阿拉伯语里的马尔贾一词在字面上解作重回、归去或来自的地方，源自闪米特语族的三个字根r、j及'[9][10]。这个词语与另一个阿拉伯词语“马阿德”（阿拉伯语：المعاد，罗马化：Ma'ad）有密切的关系。马阿德同时是限定词和不定词，限定词是指“某人或某物归去之地”，不定词有“回到（某处）”的意思[11]。《古兰经》里有多处使用了这个词语来形容真主是理想的归宿，又把马尔贾作为马阿德的同义词使用，塔巴里、法赫尔丁·拉齐（波斯语：فخر رازی）及伊本·卡希尔（波斯语：ابن كثير الدمشقي）的经注都认为马阿德就是归宿，而马尔贾就是动词“归去”[11][12]。
随着阿赫巴尔派的式微，支持伊智提哈德的乌苏勒派得以在纳杰夫复兴。此外，奥斯曼帝国与波斯签署了和约，到纳杰夫和卡尔巴拉朝觐的穆斯林激增，促进了圣城经济和宗教学校的发展。马尔贾作为广受承认的角色率先体现在穆罕默德·哈桑·纳杰菲（阿拉伯语：محمد حسن النجفي）身上，继承纳杰菲的纳杰夫神学院领导人穆尔塔达·安萨里（波斯语：مرتضی انصاری）成为了第一位广受什叶派世界承认的马尔贾[29][30]。
在1946年，侯赛因·布鲁杰迪（波斯语：سید حسین طباطبایی بروجردی）成为什叶派唯一一位马尔贾[40]。马尔贾的权势在此时达至顶峰。布鲁杰迪与波斯的统治者和前任马尔贾没有明显的斗争，教士阶层与政府的关系相对融洽[41]。据称布鲁杰迪享有“马尔贾塔格利德亚艾拉姆”或“马尔贾亚艾拉”的罕见称衔，前者的意思是最博学的仿效泉源，后者则有最高来源的意思，以示他在阿亚图拉（高级穆智台希德）之间独特的至上地位，所有人皆听从他的意见[42]。
随着哈基姆在1970年逝世，什叶派宗教领导权的问题再次成为争议，虽然哈基姆在生前指名阿布·卡西姆·胡维（波斯语：سید ابوالقاسم خویی）成为马尔贾，但无人可以独占鳌头，也没有共识认为将会有人可以像布鲁杰迪那样成为毫无争辩、唯一的马尔贾，对于马尔贾的角色性质和其在积极参政与潜心学术的平衡问题上亦引发了巨大的分歧[44][45]。一些积极参政的伊朗教士推举流亡在外和反对沙阿政权的霍梅尼，库姆有48位教士向他发电报以表支持，而希望霍梅尼失势的沙阿则倾向支持立场温和的沙里亚特马达里和艾哈迈德·洪塞里（波斯语：سید احمد خوانساری），胡维则在纳杰夫得到较多人的支持[45]。
在1989年通过的宪法修订案，法基赫（伊斯兰教法学家）必须是马尔贾的要求遭到废除，从马尔贾拆分出来的法基赫更侧重于其政治资历，使宗教资历相对较浅的阿里·哈梅内伊得以成为法基赫[48]。在霍梅尼在世时，马尔贾及法基赫的职权皆集于他一身，但随着他的逝世及任命了资历相对较浅的哈梅内伊成为新的法基赫，法基赫的宪法地位与什叶派传统的权力架构出现了错位。霍梅尼、沙里亚特马达里、胡维、谢哈布丁·马拉希·纳杰菲（阿拉伯语：شهاب الدين المرعشي النجفي）及戈尔佩加尼相继逝世令马尔贾的权势萎缩[49]。作家艾哈迈德·哈希姆（Ahmed Hashim）认为“这对政权自视为伊斯兰国家的概念造成严重打击”，因为在霍梅尼后，伊朗再也不是由最杰出的马尔贾领导，哈梅内伊寻求获得马尔贾的身份来获得像霍梅尼那样的全面权力和最高权威[50]。
黎巴嫩的什叶派教士在霍梅尼逝世后出现分歧，有一派认为黎巴嫩的穆罕默德·侯赛因·法德拉拉（阿拉伯语：محمد حسين فضل الله）学识超卓，认证他为马尔贾，另一派则因认同哈梅内伊的政见而拥戴他。法德拉拉不认同马尔贾需要聚焦于法律见识和需要学识超卓，指出这样会忽略了宗教在其他方面的事务，包括政治，也会有损于什叶派的团结和发展。他呼吁屏弃穆斯林要追随和仿效马尔贾的宗教义务，并认为一位理想的马尔贾应在法律、社会和政治上表现出成熟的素质。法德拉拉心目中的理想马尔贾就是什叶派版本的现代教宗，他的角色不局限在其对教法的学识上[51]。
霍扎（波斯语：حوزة علمية）是什叶派传统的宗教教育中心[63]。什叶派法学家在这里接受教育，以便成为马尔贾[64]。这些宗教学院在穆智台希德及马尔贾的指导下运作，其中最重要的两所霍扎分别位于伊朗的库姆及伊拉克的纳杰夫[65]。霍扎的资深老师和学生都可以影响马尔贾的遴选，学者德温·J·斯图尔特（英语：Devin J. Stewart）指出现代的马尔贾离不开这个机构[64][66]。
马尔贾的候选人首先需要在霍扎里建立名望，资历相当的同辈必须认可他是资深穆智台希德，他的老师必须认证他有能力采用伊智提哈德诠释法律。为了证明自己的能力，他应要有许多的学生参加他的讲课，写作和发表他的学说[67]。此外，向学生提供生活补贴亦有助于马尔贾建立名望，马尔贾和他的学生都可以借此相得益彰。学生可以减轻经济负担，马尔贾亦可以因此吸引更多的学生和追随者。事实上，能够发放更多补贴的马尔贾意味着他有更多的支持者，拔高了他的名声。学者迈克尔·M·J·费希尔（英语：Michael M. J. Fischer）称“资金可以收买穆斯林群众投票选出马尔贾塔格利德”[68]。
可是，后来纳杰夫神学院的马尔贾胡维、戈尔佩加尼、哈桑·塔巴塔巴伊·库米（波斯语：سید حسن طباطبایی قمی）都是秉持反政治化的静默派[90]。曾经有胡维的学生提问伊斯兰教及圣训是否允许教士出任国家元首、议员等政府官职，胡维回答说不[91]。在库姆的霍梅尼起初也与他的老师布鲁杰迪一样远离政治，但他在1942年著有《揭秘（波斯语：کشفاسرار）》一书阐述了他的政治意识形态，认为国家应按照伊斯兰教法来管治，又设想由教士建立的一个议会来监察伊斯兰教法的执行[92]。
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