不过,人们往往都不加区分和交替使用沙里亚与斐格海两个词语[16]。学者巴萨姆·蒂比(阿拉伯语:بسام طيبي)认为另一位著名学者约翰·凯尔塞(英语:John Kelsay)也混淆了两者,指出他错误地把真主启示的沙里亚与人类的理智推论混为一谈[17]。埃及学者艾哈迈德·卡迈勒·阿布·马吉德(埃及阿拉伯文:احمد كمال ابو المجد)强调两者的分别,指出沙里亚是“真主和先知制定的条文,管制人们的行为,出处是《古兰经》和圣行”,而“斐格海是以沙里亚为基础而开展的一系列学问,以探索条文的深意,加以解释,并在没有明文说明的情况下运用类比,以惠及人们的福祉”。他又指出,无法区分两者会造成曲解,这些曲解的想法会危及社群[18]。
学者伯纳德·韦斯(英语:Bernard G. Weiss)解释,沙里亚是立法的产物,体现真主的意志,而斐格海则牵涉法律的理解,是以人类的主观意志为依归。不过,他表示这样的分野并不能说明沙里亚完全是宗教启示的直接产物。他称“尽管真主是回教法的出处,但实际的立法行为却是人类所为,意味这是人类所理解的真主之法。这些法律并非在天国预定并降示给凡间,斐格海就是人类所理解的法律,它才是社会规范的法律”[19]。
穆斯林对一些信仰习俗上的琐碎事宜欠缺共识,使穆斯林社群分成各个派系[22]。此外,卡迪的人数越来越多和变得更规范,尽管他们同样是穆斯林,但他们来自伊斯兰世界不同的地方,于是各自发展出不同的古典法派,当中的一些法派论述宗教礼典的细节,另一些法派则演变出适合当地情况的特殊处理手法。各地学者在当时难以互相交流,不同法派之间的分歧难以避免[23]。当时易卜拉欣·纳哈伊(阿拉伯语:إبراهيم بن يزيد النخعي)等学者认为回教法是有法律理由(英语:Ratio decidendi),其原则和论证皆由《古兰经》和圣行推导而出,附属法规可通过这样的论证来形成。他们认为称职的法学家可以看到这些法律背景的推论,从而领悟到其立法原意。他们又称法典可以论述的文字是有限,但案例是无限,因此有必要确立和理解《古兰经》、圣行衍生法律的根本思想,才能满足立法所需[24]。
回教学者伊格纳兹·戈德齐赫(匈牙利语:Goldziher Ignác)认为回教法学的发展在8世纪才真正开始,他指出这是因为法学典籍有系统的编纂在这个时候才能以可以保存下来的形式记载。根据后来的文献,朱莱杰和赛义德·伊本·阿比·阿鲁芭(阿拉伯语:سعيد بن أبي عروبة)率先把他们的法律著作分章分节编写成书。戈德齐赫认为它们并不只是圣训书,而是最先“运用了圣行当中合适的素材,并根据种类把法律整理而写成”的法学典籍[31]。
踏入10世纪,编撰法学著作的用语出现了惊人的变化,学者开始使用伊斯兰法学原理专用的新词,他们被专门称之为伊斯兰法学原理的作者。他们的著作所采用的标题表明这是一门独立和重要的学问[38]。诸如伊赫提拉弗(法律意见差异)、贾达尔(法理辩证)、塔里卡(圣训注解)等术语的使用频率越来越高[39]。这个世纪的法学家仔细研究过往承传下来的法律知识,又撰写著作推动法学派别的理论发展。除了苏莱杰,奥马尔·伊本·侯赛因·希拉吉(阿拉伯语:عمر بن الحسين الخرقي)、乌拜尔·阿拉·伊本·哈桑·卡希和伊本·杰拉卜都是这时较有名的法学家,他们在特定的框架下推导法学理论[40]。
随着13世纪蒙古人的入侵和14世纪爆发的瘟疫,法学家变得稀缺,只要少数学者可以运用基本的法学原则来处理日常需要面对的法律问题[51]。此时有更多的法学典籍相对地接纳由没有穆智台希德资格的学者代替过往的法学家发布回教令,当时的法学家西拉杰丁·乌尔麦维(波斯语:سراجالدین محمود ارموی)解释那是因为“其时欠缺获共识承认的穆智台希德”。另一位法学家卡迪·巴达维(波斯语:ناصرالدین عبدالله بیضاوی)亦称当时仍存的穆智台希德不多,因此有必要跟从已去世的穆智台希德发布的教令[52]。
20世纪的穆斯林移民难以在西方国家遵行回教法,这种新的特殊情况激发学者提倡开拓“少数族裔法学(阿拉伯语:فقه الأقليات)”,以根据他们在新家园的特征和地位而构建指导原则[68]。关于穆斯林少数族裔在非穆斯林国家面对的困难,优素福·卡热达维及塔哈·贾比尔·阿勒瓦尼(阿拉伯语:طه جابر العلواني)是首批直接加以论述的其中一些学者,两人都不约而同地提出了学说,让穆斯林少数族裔就如何遵行回教法方面有法可依[69]。
首要原则是真主所创之事物是为了让人类运用,因此这些事物都获得允许。除非有《古兰经》或圣训的明文指明禁止,否则就不算是哈拉姆[89]。其次,法学家往往会采用“以我的看法来看,这是更正确的”之类的语句来表达他们的意见,表明他们并非创造具约束力的法律,而是发表试图令人信服的权威观点[90]。一些令行禁止的事例可以在宗教经文里找到明确的答案,例如崇拜真主(阿拉伯语:العبادة في الإسلام)的必要、禁止通奸和近亲婚姻等,不需要进一步的解构。另一些裁定则需要通过司法推论来形成,可能是基于对特定经文的解读或法律论证而得出,这类裁定不得抵触经文[91]。
法学家阿布·扎伊德·代布西(阿拉伯语:أبو زيد الدبوسي)认为《古兰经》里只有少数经文被归类为“明确”和“含糊”,大部分经文都不属于这两个类别。他指出《古兰经》里的大部分经文都“需要注解或诠释”,因应这些经文的清晰程度,需要诠释的程度都各有不同[96]。解读《古兰经》经文有多种方法,最可靠的方式是用《古兰经》经文去解释另一些经文,其次是以圣行来解释,亦即先知穆罕默德的解释,其他方式包括利用圣伴、先知同伴追随者的言论及伊智提哈德[97]。
法学家赛义夫丁·阿米迪(阿拉伯语:سيف الدين الآمدي)及穆罕默德·舒卡尼(阿拉伯语:محمد الشوكاني)把伊智提哈德定义为法学家致力于根据法源的详细证据尽可能推断出回教法的规律[100]。这是一种严谨的司法推论,用于《古兰经》和圣行都找不到答案或此前的法律学者没有就某个议题发表见解,以确定某事是否符合回教法。早期的学说把运用伊智提哈德的权力局限在那些具备必要教育背景及了解这种复杂法律问题的穆智台希德身上,但19世纪的贾迈勒丁·阿富汗尼、阿布都等人提出新概念,指伊智提哈德是对真理的独立研判,不局限于穆智台希德[101]。
现代穆斯林哲学家穆罕默德·伊克巴勒认为集体行使伊智提哈德的伊制玛尔应该是“稳定的立法机制”,把个别学者行使伊智提哈德的权力移交给穆斯林立法机关是伊制玛尔在现代唯一可以实现的形式[109]。学者法兹勒·拉赫曼·马利克(乌尔都语:فضل الرحمن ملک)认为沙斐仪改变和破坏了伊制玛尔与伊智提哈德的天然关系,并指他把共识描述为没有异议的余地[110]。另一位现代学者马哈茂德·沙尔图特(阿拉伯语:محمود شلتوت)认为伊制玛尔牵涉伊智提哈德,容许不同意见的涌现是形成共识的先决条件[111]。
欧尔夫是指在回教法法源和法则的框架下承认盛行的传统做法。学者诺埃尔·库尔森(维基数据所列:Q18530514)指出回教承认传统是一种“有补充价值的法律原则”[125]。尽管结婚时新郎向新娘一方索取财物、剥夺女儿的继承权、利用抵押财产获利等做法有违回教法的具体指令和精神而遭到禁止,但哈乃斐派学者阿布·优素福(阿拉伯语:أبو يوسف)及布尔汉丁·马尔吉纳尼(阿拉伯语:برهان الدين المرغيناني)认为即使与经文实证有抵触,传统做法依然合法[126][127]。
卡迪(法官)源自回教出现之前解决纷争的仲裁人(阿拉伯语:الحكم (أسماء الله الحسنى)),穆罕默德在麦地那亦担任过这个角色。随着伊斯兰帝国的扩张,倭马亚王朝的统治者革新政治,创建新的官职掌管司法,当中包括了任命法官的制度[132]。卡迪原本是地方上的统治者由精通法学的学者当中挑选,后来则由哈里发直接挑选,哈里发通过卡迪来行使司法权。阿拔斯王朝的第五代哈里发哈伦·拉希德创建首席卡迪一职,负责任命地方法官[133]。
如果所需的法学原则在过往没有得到确立,卡迪在裁定诉讼时应用伊智提哈德可以立下先例,以便在具体案例里提供公正、神圣的裁决[138]。奥斯曼帝国时期的法学家海尔丁·拉姆利(阿拉伯语:خير الدين الرملي)称“卡迪自主从法源萃取的法规是有效”,在有分歧和争议的情况下,任何卡迪可以根据自身的判断作出决定[139]。学者米丽亚姆·赫克斯特(Miriam Hoexter)称卡迪在法律的最前线任职,她设想他们在裁定时对事实和法规应用的修订都会被录入法律典籍,哈拉格认为这对法学原理的发展和演变有举足轻重的影响[140]。
穆夫提获得穆斯林社群的共识,被认为具备丰富的法学知识和道德水平,人们会向他们提出具体的法律问题,征求他们的法学意见和他们对回教法的诠释。穆夫提会加以回应,给出法学意见[143]。一些著名穆夫提所写的回教令被辑录成书,如塔基丁·苏卜基(阿拉伯语:تقي الدين السبكي)、埃布苏德·埃芬迪(土耳其语:Ebussuud Efendi)等。这些书籍提供了大量的案例,用作参考比对,哈拉格称“这些回教令丛书十分重要,法学学派理论因而得以改变和发展”[144]。
在回教法学里,刑事法律分为三类,分别是《古兰经》拟定的罪行(侯杜德(阿拉伯语:الحدود في الشريعة الإسلامية))、对人身的侵害(基沙斯)及由司法机关裁量惩治的危害公众罪行(塔济尔(阿拉伯语:تعزير))。对于侯杜德和基沙斯,法学典籍有详尽细致的讨论,确立了一些原则,例如未成年人和心智失常的人没有法律责任、讲求严格的证据及疑罪从无(阿拉伯语:شبهة)[166]。可是法学典籍没有详细探讨塔济尔,因此法官及行政管理机关在执行这类法律上有更大的自由度[167]。
马立克派由麦地那的马利克·阿本·阿纳斯创立,所以又被称为麦地那派,是中世纪西班牙及当今北非、西亚及中亚许多地区盛行的学派[182]。马立克派强调利用圣训解释法理,阿纳斯搜集了麦地那法官在过去的判例,辑录成《伊玛目马立克圣训集》。这部圣训集整理了圣行和伊制玛尔的步骤,被近代学者沙阿·瓦利乌拉·德赫拉维(阿拉伯语:شاه ولي الله الدهلوي)视为继《古兰经》后最权威的典籍[183][184]。
根据罕百里派学者伊本·卡伊姆·嘉伍兹亚(阿拉伯语:ابن قيم الجوزية),除了基于《古兰经》和圣行,罕百里派的法学原则亦会采纳先知同伴的一致意见,只有在突发情况下才会采用格雅斯,因此他们宁愿采信可靠性较低的圣训[196]。不过,伊本·泰米叶在他的著作里指出一些罕百里派学者接纳伊斯提斯拉赫,如纳杰姆丁·图菲(阿拉伯语:نجم الدين الطوفي)称“如果经训与共识有违顾及公众利益的原则,那么应优先考虑公众利益”[197][198]。
历史上有一些学派并没有追随者,亦有一些已消失的学派比现存的逊尼派四大法学学派更古老,但他们的观点出现在逊尼派来源里[203]。他们的法理和学说被现存的学派取代,难以从现存的史料重建。学术界在研究这些已消失的学派时主要集中在三位法学家身上,他们分别是阿卜杜·拉曼·奥扎伊(阿拉伯语:عبد الرحمن الأوزاعي)、达乌德·扎希里(阿拉伯语:داود الظاهري)及塔巴里[204]。
虽然谢尔曼·杰克逊(英语:Sherman Jackson)等学者认为回教法学原理不能导出或生成回教法,只有验证法律的功用,而且没有清晰的证据表明通过法学手法推论出来的法律就是真主之法,但这些法律可以受人接纳而成为实际的法律[213][214]。学者鲁道夫·彼得斯(英语:Rudolph F. Peters)称回教法其实就是法学家的法律,法学家通过学术讨论独揽了回教法的立法权。哈拉格亦同意,并称因为是“法学家的权威使回教法可以延续到千秋万世”[215]。
鉴于法学家的见解自具权威,他们所获的地位并非执政者授予,因此学者艾拉·拉皮德斯(英语:Ira M. Lapidus)认为伊斯兰社会早就有政教分离的概念[216]。回教法与政治实体之间的关系模糊,纵使法官是由国王及统治者任免,但法律主体却任由他们阐述,他们垄断了法律的话语权,因此他们的法学见解不受国家权力制约,使法学家可以自由推敲法律学说[217]。
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