (SUP), with several former members of RP.[212] On 15 January 2022, Yeo resigned as chairman following police investigations against him for alleged criminal breach of trust and forgery. Yeo claimed the charges were "politically motivated", which the police denied. Yasmine Valentina became the acting RP chairman.[213] Separately, Yeo was also charged under the Protection from Harassment Act for harassing a police officer and wounding the religious feelings of Christians.[214] While Yeo posted bail in July 2022 and was allowed to leave Singapore for a hearing in Vietnam, he instead sought political asylum in the United Kingdom.[215] Singapore sent an extradition request to the UK in October 2023, and Yeo was arrested by UK authorities on 4 November 2024.[216]
Coalitions
In June 2023, Peoples Voice (PV) chief Lim Tean founded the People's Alliance for Reform (PAR), uniting RP, the People's Power Party (PPP), and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).[217] This marks the first creation of a political alliance since the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA) during the 2001 election.[218] The PAR aimed to contest in all the seats which the respective parties contested in the previous election.[217] However, in February 2025, the PPP withdrew from PAR, citing "irreconcilable strategic differences". Lim said the PPP insisted on contesting in Tampines GRC, a move opposed by the other coalition members. The other parties also objected to PPP's position to halt COVID-19 vaccinations in the country.[219] Despite the departure, PPP's secretary general Goh Meng Seng stated that the party is open to future collaboration with PAR.[220] In the same month, the PAR announced its plans to contest in several constituencies, including Jalan Besar, Tanjong Pagar, Nee Soon, Potong Pasir, Mountbatten, Radin Mas, Yio Chu Kang, and Kebun Baru, with combined teams fielded for the GRCs.[209]
Lim Tean, who was convicted in July 2024 for practicing law without a valid certificate, was sentenced to six weeks in jail and fined S$1,000 (US$745) on 17 February. Like Singh, Lim is still eligible for elections and intends to appeal his conviction and sentence.[221][p] Following the redrawing of electoral boundaries, Lim declared that the PAR was ready to contest in 10 constituencies.[222]
In October 2023, the Singapore People's Party (SPP), National Solidarity Party (NSP), Red Dot United (RDU), and Singapore United Party (SUP) announced a "non-formal partnership",[223] named the Coalition.[209] The partnership was aimed at preventing three-cornered contests, developing a joint manifesto, and exploring candidate-sharing arrangements during elections. While the Coalition has no dominant party or leader, RDU would serve as the secretariat for administrative matters.[223] The parties of the Coalition aimed to contest in Tampines, Sembawang, Ang Mo Kio, Yio Chu Kang, Kebun Baru, Bishan–Toa Payoh, Potong Pasir, Jurong, and Nee Soon. RDU volunteers also visited Tanjong Pagar, Yuhua, Kebun Bahru, and Radin Mas.[209] Following the changes in electoral boundaries, RDU announced its plans to contest in Jurong East–Bukit Batok, Nee Soon, and Tanjong Pagar GRCs, and the SMCs of Jurong Central, Jalan Kayu, and Radin Mas.[210][224] NSP announced its plans to contest in Sembawang West and Tampines Changkat, and in the GRCs of Jalan Besar, Marine Parade–Braddell Heights, Marsiling–Yew Tee, Sembawang and Tampines.[210] On 12 April, RDU announced their departure from the Coalition, citing concerns about other member parties' involvement in multi-cornered contests.[225]
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Timeline
Key events
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Nomination
Nomination Day was held on 23 April, and nomination centres opened from 11:00 to 12:00 for candidates to file their nomination papers, a political donation certificate, and in the case of GRCs, at least one minority candidate and a certificate confirming their minority status.[231][232] The election deposit for the election is S$13,500 per candidate (rounded down from MP's allowance of S$13,750; same amount as of the previous general election).[q] As with previous elections, candidates or teams failing to secure 12.5% of the valid votes cast would result in their forfeiture of deposit.[233]
Ten nomination centres were set up for nomination day.[234] A total of 89 new candidates were contesting in the election, of which 32 are from the ruling PAP. Twenty incumbent MPs, all from PAP, did not seek election.[235]
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Campaign
Summarize
Perspective
Political issues
A January 2025 study by Blackbox Research's sentiment tracker, SensingSG, found that the cost of living remained the primary concern for Singaporeans.[236][237] Voters also cited employment and housing as key issues, while higher-income groups expressed concerns about civil rights and democracy.[238] Respondents indicated they prioritised the quality of governance at the constituency level rather than the national level, with nearly 90% of respondents expressing this view. Additionally, 88% of respondents emphasised the importance of candidate quality in their constituency, while 87.8% highlighted service delivery and infrastructure as key factors.[236] Unlike in other countries, Blackbox anticipated that the upcoming general election would not be driven by personality-based politics.[238][237]
Bhavan Jaipragas of The Straits Times commented that beyond everyday concerns like public housing and living costs, opposition parties should also address geopolitical matters as these can significantly influence domestic issues, particularly with the introduction of tariffs by the second Trump administration.[239] Agence France-Presse and Nikkei Asia expected that economic uncertainties due to the tariffs would be a key concern among voters.[240][241] Jaipragas also called for voters not to take Singapore's relevance and sovereignty for granted as he cited a 2009 Lee Kuan Yew speech.[242] On the other hand, commentators on SCMP expected voters to prioritise domestic issues over international affairs.[243] Analysts on CNA said the PAP's traditional "flight to safety" strategy during times of crisis – appealing to voters' to stick with familiar leadership – may not be as effective amid growing voter scepticism and a more diverse electorate.[244] Teo on SCMP added that the electorate might desire diverse voices in parliament.[243] Opposition leaders have called for unity through parliamentary diversity, pushing back on what they see as government fearmongering. Analysts expect that building trust, demonstrating sincerity, and clearly communicating plans to address both global developments and domestic issues are essential in shaping electoral outcomes.[244]
Ahead of the upcoming election, CNA and other Mediacorp media outlets identified East Coast, Marine Parade, Sengkang, and West Coast GRCs as potential election "hotspots", with residents across these districts primarily concerned about the rising cost of living, employment, job security, and housing affordability.[245][246][247] In East Coast, where PAP narrowly beat WP in 2020, ageing infrastructure and elderly support are major issues. Private estate owners also seek greater transparency on lease renewals.[247][248][249] In Marine Parade, in addition to concerns regarding immigration, job competition, school placements,[250][251] CNA speculated that Tan Chuan-Jin's marital affair could influence the constituency's electoral outcome as he was well-regarded among residents there.[245] In WP-held Sengkang, national issues take priority over constituency-level issues like estate cleanliness.[246][252][253] Meanwhile, in West Coast, where the PAP won by just 3.36% in 2020, estate management and transport are key concerns.[254][255] CNA believes the prosecution of S. Iswaran and the presence of PSP's founding chairman Tan Cheng Bock, a former PAP MP, could determine the next election outcome.[256]
In a CNA survey after the redrawing of electoral boundaries, most residents in redrawn constituencies like East Coast, Marine Parade–Braddell Heights, and West Coast–Jurong West were largely indifferent to the changes. However, residents in East Coast and Marine Parade–Braddell Heights had questioned the rationale, and political analysts noted the opposition could face more challenges.[257] Analysts on The Straits Times, such as Mustafa Izzuddin and Felix Tan, believe that the boundary changes have strengthened support for the PAP in the newly formed GRCs in the west.[258] Analysts also suggested that East Coast could be highly competitive due to the inclusion of Joo Chiat's educated, middle-class voters, who might prioritise political pluralism and checks on parliamentary power.[259] Political observer Tan noted that younger voters in the newly formed Punggol GRC could potentially influence voting trends,[260] and The Straits Times expected a fierce PAP–WP fight in Punggol.[261] However, Teo believed that many voters would focus more on national issues, party performance, and candidate quality than constituency-specific changes.[262]
Social media
Before the election campaign, The Straits Times reported in 2024 that politicians and political parties were prioritising their social media presence, with Teo Kay Key predicting that social media would play a significant role in the upcoming general election campaign.[263] According to Bhavan Jaipragas of The Straits Times, the political climate in Singapore remains "comparatively healthy", but noted increasing polarisation on social media.[264]
The PAP has engaged social media influencers, with its MPs having actively used social media for outreach.[263] According to a March 2025 CNA Today article, the PAP stated that it avoids a "one-size-fits-all" approach to social media. The party noted that its MPs address a range of issues important to them and their residents, utilising social media in ways that best suit their personalities.[265] The WP and other opposition parties have been regularly updating their accounts with walkabout reports and other activities,[263] and believe social media is essential "for leveling the playing field" and directly engaging with Singaporeans. Ravi Philemon of RDU said a social media presence is essential to compete against established parties with large followings. However, many had to operate with limited resources and depend on volunteers to manage their social media accounts.[265]
While social media engagement is seen as crucial for voter outreach, Teo believed that the electorate is unlikely to rely solely on social media in their voting choices.[263] The WP views social media as a complement rather than a substitute for its longstanding commitment to on-the-ground engagement. On the other hand, SDP vice-chairman Bryan Lim stated that social media has been effective in addressing "some of the weaknesses of ground work," such as allowing him to connect with constituents he may not have the opportunity to engage with in depth.[265]
Podcasts
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(L–R) PAP's Lawrence Wong, WP's Jamus Lim, and SDP's Paul Tambyah on The Daily Ketchup Podcast.
Politicians, including prime minister Lawrence Wong, health minister Ong Ye Kung, and NCMP Hazel Poa, have appeared on local podcasts as part of their communication and campaign strategy.[266] Producers and hosts of four Singaporean podcasts told CNA Today that political interest in appearing on their platforms has surged since 2020, especially ahead of this year's election.[265] Experts interviewed by The Straits Times suggested that the casual format allows politicians to connect with voters beyond traditional media, particularly younger people and older millennials.[266] Kenneth Paul Tan of Hong Kong Baptist University noted that podcasts in Singapore serve both as hegemonic reinforcement and contestation. While they help the PAP humanise its leaders and foster relatability, it also allows the opposition to bypass mainstream media, challenge the PAP, and appeal to disillusioned Singaporeans especially in Singapore's tightly controlled media landscape.[267]
Natalie Pang, head of NUS's Department of Communications and New Media, added that such podcasts could provide a platform for individuals with differing political views to engage in candid exchange with one another – an important factor amid rising political polarisation worldwide. Pang also highlighted that some podcast hosts have been willing to challenge politicians on their shows, often voicing public concerns and asking pressing questions.[266] Nevertheless, commentators on CNA Today noted that viral online content does not necessarily translate into electoral success, as voters have mixed opinions on its influence. Moreover, social media's reach is more confined to specific demographics, particularly younger voters.[266] On 26 April, The Straits Times' Usual Place Podcast episode debated about the word "abandonment", which has been used heavily used during early days of rallies, particularly the PPP and SDP's rallies. The podcast also questioned onto conviction politics in reference to WP candidate Harpreet Singh Nehal.[268]
Rally sites
In keeping with the approach taken for the general elections in 2011 and 2015, each GRC will be designated with two physical rally sites, while each SMC will be designated with one physical rally site. One site willl also be designated for lunchtime rallies.[269] No physical rallies were held in the previous election due to the COVID-19 pandemic safety measures.[270][271]
Political broadcasts and debates
Two rounds of Party Political Broadcasts (PPB) are to be held during the campaigning period on 25 April and 1 May. Political parties fielding at least six candidates under a recognised party symbol are allowed to deliver their campaigning messages on the PPBs.[230] Mediacorp also hosted two roundtable talks on 27 and 29 April.[272]
Slogans and manifestos
Opinion polls
Under Section 78C of the Parliamentary Elections Act, it is illegal to publish the results of any election survey during the campaign period.[300]
Foreign interference
On 25 April, the Infocomm Media Development Authority (IMDA) ordered Meta Platforms to restrict Singaporeans' access to social media posts by foreign nationals it considered as foreign interference in the election. Among those accused of illegal campaigning were Malaysians Iskandar Abdul Samad, national treasurer of the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS); Mohamed Sukri Omar, the PAS youth chief in Selangor; and Zulfikar bin Mohamad Shariff, an Australian citizen who renounced his Singapore citizenship in 2020. Iskandar had expressed support for WP MP Faisal Manap, while Sukri reposted a post by Zulfikar criticising Malay-Muslim MPs for failing to represent Muslim interests.[302][303] Senior Minister of State Zaqy Mohamad acknowleged that it might be a norm to mix religion with politics in other countries, but warned this could be disruptive if Singaporeans voted along religious lines.[304] However, Iskandar denied the accusations that he was attempting to influence the election and "slammed" the attempt to link PAS to the WP. He stated that the post was "aimed at his predominantly Malay Muslim audience in Malaysia" rather than an "audience in Singapore".[305] Lee Hsien Loong addressed this matter during his walkabout in Tampines GRC on 29 April, reminding them that race and religion should not be mixed with politics.[306]
In addition, a Singaporean Islamic religious teacher based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, Noor Deros, claimed that WP "had agreed to his political demands" after meeting with some of WP's Malay candidates.[307] Secretary-General Pritam Singh denied this. He added that while WP has no control over foreigners supporting candidates, he pointed out that the party would be unsuccessful if they "play the race and religion card".[308] Other opposition parties, including the SDP, PSP and NSP, also stated their opposition to foreign interference, rejecting any foreign support.[309] Deros denied trying to interfere in Singapore's politics and claimed to advocate on behalf of Singapore's "marginalised" Malay-Muslim community.[310] Separately, one day after the restriction was imposed, RDU candidate Liyana Dhamirah lodged a police report for online harassment pertaining to "racist and sexist undertones".[311]
As of 29 April, around 5,000 comments posted by 900 fake Facebook accounts and bots spreading anti-PAP and anti-WP sentiments and targeting news coverage of foreign interference were found, and Ministry of Digital Development and Information urged the public to remain discern in handling consumers of information.[312][313] On 30 April, Jom, an online publication website, was blocked due to a violation of promoting unauthorised third-party paid online election advertising (OEA) and the use of forbidden articles and materials, according to MDDI.[314]
Party campaigns
People's Action Party
This is the first general election under Lawrence Wong's leadership, with SCMP and Nikkei Asia describing the vote as "the first real test" of Singaporeans' confidence in the new prime minister.[240][315] On 13 April, Wong acknowledged that the PAP would face a "fiercely contested" election, with no constituencies guaranteed as "safe seats" for the party.[316][317] Wong also announced that the PAP would field at least 30 new candidates in the election – the largest slate in the party's recent history.[318] Wong stated "profound changes" and growing global uncertainty as reasons for calling for the vote, allowing Singaporeans to choose a leadership team to navigate future challenges.[319]
On 17 April, the PAP launched their manifesto, which aimed to be a "roadmap" in navigating global uncertainties.[273] To address costs of living, the PAP planned to distribute CDC vouchers, cash payouts, and utility rebates to households, while enhancing support schemes for lower-income families and seniors such as ComCare, Silver Support, and ComLink+. It will also reduce preschool fees, raise childcare subsidies, expand parental leave, and provide more support for larger families.[320] The PAP aimed to support businesses facing rising costs with tax rebates and policies like the Progressive Wage Credit Scheme. It also proposes investment in transport, digital infrastructure, and clean energy (including nuclear) while accelerating tech adoption. For seniors, it proposes raising the re-employment age, increasing CPF contributions, and co-funding wages. PMETs — professionals, managers, executives and technicians — will receive help through leadership development, re-skilling initiatives, and jobseeker support under SkillsFuture.[321] On housing, the PAP plans to build 50,000 new flats in the next three years, and offer more public housing options for higher-income couples and singles. It also aims to rejuvenate HDB towns through the Voluntary Early Redevelopment Scheme.[322]
Thirty-two new PAP candidates were introduced in this election,[323][324] which include a former Nominated Member of Parliament,[325] a former Chief of Army for the Singapore Armed Forces,[326][327] six civil servants,[328][329][330] a SAF chief of staff,[331] and a Mediacorp news presenter.[332] Nineteen PAP candidates stepped down at this election,[333] which include four cabinet ministers Ng Eng Hen,[334] Maliki Osman,[335] Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean,[336] DPM Heng Swee Keat,[337] Senior Ministers of State Amy Khor and Heng Chee How,[338][339] and five one-term MPs.[340][r] CNA Today noted that their diverse backgrounds (two-fifths are women, and half of them are under 40) showed how the party is attempting to stay relevant in a changing political landscape. Teo believed the new candidates from the private sector highlighted PAP's increasing focus on community engagement and people-oriented industries.[341] According to professor Terence Ho, the PAP strategically secured a walkover in Marine–Braddell Heights GRC on Nomination Day by redeploying anchor minister Tan See Leng to Chua Chu Kang GRC and sending DPM Gan Kim Yong in Punggol GRC to contest against the WP team.[342]
On PAP's first rally, Wong warned the opposition against inflaming sensitive issues or use domestic politics to cause political divisions especially during uncertain times.[343] In his statement during the first PPB, Wong told the election comes "at a time of profound global change" and pledged to prioritise on important matters. Wong said voters would have to make a "crucial decision" for the country's future in the polls.[344] On 25 April, Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan, who is campaigning in Holland–Bukit Timah GRC, urged opposition candidates to focus on offering real solutions,[345] a statement later reiterated by Education Minister Chan Chun Sing.[346] In another rally on 26 April, Youth Minister Edwin Tong, who is contesting in East Coast GRC, insisted that there are no "silver bullet" for upcoming challenges and urged voters not to be swayed by rhetoric or soundbites promising easy solutions.[347] At a 29 April rally, Home Affairs and Law Minister K. Shanmugam warned of job risks due to the U.S. tariffs and urged the public to trust the government's budget measures, emphasising that the PAP "always tells the truth directly".[348]
At a lunchtime rally on 28 April, Wong warned that voting for the opposition would weaken the PAP by ousting ministers and accused the opposition of seeking more seats without responsibility.[349] Indranee Rajah claimed that opposition voices will still exist under the NCMP scheme, and pledged that the PAP government would continue providing support, such as CDC vouchers, GST vouchers, cash payouts, and utilities rebates, to address cost pressures which she deemed as "externally driven".[350] Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong emphasised that a good government requires good people and urge voters against voting out key ministers[m] during the times of uncertainties.[351] On 29 April, Lee dismissed Singh's "ridiculous" claim that the government could function without a two-thirds majority.[352] Wong also told on the media that WP's view of voting out ministers is a "cavalier and irresponsible approach".[353] On 1 May, Wong refuted Singh's claims that negative politics was ingrained in the PAP's DNA, asserting instead that the party is committed to "forging as wide a national consensus" on contentious issues and "bringing Singaporeans together". Wong also emphasised that the effectiveness of policy debates in Parliament depends more on the quality of contributions than the number of voices.[354]
Addressing Singh's criticisms that labour MPs had ignored the controversial NTUC Income deal, NTUC secretary-general Ng Chee Meng, who is running in Jalan Kayu SMC, explained on 27 April that the deal was made "in good faith" and was considered "reasonable" as it was intended to strengthen Income and safefguard policyholders' interest. In light of public concerns, Ng said he had initiated a review within NTUC Enterprise and pledged that the organisation would "do better".[355] Chan Chun Sing, who was a former NTUC secretary general, also defended labour MPs against the WP criticisms, stating they "work quietly behind the scenes" to represent workers and raise diverse issues in Parliament. He rejected Singh's claim that NTUC serves as a "trampoline" for losing PAP candidates and instead emphasised that voters should assess parties based on their ability to deliver jobs, wages, and price stability, and whether their proposals are realistic and financially sustainable.[356] On 28 April, former NTUC Income Insurance CEO Tan Suee Chieh published an open letter calling for DPM Gan Kim Yong to provide full disclosure regarding his role in the deal; Tan's letter became viral across various social media platforms.[357] In his Labour Day speech on 1 May, Wong expressed gratitude to union workers, while also cautioning against voting out key ministers and urging voters to judge the PAP fairly.[358][359][360] Separately, NTUC chief Ng Chee Meng reflected on his experiences over the five years between the two elections during his opening remarks.[361] At the PAP's final rallies, Wong, who visited both the North Vista Secondary School and Yusof Ishak Secondary School to support the PAP teams contesting in Sengkang and Punggol, reiterated that this election is not a matter on how many seats they won, but it is about who they want to serve and form the government.[362]
Felix Tan of NTU described Wong's first election campaign as "rather safe". Although his speeches lacked the gravitas of past leaders, Tan noted that Wong successfully highlighted the PAP's handling of the pandemic and its record on economic management.[363] Elsewhere, several Reddit users began to question about PAP's campaigning strategies and criticized some of the teams for not campaigning hard in both safe seats and battleground wards in particular.[364] Police are also currently investigating a man for the involvement of two children under the age of 16 in politics through the distribution of PAP flyers in Punggol GRC, which is prohibited under Singaporean law.[365][366]
Workers' Party
Following the dissolution of parliament, Pritam Singh thanked the residents of Aljunied, Hougang, and Sengkang for the "privilege of serving" them.[319] Shortly after, the WP launched its campaign slogan "Working for Singapore", alongside a teaser video emphasising the need for political balance.[276] Singh had also called for donations for its campaign, noting that costs for running a campaign had "risen considerably".[319] On 16 April, the WP claimed that 15 policy proposals, which it had previously advocated for, were adopted "in some form" by the government, covering areas like housing, transport, and employment. SMU's associate professor Eugene Tan noted this move signals WP's campaign strategy – positioning itself as an effective, constructive opposition and suggesting it could achieve more with greater parliamentary presence.[400] The PAP rejected WP claims, asserting that the ideas originated from its own MPs, and accused the WP of aligning itself with the ruling party's successes.[401]
On 17 April, the WP launched their manifesto which included 125 policy proposals.[402] To address the cost of living, the WP called for Goods and Services Tax (GST) exemptions on essential items and the introduction of a minimum wage of S$1,600 (US$1194.03).[320] Regarding economic concerns, the WP proposed recognising and valuing unpaid household labour to correct the perception that only paid work is meaningful. They also called for stronger leadership support in SMEs to improve talent attraction, the abolition of the statutory retirement age to give older workers more choice, and refinements to CPF policies, including allowing members to co-invest savings with GIC.[321] On housing, the WP proposes using first-time buyers' median income to assess affordability, offering lower-priced 70-year Build-To-Order (BTO) flats with a 29-year lease extension option, a universal buy-back scheme for ageing flats, and greater transparency in land valuation processes.[322] Other proposals include the repeal of the Internal Security Act, the enactment of Freedom of Information Act,[402] and formal recognition of the State of Palestine.[403]
Singh also confirmed on 17 April that WP would field candidates for less than a third of parliamentary seats,[404][405] 14 of which were new.[406] On Nomination Day, the WP fielded its candidates to contest 26 seats in the GRCs of Punggol, Sengkang, Aljunied, Tampines, and East Coast, and the SMCs of Jalan Kayu, Tampines Changkat, and Hougang.[407] Chairwoman Sylvia Lim described the slate as the "most promising" group of candidates the party has fielded to date.[408][409]
However, the WP decided not to contest in Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC, which resulted in a walkover for the PAP. Singh explained that the party has to make the "difficult decision" due to its lack of resources and the extensive boundary changes of the constituency.[410] The move was widely criticised by various opposition parties. PPP's chief Goh Meng Seng (who was formerly from WP[411]) criticized Workers' Party as a "spoiler party" for contesting against the PPP and the NSP in Tampines GRC, while chairman Derrick Sim was "dumbfounded" by WP's "lame excuse". Sim claimed that WP had never contested Tampines GRC since the ward's creation in 1988.[s] NSP chief Spencer Ng also criticised WP for the lack of opposition unity, mentioning it was now "close to impossible".[413][414] SPP chief Steve Chia expressed disappointment for the Marine Parade voters, saying that "every constituency benefits from active competition, since it fosters greater accountability". On the other hand, SDP chairman Paul Tambyah and PSP chief Leong Mun Wai each respected their decision into putting their resources, given that WP had previously contested Marine Parade GRC in the past two elections; it also added that the opposition will have to work onto strategies in the future election.[415][416][417] Singh defended the criticisms on the following day, insisting that their lineup were being planned all along.[418][419][420]
_Workers'_Party_GE2025_Rally_at_Sengkang_GRC_2025-04-24.jpg)
According to Ang Qing and Kok Yufeng, the first WP rally on 24 April emphasised the importance of political competition and diverse perspectives, with former NCMP Yee Jenn Jong warning that the PAP sought to preserve its political dominance.[421] Singh also urged voters to support WP despite global uncertainties, arguing that the WP has proven itself as a "force for good" during crises like the COVID-19 pandemic. He emphasised that a stronger WP presence in Parliament would contribute to a more rational and responsive political landscape.[422][423] In response to Wong's statement that there is already a sizeable opposition in Parliament, Singh emphasised WP's differing view – that one-third of Parliament should consist of opposition MPs – and argued that voters should compare PAP and WP backbenchers fairly.[424] On his first PBB on 25 April, Singh said the WP winning more constituencies is vital for the future of Singapore's democracy. He explained that having more WP-held constituencies increases the likelihood of maintaining a fully elected opposition presence in Parliament over the long term, which would strengthen the stability and sustainability of Singapore's political system.[425] On 27 April, Singh said if the PAP requires a supermajority to govern properly, it signals a "serious problem" in both the party's processes and Singapore's political system.[426] On 1 May, Singh also said that even if all WP candidates were elected, the PAP would still hold a significant majority, undermining PAP's concerns about weakened governance.[201]
At their second rally on 26 April, WP reiterated its call for GST exemptions on essential items like cooking oil and rice, and proposed drawing more from Singapore's investment returns to address the rising cost of living.[427] Singh also criticised PAP's manifesto for being "short on substance and specifics" and "loaded with motherhood statements".[428] At their third rally on 28 April, the WP targeted DPM Gan Kim Yong and Janil Puthucheary as they criticised the ruling party on issues such as the scrapped Income–Allianz deal and the "parachuting" of candidates into GRCs, particularly Punggol.[429] At the fourth rally, Singh pushed back against Wong's accusation that the WP engaged in "negative politics", asserting instead that the party had been denied access to community clubs for its events. Meanwhile, the WP East Coast candidates criticised the constituency's repeated gerrymandering and called on voters to counter it by electing the WP.[430][431] Jaipragas described the PAP–WP rivalry as a "clear arc", which began steadily and calmly before coming to "a decisive sharpening at the midpoint". Nevertheless, he noted that the sharpened rhetoric, absent of racial politics, fearmongering, or intimidation, marked a healthy step forward in Singapore's democratic development.[432]
On 30 April, leaked screenshots of Telegram messages from WP Jalan Kayu candidate Andre Low showed him using profanities while criticising the civil service and various Singaporean brands including Singtel and SecretLab, and celebrities such as Pornsak and Mark Lee; Low later apologised for the incident which he regarded as a "humbling experience".[433][434] At their last rally on 1 May held at Anderson Serangoon Junior College, WP candidates urged voters to base their decisions "on hope" instead of fear, with Sylvia Lim emphasizing the need for "conviction and hope" for a better future. Singh also criticised the GRC system for giving PAP candidates a "free pass" and stressed the importance of fighting for every vote, citing their narrow victory in Aljunied during the 2015 elections.[201] At the end of the rally, former chief Low Thia Khiang made a special appearance before the recitation of the national pledge.[435][436][437]
Among all the rallies throughout the campaigning, WP's rallies and its videos went viral in several video streaming platforms and physical rallies were overcrowded with crowd control enforced at those sites (including cordoning off Cheng Lim LRT station during the first rally).[438]
Progress Singapore Party
On 6 April, the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) launched its election manifesto "Progress for All", which included a call to revert the GST to 7%.[439] Other proposed measures to deal with costs of living include setting rent guidelines for commercial properties and cap hawker stall rentals at S$500 or 3% of revenue. The PSP also proposed phasing out social enterprise hawker centres which they regarded as "costly". On healthcare, the PSP called to centralise drug procurement to cut costs, and provide new mothers with cash support for confinement expenses.[320] To tackle economic concerns, the PSP proposed removing non-compete clauses for retrenched workers and mandating legally enforceable retrenchment benefits. It also called for shorter statutory working hours, more paid leave and public holidays to improve work-life balance, and equal parental leave for both parents.[321] On housing, the PSP proposed replacing the current BTO system with its Affordable Homes Scheme, where land costs are excluded unless the flat is resold. It also advocated allowing singles aged 28 to buy BTO and resale flats, introducing a Millennial Apartments Scheme to offer quality rental flats for youths, and building more public housing in advance.[322] Regarding immigration, the PSP proposes setting company-based quotas for Employment Pass (EP) holders. It also advocates strengthening the Fair Consideration Framework and introducing a levy on EP holders to better protect local workers and ensure fairer competition.[440]
The PSP also confirmed that it would field 13 candidates, fewer than 24 from the previous election, due to manpower issues. They announced they would compete in the SMCs of Kebun Baru, Marymount, Pioneer,[441] and the GRCs of Bukit Gombak, Chua Chu Kang, and West Coast–Jurong West.[439][442] Upon the dissolution of parliament on 15 April, the PSP declared its readiness to face voter scrutiny, highlighting its parliamentary track record of having "fought hard" for citizens' interests.[319] On the following day after nominations, Leong Mun Wai challenged Desmond Lee to a debate about public policies,[443] only for the PAP to turn down.[444] On 30 April, chief Leong also asked Desmond Lee to address HDB prices and lease decay,[194] to which Lee replied that he had made assertions with "little regards" and that he did not state on housing issues during rallies.[445]
During their first rally on 25 April, Tan and Leong claimed that the PAP's fourth-generation has "lost its way" and added their issues and problems that have arise in the previous term, citing "a general decline in the standards".[446] Minister Tan See Leng defended their claims and advised PSP to "keep up closely" on their policies and current trends, and highlighted said policies to further support it.[447] During a walkabout at Teban Gardens Food Centre on 26 April, the PSP, along with SDP chairman Paul Tambyah, celebrated Tan Cheng Bock's 85th birthday. At the celebration, PSP first vice-chair Hazel Poa outlined the party's leadership succession plans to its younger members.[448]
In their statement on 30 April, Leong told that defeated opposition candidates "may be lost forever" unlike the PAP candidates, where they remain as grassroots advisors, further emphasising the need of the opposition.[449] On 1 May, Leong rebuked Ong Ye Kung's rally statement about destabilising Singapore if GRCs fell to the oppositions.[450] Like SDP and WP on their final rallies, PSP also asked the voters to vote without fear, and they also recited the pledge.[201][449]
Singapore Democratic Party
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The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) criticised the "impossibly short" schedule between the release of the EBRC report and Parliament's dissolution, calling the election timing a "smash-and-grab tactic".[451] It claimed the ruling party feared the people's backlash against the high cost of living and its "irrational immigration policy",[451] and argued that voters require adequate time to properly assess critical issues before heading to the polls. The party plans to contest in Sembawang, Marsiling–Yew Tee, and Holland–Bukit Timah GRCs and Sembawang West and Bukit Panjang SMCs as part of their "northern strategy".[452] On 19 April, the SDP launched its campaign slogan, "Thrive, Not Just Survive", and plans to campaign for the reduction of GST to 5% and introduce a minimum wage act.[284] SDP fielded 11 candidates this election but did not contest in Holland–Bukit Timah.[407]
In SDP's rallies, the party slammed the PAP's policies;[453] Secretary-General Chee Soon Juan also draw comparison to Ong Ye Kung who shifted from Aljunied GRC in 2011 to Sembawang GRC since 2015, after Ong claimed that Chee "abandoned" Bukit Batok.[454][455] In another rally on 29 April, Paul Tambyah refuted a comment from Ong who disagree on their policies,[456] by calling it populist; they also asked for abolishments of some healthcare clusters.[457] In their final rally on 1 May, SDP targets the NTUC-PAP relationships and advocate labour workers, in response to Wong's Labour Day rally. At the closing, SDP asked to vote for them without fear, before reciting the National Pledge as well.[458][201]
On 27 April, SDP's Marsiling–Yew Tee GRC candidate Gigene Wong apologised for using keling, a hokkien racial slur used to define Tamils, against her fellow candidate Ariffin Sha (whom she also called an "elephant" and "future Pritam Singh") during the rally on the previous night.[459][460] SDP had since taken action by giving Wong a stern warning, and having every member present in the following night's rally make a joint apology.[461]
Singapore People's Party
The Singapore People's Party (SPP) responded to the writ's issuance with a Facebook statement outlining its campaign priorities and outlined its focus on "pressing concerns of Singaporeans".[451] It also considered the election an "opportunity" for citizens to articulate their policy concerns, societal aspirations, and grievances.[452] The party planned to contest in Bishan–Toa Payoh and Potong Pasir.[462] On 19 April, the SPP launched their manifesto which called for minimum wage, reducing National Service to 18 months and lowering the eligibility age for singles to purchase public housing to 30.[287] SPP fielded five candidates across the constituencies of Bishan–Toa Payoh and Potong Pasir.[407] While SPP did not host any rallies, SPP conducted all the walkabouts throughout the campaign, in hopes for outreach the residents.[463]
National Solidarity Party
National Solidarity Party (NSP) secretary-general Spencer Ng said the party was "unsurprised" with the date but called the election date "detrimental to the spirit of democracy".[452] It planned to contest in Sembawang against the SDP and the PAP.[464] On 20 April, NSP confirms that they would only contest both Sembawang and Tampines GRCs which they had contested in the previous elections.[465][466] These contested seats saw multi-cornered contests.[467][468] In their Facebook-hosted rally on 29 April, NSP aims to change the party system from the dominant-party system to a multi-party system.[469] NSP also offered policy suggestions they would champion if elected.[470]
Singapore United Party
The Singapore United Party (SUP) planned to contest in Ang Mo Kio and increase the frequency of its outreach.[452] On nomination day, the SUP fielded secretary-general Andy Zhu, Nigel Ng, Noraini Yunus, Chandran Sanmugam, and Vicent Ng as its candidates for Ang Mo Kio. Speaking to the media after nomination day, Zhu questioned PPP's rationale for contesting in the GRC, saying he had walked the ground as an RP candidate. Martinn Ho of the PPP countered that the newer SUP "came at the last minute".[471]
Red Dot United
Red Dot United (RDU) leader Ravi Philemon criticised the election timeline as "unfair and strategically engineered to favour the ruling party", arguing the lack of "operational reason" for Nomination Day to be set for 23 April, which leads to a campaign period ending on the May Day rally on 1 May. He noted this timing disadvantages opposition parties, as they cannot respond to announcements made during the rally before cooling-off day on 2 May. Despite these concerns, Philemon affirmed RDU's readiness to contest the election.[451] It intended to contest in Jurong East–Bukit Batok, Jurong Central, and Holland–Bukit Timah.[472][473] On Nomination Day, RDU fielded 15 candidates to challenge in these five constituencies.[407]
RDU tackled bread-and-butter issues, the Malay-Muslim community, and the expenditure of Founders' Memorial on their first rally on 26 April.[474] Members like Fazli Talip[475] and Kala Manickam[476] reiterated the importance of election of such candidates. In The Straits Times' The Usual Podcast episode on 29 April, RDU discussed about their election campaign,[477] and how they handled an online harassment after candidate Liyana Dhamirah was harassed online during campaigning.[311] On another rally on 29 April, RDU focused on foreign minister Vivian Balakrishnan's comment to a post made by former NMP Calvin Cheng on pro-Palestine remarks,[478][479] and environment minister Grace Fu's "chicken wing" comment in her rally speech the day before.[480][481]
People's Power Party
The People's Power Party (PPP) launched its manifesto on 4 April titled "Make Singapore Home Again", outlining tighter immigration policies, a revision of Central Provident Fund (CPF) contributions and "pro-family policy proposals" such as a monthly payout for children from lower-income families. The manifesto also proposed replacing the existing first past the post system with proportional representation for parliamentary elections.[281] The PPP expressed disappointment with the short timeframe between the issuance of the Writ of Election and Nomination Day, claiming that the PAP planned to "capitalise on the fear" of the US tariffs.[452][482] Previously on 12 April, PPP secretary-general Goh Meng Seng said that the government had "overreacted" to the tariffs and claimed Singapore should "calmly wait out" as the tariffs would be withdrawn.[483] The party plans to contest in Tampines and Ang Mo Kio.[452] PPP had contested 10 seats, and like NSP, both contests in Ang Mo Kio and Tampines GRCs had multi-cornered fights.[484][468] After nominations ended, PPP placed their election posters in the neighbouring Aljunied GRC and Tampines Changkat SMC, a violation of the election advertising guidelines where posting outside contested constituencies is strictly prohibited; PPP had three hours upon notice to have it removed for a waiver of removal expenses.[485][486]
In PPP's first rally on 25 April, Goh attacked WP's Singh for abandoning the residents of Marine Parade and reminded him to "be humble". Goh later claimed he wasn't interested in him and deflected accusations of being "gay".[487] The same day, Goh revealed that Derrick Sim's Facebook page has been disabled and subsequently lodged a police report for interference.[420]
In response to public scrutiny over his road rage conviction in 2022, PPP candidate Samuel Lee, who is contesting in Ang Mo Kio, apologised and appealed for public support, while party chairman Derrick Sim backed him, describing Lee as a "responsible person" with "a good heart.".[488][489] In their third rally, Goh criticised the transport system after various incidents occurred such as the 2024 East–West MRT line disruption.[490] In their final rally, Goh aimed to convert the GRC system from general ticket to a proportional representation and also criticised PAP for recruiting civil servants and military professionals such as David Neo, running the risk of group-thinking within the government; Goh also vowed to contest Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC in the next election, disregarding the outcome, as Goh has been noted for repeatedly attacking WP throughout all of the rallies.[491][201]
Singapore Democratic Alliance
Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA) chairman Desmond Lim said the party is prepared with 200 volunteers ready to serve as polling and counting agents. It planned to hold its rallies online instead of physical rallies to accommodate elderly residents.[452] On 23 March, the party announced it would contest in Pasir Ris–Changi and was in negotiations with the WP over contesting in Punggol.[492] On nomination day, SDA withdraw their bid into contesting Punggol GRC and only contested in Pasir Ris–Changi.[407]
In its series of videos, SDA highlighted key issues such as high living costs, high HDB flat prices, unaffordable healthcare, and inadequate good job opportunities, and pledged to hold the government accountable in its expenditure while ensuring "every young family could afford a home". The SDA also proposed imposing a levy on Employment Pass holders, with the money used to fund a S$1,600 base allowance for full-time national servicemen.[493] Lim and the party reaffirmed their commitment to addressing the concerns of residents in Pasir Ris–Changi, pledging to offer a "choice" that represents "a different path of compassion, fairness, and a Singapore where every heart beats with hope".[494]
People's Alliance for Reform
Lim Tean, the secretary-general of People's Alliance for Reform (PAR), issued a statement endorsing the general election announcement and affirmed the coalition's readiness to contest.[451][452] During a walkabout in Potong Pasir on 16 April, Lim also stated that the PAR would seek free education, healthcare and school meals for all Singaporean children if they were to be elected.[495] The Alliance plans to contest in the GRCs of Jalan Besar, Tanjong Pagar, and the SMCs of Mountbatten, Potong Pasir, Queenstown, Radin Mas, and Yio Chu Kang.[496][497] PAR contested 13 seats, with Lim contesting in Potong Pasir against SPP and PAP.[407]
In his PBB statement, Lim said the PAR has solutions to lower living costs and restore affordable housing, adding that Singaporeans seek "meaningful" solutions, not handouts, and reject a future worse than previous generations. Though he did not explain how PAR's policies would be funded, he claimed Singapore has enough money to support them without raising taxes or using reserves.[498] At a 26 April rally, Lim urged Singaporeans to vote for opposition candidates to challenge "unjust PAP policies", pledging to fight like "a tiger and a lion" in Parliament on issues like living costs, housing, jobs, and immigration. Lim also criticised the Founders' Memorial, a "bloated civil service", and "empty" Mass Rapid Transit stations as wasteful spending. Lim also pledged to cut down on immigration. Other PAR candidates at the rally proposed rent control and freezing land costs to address living costs.[499] In their final rally held on Facebook instead of a physical rally (due to inclement weather), Lim summarized all the and issues that they have addressed in the rallies and in their manifesto.[500][201]
Independent candidates
_Independent_Candidate_Jeremy_Tan_GE2025_Rally_at_Mountbatten_SMC_2025-05-01_-_20.jpg)
Mountbatten SMC candidate Jeremy Tan only hosted one rally on the final day, where he commented that he would use his monthly allowance for his own goals. He also noted on gambling "Bitcoin investments" and calls for disestablishing Singapore Pools, which PAP's candidate Gho Sze Kee later refuted on.[501] The other independent candidate, Radin Mas SMC's Darryl Lo, however, did not host any physical rallies, but he made an appearance in Tan's rally later.[299][201]
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Polling day
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On polling day, 3 May 2025, polling stations are opened from 08:00 to 20:00.[502] There were 1,920 polling stations set up across Singapore.[503]
In addition, overseas Singaporeans could vote in 10 polling stations set up at Singapore's embassies, high commissions and consulates in Dubai, London, Washington, New York, San Francisco, Beijing, Canberra, Hong Kong, Shanghai and Tokyo.[504] A total of 18,389 Singaporeans registered to vote overseas, with the option to either vote in person or by post.[505] Overseas polling in Dubai, London, Washington, New York, and San Francisco began a day earlier to ensure polls closed before Singapore's 20:00 deadline on polling day.[505]
Voting is compulsory for all Singaporeans, except for those who are hospitalised, on holiday, or working or studying overseas on that day.[506] Under Section 35 of the Parliamentary Elections Act,[507] it was also declared a public holiday.[506][508] Campaigning or election advertising are prohibited from cooling-off day, 2 May, until polling stations close. When voting on polling day, voters are advised against wearing attire or carrying items to the polling station with images that could influence others or promote support for any political party, candidate, or group. Failure to comply may result in being turned away by election officials.[502] Voting is conducted via a secret ballot. Each ballot paper contains a serial number that is used to identify ballots to prevent counterfeiting and voter fraud.[509]
At 12:00 of polling day, ELD reported that about 48% of the electorate had cast their ballots; by 17:00, this number had increased to 82%.[510][511] Polls closed at 20:00, with 2,429,281 votes cast.[512][513]
Incidents
On 1 May, the police announced 13 young individuals were under investigation for damaging wheelchairs at two polling stations. The first incident was reported on 28 April at a Sengkang polling station, followed by another case at a polling station in Boon Lay.[514][515]
There were reports of individuals recording themselves voting within the polling stations,[516][517] despite a rule where using of photography inside a polling station is strictly prohibited.[518][519] ELD reviewed a video and concluded that although the secrecy of the vote was not compromised, they indicated that "such blatant and irresponsible behaviour can undermine public confidence in the integrity of the electoral process".[517]
Also on polling day, a driver was taken to Khoo Teck Puat Hospital after his BYD Atto 3 car crashed into a wall at Anderson Secondary School, one of the designated polling and counting stations for Ang Mo Kio GRC. A video footage was taken where the driver was about to be seated in his stationary car where the car suddenly accelerates while half of his body was still in the car.[520] Three other injuries were reported but did not result in hospitalisation.[521]
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Results
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Since the 2015 general elections, the ELD has released a sample count before the official results to curb speculation and reduce reliance on unofficial sources during the counting process.[522][523] By 22:55 of polling day, all sample counts for all constituencies had been released, showing the PAP ahead in all but not in three WP-held wards of Aljunied GRC, Sengkang GRC, and Hougang SMC.[524][525]
News outlets reported the full results by around 02:00 the following morning;[526][527][528] all reported that the PAP secured 65.57% of the national vote, marking an improvement of over four percentage points from 2020. It won 87 out of 97 parliamentary seats, maintaining the two-thirds majority it has held since Singapore's independence. For the first time since 2001, three constituencies were won with over 80% of the vote, with Queenstown SMC being won with the highest vote share of 81.12%.[526][529][530]
A total of 27 candidates forfeited their election deposits after failing to secure the minimum 12.5% of valid votes in their respective constituencies.[233][531][t] In addition to winning ten seats, the WP will be offered two NCMP seats, as its candidates in Jalan Kayu SMC and Tampines GRC recorded the highest vote shares among the non-elected contenders; in turn, this will be the second time in the last three Parliamentary terms where Parliament will only have two parties represented (PAP and WP).[532] For the fifth consecutive election, a record number of female candidates were elected, with 31 out of the 50 participating candidates elected to office,[533] making up about 32% of the chamber.[534]
Out of 2,627,026 registered electors, 2,429,281 votes were cast, which included 42,829 rejected ballots.[535][1] The voter turnout was 92.47%, the lowest in almost 60 years since 1968.[531]
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Reactions
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Domestic reaction
At the post-election press conference at The Treasury, prime minister Lawrence Wong said the results reflected a "clear and strong" mandate, placing Singapore in a better position to navigate uncertainties and multiracial issues. He described the outcome as a sign of public satisfaction but emphasised that the PAP does not take voters' support for granted and pledged to work harder, noting that the world was watching the results closely. Wong also acknowledged the opposition's efforts in addressing key issues.[536] Separately, president Tharman Shanmugaratnam said the results showed Singaporeans "remain united in wanting the best future for the country", noting the absence of political distrust or polarisation seen in other countries such as Canada and Australia.[537] The following day, PAP leaders pledged to remain united and learn from the global risks while thanking residents via their parades,[538] as well as Meet-the-People Sessions which resumed on 5 May[539] (or 28 April for the Marine Parade-Braddell Heights GRC team).[540]
Pritam Singh of WP initially declined to speak to reporters regarding the election results.[541][542][543] Nonetheless, in his victory speech for Aljunied GRC that afternoon, he pledged a more balanced parliament and that his team would continue to serve the residents equally. Jalan Kayu SMC candidate Andre Low noted that while the outcome was "not what we hoped for", he respected it. Meanwhile, party supporters felt surprised and disappointed as it was unable to win any new seats.[544] While WP congratulated PAP for the strong mandate, WP had not yet revealed on which two candidates will serve the NCMP role in Parliament. On 5 May, Yee Jenn Jong announced his retirement in politics, adding that his experience was "worthy", and he would remain in WP.[545]
SDP leader Chee Soon Juan, produced its best score of 46.81% in Sembawang West SMC; however, he was still unable to get a seat in Parliament (which he had been working towards since 1991) as the result fell short of earning him an NCMP seat (being the third best "losing" score, only behind Jalan Kayu's WP candidate Andre Low's 48.53%, and the WP's Tampines GRC team's 47.37%). Chee became emotional while their party and supporters awaited the results at MOE (Evans) Stadium, telling media it could have "made a difference" had the elections being called later or if the campaign held longer.[546] When media questioned Chee on the results, he mentioned it was an "uphill battle" and that it was "unhealthy for Singapore", at the same time criticising the decisions made by EBRC. However, Chee also said that SDP, as well as the other opposition parties, will always work very closely to adapt their strategies every election.[547]
Progress Singapore Party's leader Leong Mun Wai called the results "very shocking" as the contested seats saw a nationwide swing towards PAP, resulting in their party losing its parliamentary representation. Leong spoke to the media at their party's headquarters in Bukit Timah Shopping Centre, saying that "it will take time to reflect and regroup" so that they can improve before the next election; he also respected the results but declined to answer further questions. Likewise, PSP supporters expressed disappointment about the party's defeat, but also praised the effort that went into their campaigning.[548] PSP subsequently cancelled a press conference after the release of sample counts.[549] Founder Tan Cheng Bock told that they "never take their support for granted" while expressed his gratitude to voters, added that they have respected the results which Tan described it as "rough night"; Tan also called the young supporters to continue their support.[550] Leong posted on his Facebook page on May 7, cited that "Democracy speaks through the ballot box. We honour that voice, even though it brings disappointment". He added that his team would return after their disappointment and described Lee as a "worthy opponent".[551] A week after the elections ended, Tan announced his retirement after 45 years of his politic involvement; he told that PSP is "not going to run away", confirming that he would remain in his party.[552]
People's Alliance for Reform's leader Lim Tean called the results "disappointing" in the opposition camp, and that he vowed to make it stronger in the next election. Lim also remarked that they would be looking into "certain inexplicable matters", though he declined to reveal more.[14] Red Dot United's leader Ravi Philemon respected the results as a form of encouragement saying, "The people have spoken… that there is a place for a politics like RDU's in Singapore".[553] Singapore Democratic Alliance also respected the outcome despite improving their contested vote share, and as with the last election, SDA announced their fundraiser through selling their election posters for continued support.[554]
National Solidarity Party's chief Spencer Ng remarked that the opposition unity is "an illusion" in the increasingly crowded opposition landscape, acknowledging their record-worst performance in any general election, and that both teams had forfeited their S$67,500 deposits each; they however expressed willingness to continue work on the grounds for the constituencies they contested. NSP held their conference inside a rental house at Jervois Road while celebrating Tampines GRC team candidate Zee Phay's birthday.[15] Separately, Kevryn Lim, also from NSP, also respected the results and told Singaporeans not to complain for making that choice, further justifying the reason on Lim's decision to withdraw her contest in Sembawang West SMC. She also said that "Singaporeans don't deserve us stepping up because when you step up, you give them a reason to step on you".[555]
International reactions
Australia: Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Wong mutually congratulated each other for their respective election results.[556]
Cambodia: Prime Minister Hun Manet congratulated Wong by a phone call and Hun called their relationship a "highlighted the enduring friendship".[557]
Canada: Prime Minister Mark Carney congratulated Wong via X, awaiting for "an even stronger partnership—rooted in economic strength, innovation, and trade cooperation" while the world faces challenging times.[558]
China: Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Lin Jian congratulated Wong on behalf of the Chinese government at a press conference.[559]
Estonia: Prime Minister Kristen Michal congratulated Wong via X.[560]
France: President Emmanuel Macron congratulated Wong and called Singapore "a key partner for France in Asia".[561]
India: Prime Minister Narendra Modi offered his congratulations to Wong's "resounding victory in the general elections" and also stated that he looks forward to working closely with Wong to further advance the two countries' Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.[561]
Indonesia: President Prabowo Subianto congratulated Wong via X, calling his win a clear example of "trust and stability and confidence". He later held a phone call to once again congratulated Wong.[556]
Japan: Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba congratulated Wong via X.[562]
Luxembourg: Prime Minister Luc Frieden congratulated Wong via X.[563]
Malaysia: Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim congratulated Wong via Facebook over his victory.[564]
New Zealand: Prime Minister Christopher Luxon congratulated Wong on the election and noted that New Zealand and Singapore "share a strong and enduring friendship".[561]
Taiwan: President Lai Ching-te congratulated Wong via X.[565]
Thailand: Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra congratulated Wong on his "decisive election victory" in an X post.[561][557]
Ukraine: President Volodymyr Zelenskyy congratulated Wong via X.[566]
United Kingdom: Foreign Secretary David Lammy congratulated Wong via X.[567]
United States: Secretary of State Marco Rubio congratulated the PAP's victory, citing the strong and enduring strategic partnership between the two countries.[568]
Vietnam: General Secretary of the Communist Party Central Committee Tô Lâm and Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính congratulated Wong.[569]
Organisations
European Union: President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen congratulated Wong and the PAP on their victory.[570]
Analysis
Results and opposition parties
Many analysts commented on PAP's landslide victory, noting a "flight to safety",[571] as voters had echoed Prime Minister Lawrence Wong's call for a "strong mandate". It was also pointed out that this had effectively bucked the trend of PAP's vote share dropping during a leadership transition. Analysts said that the results pointed to a two-party system as the way forward for Singapore's future.[572][573][574] Commentators were split as to whether the WP's results were a good showing or a sign of minimal progress. While the party had increased its vote share in two out of three constituencies it defended and achieved 44% or more of votes in all new constituencies it contested, former PAP MP Inderjit Singh argued that its candidates were still too thinly spread-out, preventing it from securing another GRC. The WP itself tried to limit its candidacies by not contesting the Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC, which predecessor constituency the party had contested.[572][575]
Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) fellow Gillian Koh mentioned that the leadership transition "is indeed now complete" following the success of the election and is an endorsement for Wong's call for voters to return his experienced ministers and party renewal with the inclusion of new members, although Koh felt critical on PAP's arguments during their campaign, and that she was looking forward for the Singapore Economic Resilience Taskforce.[u] NUS Associate Professor Reuben Wong described the leadership renewal as a "continued viability" to remain as the most trade-dependent economy in the world. Analysts told that the Defence and Finance portfolios are those portfolios that were critical to look out for, as well as how fresh MPs would be given office portfolios in the upcoming cabinet reshuffle.[577][578] In a CNA podcast on 9 May, Hong Kong Baptist University's professor Kenneth Paul Tan suggested that the PAP's win was because "politicians spoke more freely and voters began listening differently" and comment that podcasts has become more mainstream on engaging into politics, as compared to the use of digital content in the 2020 election.[579]
Many noted the "serious loss" faced by other opposition parties. In particular, the PSP lost the two NCMP seats it held in Parliament and experienced a decreased vote share despite it being party founder Tan Cheng Bock's last election, causing concern that the party could soon fade into obscurity.[580][571] Political analyst Loke Hoe Yeong suggested that the presence of Poa and Leong as NCMPs did not gain the traction it desired at the polls, questioning if the West Coast-Jurong West GRC voters, specifically those of Ayer Rajah, had moved on from Tan's portrayal as a "larger-than-life persona" in the previous election, and whether the PSP has done enough to prepare for the post-Tan era. Observers suggested that smaller oppositions parties may have a role in raising specific issues during an election along with doing groundwork in a constituency, but the change of the electoral boundaries could pose a challenge on consolidating resources, as parties had to work in a large enough area to be less affected by boundary changes; observers also suggest that the oppositions may consider mergers and forming coalitions or risk dissolving their parties if negotiations is unsuccessful. Teo Kay Key also noted that they want a "loyal opposition that does not oppose for the sake of opposing", and these oppositions had to have a "hard look" at their value proposition to the electorate and if demand allows.[581] Independent observer Felix Tan cited that he did not discount the support that the opposition parties, particularly SDP, PSP and RDU, have garnered.[582] In regards on the record-number of 27 candidates resulted in their forfeiture of S$13,500 election deposits, analysts suggest that the emotions by their minor parties are still "raw" and their contest motives are either rushed, not fluent enough, whether if the party was of the least recognized, or parties that did not keep up with the election trends.[583] However, post-election surveys have consistently shown the desire among voters for greater political diversity, which suggest that opposition parties can no longer depend on reckoning antipathy towards the PAP; voters are seen to choose a kind of how opposition politics Singaporeans would want to perpetuate, and also the kind they want to do without, a necessary step on the road towards a two-party or multi-party democracy.[584]
Associate Professor Chong Ja Ian suggested that the downward trend of internet usage and greater use of physical rallies may have attributed to the party's regress, while Eugene Tan suggested that the party was still new.[585] In another analysis from The Straits Times by Audrey Tan and Chin Hui Shan, both suggested that WP's popularity and in campaigning could have attributed to PSP's losses; it also added that the voters had cast aside the past controversies (such as the prosecution of S. Iswaran and the extramarital affairs) during the previous term, which allowed the incumbent parties to retain their constituency with swings towards them.[586] Analysts say that while PSP would have to keep their profile "relevant" in the next election, they also suggested that the PSP had been struggling in finding younger talents, and that fielding fewer candidates (13) compared to the last election (24) may have attributed to their decisive defeat.[587] Tan also described the smaller opposition parties such as PSP as "wipeout" as these parties are "staring at the abyss of political irrelevance", putting these parties at disadvantage unless they reassess their roles carefully by offering a value proposition to voters in a more crowded and fragmented opposition space. NUS lecturer Rebecca Grace Tan noted that the non-WP opposition parties would face "significant challenges for their future", and their candidates must promote change that is distinct from other parties in terms of positive policy stances aligned with voter preferences to sustain its party relevance. Political consultant Malminderjit Singh suggest that parties with good planning and consolidating resources would be more successful, and other parties like PSP, RDU and SDP would need to expand further and "broaden their appeal and recruit from all races and backgrounds".[581][588]
Teo Kay Key commented on the results via CNA that candidates from Generations Z and Millennials, most notably those of independent candidates,[589] had outperformed well compared those to the older generations, with a high use of social media and online content resources, with Teo told that it is a "new normal in political engagement"; there were 38 new candidates under the age of 40, those of which come from better-resourced political parties, had a profile involving prior engagements in political, community or grassroots work. The proportion of younger voters were higher than those in 2020, and statistics shows that these young voters preferred those of checks and balances in government and pluralism more; Teo described these voters as "digital natives" due to the high usage of internet content. Young voters also improves democratic potential and strength, although that voters in the battleground states have different voting patterns and their point of views, suggesting that there are more nuanced contest between different political parties.[590] Similarly, Eugene Tan suggested the same about PSP's loss due to the young voters had little familiarity towards them and their heartland voters was not properly recognized except for the use of social media; he however told that it was a "blessing in disguise" and even if WP has pulled away from the other opposition parties, these parties should not be forgotten. Singapore University of Social Sciences researcher Walter Theseira also noted that PSP and SDP will face new challenges after the election as they have an ageing core leadership and no clear pathway for renewal; he told that either their party branch out on joining other parties unless their philosophies are much more strongly aligned with their current parties, as it is just a "little point" to the candidates joining a minor party instead of going it alone, and with little hope into recruiting high-quality candidates except for those having a particular distinct policy differentiation.[582]
In another Straits Times analysis on 10 May, political observers questioned about WP's strategies as "ambitious and conservative in equal parts" with "a paradoxical mix of bold manoeuvres and calculated restraint" that suggest why the party still unable to make in-roads. Nanyang Technology University's observer Walid Jumblatt Abdullah mentioned that fielding Harpreet Singh Nehal alongside Faisal Manap in Tampines GRC could make a difference, but the allocation of its most appealing candidates in other contested constituencies (such as East Coast GRC) and the controversial walkover in Marine Parade-Braddell Heights GRC had caused some swings from the past election, where fresh party buy-in was required at its most. NUS economist and former Nominated MP Ivan Png noted their party's performance was the most stable among opposition parties and premium command had peaked compared to SDP and PSP, which figures have seen a regress in recent elections. SMU Associate Professor Tan suggested the results as "voters signalled that a firm mandate for the PAP was not at all at odds with a more vibrant political system characterised by a credible and responsible opposition", but whether if WP could fulfill its midterm goal of winning one-third of seats in Parliament is "still be within the ballpark of realism for its current leaders". Institute of Policy Studies researcher Gillian Koh also respected WP's strategies as "comfortable with playing the long game" for connecting and promote growth with the electorate.[591][592] Similarly, in response for a more discerning electorate, IPS Social Lab fellow Tan Ern Ser told that WP has consolidated its position and distinguished itself from the rest of the opposition parties, and analyst Loke Hoe Yeong further justified that WP gained more credibility due to the incumbency effect and on par on managing town councils or choosing candidates like PAP does. Similarly, Inderjit Singh understood about the maturity of democracy and the need of credible opposition, but he was caught on surprise on SDP and PSP's decline; Singh also suggested that either Gigene Wong's blurting out a racial slur may have further impact SDP's performance, or if the voters trusted PAP's arguments against voting out key ministers and members of the Singapore Economic Resilience Taskforce for opposition,[u] or both. NTU analyst Alan Chong say the same about SDP's performance, and Chee's experience onto building a profile had improved his vote share; Chong mentioned that while PAP and WP had the approach of talent recruitment and grassroots involvement, other opposition parties without elected MPs should focus onto building a candidate's credibility and attract talent, meaning that they had to put candidates up for elections, even if it means losing some contests. Former SPP candidate Jose Raymond also justified that groundwork and retail politics are essential.[582]
On 11 May, other analysts further suggested that the Corporate Governance of Town Councils and specific municipal issues (such as the closure of the Aljunied-Hougang Town Council trial and how these MPs had handled the trial), especially towards the SMCs, suggested the results for the existing constituency to retain as it was (including a +4% WP-swing in Sengkang GRC[593]), with the assurance for voters to continue estate management and improvement, and weighing that municipal issues are considered more important than those of debating national policies that what other opposition does in the hustings. Similarly, Darryl Lo's result in Radin Mas SMC also caught observers some surprise, suggesting that Lo had more "ground knowledge" (and putting campaigns about policy ideas and estate-level suggestions) than his other opponent Kumar Appavoo, who had contested there for three elections since 2015, compared to another independent candidate Han Hui Hui, whose performance also in 2015 lost her election deposit similar to Appavoo in this election.[594]
Voter turnout and rejected votes
The voter turnout for the election was 92.47%, its lowest since the first post-independence election in 1968, while there are 42,829 rejected votes, its lowest in the past three elections since 2011.[535] Political observers suggested that the elections that coincide the Labour Day public holiday, voter's pre-scheduled travel plans prior to the issuance of Writ of Election, and the perceived quality of opposition party candidates in some constituencies (specifically those of Tanjong Pagar GRC, Mountbatten SMC, Holland-Bukit Timah GRC and East Coast GRC), may have attributed to a low turnout. Chong Ja Ian noted that constituencies with viable opposition candidates tend to boost voter turnout, but some other battleground states by deciding to abstain their vote is another, which Chong called it as a "Voter paralysis". In rejected votes, observers cited that voters deliberately doing so for the voter not to have their names removed from the voters roll; NUS Professor Rebecca Grace Tan cited that the high rejection rates were often seen in constituencies where opposition parties underperformed, such as Jalan Besar GRC which had the highest rejected vote rate of 3.13%; Punggol GRC on the other hand, had the lowest rejected vote rate of 0.71%. Another factor that the low turnout or high rejected votes may also lead to some tight contests in some constituencies, while the outcome of the election would still not made an impact if total absentees or invalid votes are accounted for.[595]
See also
- Elections in Singapore
- 2025 Canadian federal election (held earlier that same week and saw a similar increase in support for the incumbent government in response to Trump's tariff and other threats and Opposition Leader losing their seat)
- 2025 Australian federal election (held on the same day as Singapore's election, with a similar outcome to the Canadian and Singaporean elections)
Notes
- with 2 being NCMP seats.
- Excluding Non-constituency Members of Parliament (NCMPs).
- 15 Single Member Constituencies (SMCs) and 18 Group representation constituencies (GRCs).
- The 2017 Presidential election's polling day was set on 23 September 2017, which was a Saturday. However, that election was uncontested.
- The previous time Marine Parade GRC saw a walkover was in the 2006 election, with walkovers in that constituency for three consecutive general elections starting from 1997.
- The 2011 presidential election and the 2013 by-election also had a four-cornered contest.
- Ang Mo Kio GRC, Sembawang GRC, Potong Pasir SMC, Radin Mas SMC, and Tampines GRC. These constituencies total to 17 contested seats.
- In Ang Mo Kio GRC, the SUP and PPP teams received only 10.84% and 10.21% of the vote.[12] The PPP also only secured 0.43% from Tampines GRC.[13] PAR candidates Lim Tean and Kumar Appavoo polled 8.35% in Potong Pasir SMC and 7.36% in Radin Mas SMC, respectively.[14] The NSP also lost their deposits, securing 2.32% in Sembawang GRC and 0.18% in Tampines GRC.[15][16]
- Jeremy Tan and Darryl Lo, contesting in Mountbatten and Radin Mas SMCs respectively.[17]
- The previous record for any general election was in 2015 where independent candidate Samir Salim Neji had scored 0.60%;[22] the previous record for any kind of election was in 2013 where Singapore Democratic Alliance candidate Desmond Lim had scored 0.57%.[23]
- Not counting independent candidates, the Angkatan Islam Singapura (AIS) party, which contested in 1984 and 1988, had 2.29% and 1.51% of the of the contested vote share, and 0.04% and 0.02% of the overall popular vote share, respectively; AIS remained as one of the worst performing parties based on overall popular vote share.
- There are three cabinet ministers that have been voted out since independence, which were Ng Chee Meng in 2020, as well as Lim Hwee Hua and George Yeo back in the 2011 elections. Before this, K. M. Byrne, who lost his seat in 1963, was also a full cabinet minister. To date as of 2020, there have been a total of eight office holders (including one acting cabinet minister, two ministers of state, and two parliamentary secretaries) who also lost re-election.
- The 10 overseas polling stations are located at Dubai, United Arab Emirates; London, United Kingdom; Tokyo, Japan; Washington, D.C., San Francisco and New York City of the United States; Beijing, Hong Kong and Shanghai of China; and Canberra, Australia.
- Iswaran was later placed on house arrest on 8 February 2025.[125]
- Under current Constitution and statement from Elections Department, any individual with a fine of at least S$10,000 (US$7,400) or at least a year of imprisonment in at least one separate count of offense carries a five-year election ban and the loss of the elected seat, unless being pardoned with an amnesty from the President. The last MP to receive this ban was the party's previous secretary-general J. B. Jeyaretnam, who also found guilty for the felonies (one of his sentences was fined S$2,000 or more (at the time of his sentence prior to the amendments in May 2022[160]) and was jailed for three months) on 10 December 1986 which led to the vacation of now-defunct Anson SMC seat which he held for five years from 1981.[161][162]
- The other election where the election deposit remained unchanged in between elections was 1984, at S$1,500.
- The three previously contested candidates who contested unsuccessfully in 2020, Chua Eng Leong, Shamsul Kamar (both who also contested in 2015) and Raymond Lye, did not contest this election. Another one-term MP who also contested unsuccessfully in 2020, Amrin Amin, also did not contest.
- The present-day Tampines GRC had wards previously part of Eunos GRC which appeared in the 1988 and 1991 elections, and Pasir Ris GRC in the 1997 election; WP contested in all of these occasions, and narrowly defeated in the former election.[412] Prior to the 2020 election except 1997, Tampines GRC has always been contested by the NSP (and as part of the Singapore Democratic Alliance in 2001 and 2006), including 2011 where PPP's chief Goh Meng Seng (then-NSP chief) led his team.
- In Ang Mo Kio GRC, the SUP and PPP teams received only 10.84% and 10.21% of the vote.[12] The PPP also only secured 0.43% from Tampines GRC.[13] PAR candidates Lim Tean and Kumar Appavoo polled 8.35% in Potong Pasir SMC and 7.36% in Radin Mas SMC, respectively.[14] The NSP also lost their deposits, securing 2.32% in Sembawang GRC and 0.18% in Tampines GRC.[15][16]
- The members for the Singapore Economic Resilience Taskforce are Chee Hong Tat, Gan Kim Yong, Desmond Lee, Tan See Leng and Josephine Teo.[576] For the purpose of the election, Gan and Lee's wards (of Punggol GRC and West Coast-Jurong West GRC respectively) are considered as battleground states, while Chee, Tan and Teo's wards (of Bishan-Toa Payoh GRC, Chua Chu Kang GRC and Jalan Besar GRC respectively) are considered as safe seats; however, all five of the aforementioned ministers were re-elected in Parliament.
References
External links
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