歷史學家珀西·恩斯特·施拉姆（英語：Percy Ernst Schramm）將希特拉拒絕年輕時所信仰的基督教後的個人信仰稱為「第一次世界大戰前相當普遍的的一元論之變種」：[48]據他表示，這些觀念曾間接受到恩斯特·海克爾與其徒弟威廉·博爾舍的影響。[24]他還引用了希特拉的私人醫生之一漢斯·卡爾·馮·哈塞爾巴赫（德語：Hanskarl von Hasselbach）的話說表示，希特拉是一位「有宗教信仰的人，或者說至少他是一位為了宗教的清晰而奮鬥的人」。據馮·哈塞爾巴赫表示，希特拉考量到群眾對宗教的需求，他並不認同馬田·鮑曼關於將納粹的儀式取代教堂儀式的概念，「他們又討論了幾個小時後，綜合出可以彌補德國人民的宗教分裂的可能性，並幫助他們找到適合他們性格與現代人對世界的理解之宗教。」[24]
大約1937年左右，當希特拉聽說了在黨和黨衛軍的鼓勵下，他的大量追隨者紛紛離開教會，原因是教會頑固地反對其計劃時，他仍然命令他的主要同志，尤其是戈林和戈培爾等人繼續留在教會中，並表示他自己會一直留在教會之中，哪怕他壓根就沒對天主教會有什麼感情。而事實上，希特拉一直到死前都未曾離開教會。 — 摘錄自史佩爾的回憶錄《第三帝國內幕（英語：Inside the Third Reich）》
歷史學家的普遍共識為休·崔佛-羅珀所翻譯出來的《餐桌談話》所表達的觀點是可靠、可信的。[74]被認為是可靠的《餐桌談話》的言論包括以下引文：「基督教為布爾什維克主義的原形：猶太人將動員大量的奴隸，目的是為破壞社會」。[75]鴉蘭·布洛克的開創性傳記《希特拉：暴政研究（英語：Hitler: A Study in Tyranny）》引用希特拉的話說：「當你走到邏輯的極端，基督教將意味着系統地培養人類的失敗」；這句話也出現在《餐桌談話》，[76]許多觀點也同樣重複在該本子上面，比如：基督教教義是對背叛了透過鬥爭選擇和適者生存的自然法則。[77]
在《餐桌談話》中，希特拉在1941年10月21日的頁面中讚賞了使徒尤利安的《反加利利人（英語：Against the Galileans）》，一本來自公元362年的反基督教作品。他說「當人們想到一百、兩百年前我們最優秀的人對基督教的看法時，就會慚愧地意識到我們後來的發展有多麼緩慢。我不知道使徒尤利安曾以如此清晰的眼光對基督教與基督徒做出如此判斷......最初，基督教只是布爾什維克主義的化身，是破壞者。然而，這個後來自稱基督的加利利人的意圖卻完全不同。他必須被視為一個受歡迎的領袖，他採取了反猶立場...，可以肯定的是，耶穌不是猶太人（英語：Race and appearance of Jesus）──順帶說一句，猶太人認為他是妓女與羅馬士兵生出來的兒子。對耶穌的教義進行決定性的偽造是聖保羅的工作。他以微妙的方式，為了個人利益之目的而從事這項工作，因為這個加利利人的目標把他的國家從猶太人的壓迫中解放出來。他以自己的名義反抗猶太資本主義，這就是為何猶太人清算他（英語：Jewish deicide）的原因。大數的保羅（其名在去大馬士革前為掃羅）是那些最野蠻地迫害耶穌之人之一。」[84]
克肖指出，紅衣主教米歇爾·馮·福爾哈伯（英語：Michael von Faulhaber）（一位曾「敢於批評納粹黨對天主教會進行攻擊的人」）在離開時確信「希特拉有很深的宗教信仰」。[102]1936年11月，這位羅馬天主教教士在貝格荷甫與希特拉進行三個小時的交談。他在會議結束後寫道：「帝國總理無疑是生活在對上帝的信仰中。他也承認基督教是西方文化的建設者」。[103]克肖將此案例作為希特拉有能力「蒙蔽頑固的批評者的眼睛」的例子之一，表明希勒「有明顯的能力來模擬，甚至於對可能持批評態度的教會領袖模擬出一個熱衷於維護、保護基督教的領袖形象」。[104]
希特拉在1904年5月22日接受了堅振禮（英語：Confirmation in the Catholic Church）。據里斯曼說，希特拉在少年時期就受到了泛日耳曼主義的薰陶，開始排斥天主教會，並不情願地接受了堅振禮。[10]傳記作家約翰·托蘭在談到1904年在林茨大教堂舉行的儀式時寫道，希特拉的堅信禮發起人不得不「從他嘴裏扯出這些話……彷彿整個堅振禮對他來言都很令人反感似的」。[9]里斯曼指出，據幾位與希特拉一起住在維也納男子之家的目擊者表示，他在18歲離家後便再也沒有參加過彌撒或接受聖禮。[10]
1933年3月21日，帝國議會在波茲坦加里森教堂（英語：Garrison Church (Potsdam)）集會，以顯示納粹主義與馮·興登堡總統的舊保守德國的「團結」。兩天後，納粹黨等到了《授權法》的通過，該法授予希特拉獨裁權力。不到三個月後，所有非納粹派和組織，包括天主教中央黨皆不復存在。[107]
1934年1月，希特拉任命新異教徒阿爾弗雷德·羅森堡為納粹的官方思想家，從而激怒了各教會。是以元首發起一項努力，旨在將德國新教徒（英語：Protestantism in Germany）協調在一個統一的新教帝國教會之下，並由德意志基督教帶領，但這個嘗試後來失敗了，因為他受到認信教會的抵制。在《雅利安人的耶穌》中，蘇珊娜·赫舍爾（英語：Susannah Heschel）在《納粹德國的基督教神學家和聖經》中指出，德意志基督教與傳統基督教不同，他們拒絕接受基督教的希伯來起源。在其統治期間的公開聲明中，希特拉繼續積極地談論納粹對德國基督教文化的看法，[160]以及他對亞利安基督的信仰。希特拉還說，聖保羅作為一個猶太人，偽造了耶穌的訊息──希特拉在其私人談話時重複了這個主題，包括在1941年10月，當他決定做出屠殺猶太人的決定之時。[161]
在同年同月同天中，希特拉在紐倫堡的一次演講中談到了他對教堂建築的看法。據希特拉說，這種看法是受到基督教神祕主義的啟發，並產生了「黑暗的力量」，此外希特拉也與戈培爾表達了類似的想法，即比起「陰暗的大教堂」，他更喜歡古希臘與古羅馬的神廟。據希特拉說，他更偏向於「光明的空氣」，而非「陰暗的」哥德大教堂（英語：Gothic cathedrals and churches）。同樣重要的是，希特拉在德軍入侵希臘時，便明令禁止轟炸雅典，這是因為希特拉本人看中古希臘的建築/神廟，反之，高雲地利座堂則在高雲地利大轟炸被德國空軍精準轟炸：
真理在於自然科學，這對希特拉來說，它意味着種族生物學的真理──物競天擇、種族鬥爭、「種族認同」。希特拉在政治上相當謹慎，他沒有公開宣揚其科學觀點，這不僅是因為他想保持他自己的運動和蘇聯共產主義（英語：Ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union）的無神論之間的區別。他也不是一個徹底的無神論者。其公開演講中到處可以聽見「上帝」與「靈魂」。對希特拉來說，他在對種族的認知中發現的末世論真理代表了真正的「統指宇宙的永恆意志」；在種族的無限價值與維持種族的鬥爭中，人們發現了他們可稱之為上帝的東西，一種對自然與歷史的統一性和目的性的內在感受......這種觀點可以在第一次世界大戰前，德國神學批判發展中發現，他認為上帝應該被體驗為在內在感受，而非外在道德......希特拉不能接受的是，基督教除了提供虛假「理念」外，還能提供其他任何東西來支持其對道德的篤定主張。 — 摘自李察·奧維（英語：Richard Overy）之《獨裁者：希特拉德國與史太林俄國》[199]
希特拉在與一位阿拉伯傑出人士代表團會談時，他了解到伊斯蘭教如何激勵倭馬亞哈里發入侵高盧（英語：Umayyad invasion of Gaul）。據史佩爾說，希特拉希望哈里發在當初能夠在732年對法蘭克人的圖爾戰役中勝利：「穆罕默德的宗教似乎也比基督教更適合我們啊。為什麼我們非得選擇既溫順又軟弱的基督教呢？」[215]「如果查理·馬特沒有在圖爾戰役中取得勝利──看啊，世界已經落入了猶太人的手裏，基督教是多麼的無膽啊！──那麼我們很可能就已經皈依伊斯蘭教了，那是一種稱頌英雄主義的膜拜，他只向勇敢的戰士開放第七天堂。接着日耳曼人就可以征服世界了，而只有基督教阻止了我們。」[216]據史佩爾說，希特拉確信如果伊斯蘭教此時在中歐紮根，日耳曼人將成為「該宗教的繼承人」，伊斯蘭教「完全符合日耳曼人的氣質」。希特拉還說，雖然阿拉伯人因其「種族劣等性」而無法處理該地區的惡劣氣候與條件，相反地，伊斯蘭化的德國人將「站在穆罕默德帝國的最頂端」。一個「透過劍來傳播信仰，並使所有國家都屈服於該信仰的宗教」。[215]
據克肖說，戈培爾在1937年注意到希特拉在「教會問題」上變得更加激進，並表示，儘管目前的政治環境仍需靜觀其變，但他的長期計劃為解除與盧馬的政教協定，將教會完全割離於國家之外，將黨的全部力量轉到「消滅神職人員」，並在「世界大對決」中結束西發里亞式和平。[277]1941年，當克萊門斯·奧古斯特·馮·蓋倫主教（英語：Clemens August Graf von Galen）抗議納粹的安樂死與沒收教會財產等行為時，儘管希特拉還是同情希望馮·蓋倫去死，護者支持沒收教會財產的激進分子，但是他掐指一算後認為這只會讓天主教教區更加反對納粹政權。克肖寫道：「希特拉只有在與教會的關係上需要和平，以避免後者局勢逐漸惡化，才會決定其立場」，「在瓦爾特蘭帝國大區所發生的事件（該地區到1941年時，波森-格尼森教區94%的教堂與小聖堂被關閉，11%的神職人員被謀殺，其餘大部分都被抓進監獄或集中營）就顯示基督教會未來的面貌。」[278]
約翰·S·康威（英語：John S. Conway (historian)）指出，儘管羅森堡做了各種努力，約300萬納粹黨員中的多數人仍繼續繳納教會稅，並登記為羅馬天主教或新教之基督徒。[285]諸如戈培爾和鮑曼這樣咄咄逼人的反基督激進分子，把反對教會的教會鬥爭視為優先關注的問題，而反教會與反教權的情緒在基層黨員中也很強烈。[286]奧維寫道，「黨的總理府負責人兼著名黨內無神論者馬田·鮑曼從1938年起，在試圖切斷國家對教會的所有財政支持、限制其法律地位與活動方面中發揮了領導作用，但是從1939年9月起，動員教會支持戰爭的需要會導致教會與國家間有限的政治休戰，就像1941年後的蘇聯一樣。」[262]史佩爾認為鮑曼是該政權反對教會運動的推動者，並認為希特拉贊成其目標，但後者「想要把這個問題推遲到更有利的時機」：[66]
Steigmann-Gall 2003, p. 265: "During the Kampfzeit and into the first years of the Third Reich, he maintained – both publicly and privately – that the movement bore some fundamental relationship to Christianity, as witnessed by his repeated intonations of positive Christianity and his repeated reference to the relevance, even priority, of Christian social ideas to his own movement. Then we see an apparent total rejection of those same ideas near the end."
Hastings, Derek. Catholicism and the Roots of Nazism: Religious Identity and National Socialism. Oxford University Press. 2011. ISBN 978-0199843459（英語）. While there is little doubt that Hitler was a staunch opponent of Christianity throughout the duration of the Third Reich, I would caution against viewing Hitler's religious identity in static terms. Rather, it seems to me that Hitler's religious stance underwent a significant evolution over time, particularly in an external-historical sense but quite possibly internally as well. Before the Beerhall Putsch, Hitler made public statements of devotion to his 「Lord and Savior」 that would never have been made – either publicly or privately – at a later date. […] At the same time, a shift is already visible in the pages of Mein Kampf away from energetic and open advocacy to a much more subdued tolerance of Christianity, a respect for the institutional strength of the Catholic Church, and a practical desire to avoid interconfessional squabbles within the movement.
* Alan Bullock; Hitler: a Study in Tyranny; Harper Perennial Edition 1991; p. 219: "Hitler had been brought up a Catholic and was impressed by the organization and power of the Church... [but] to its teachings he showed only the sharpest hostility... he detested [Christianity]'s ethics in particular"
Ian Kershaw; Hitler: A Biography; Norton; 2008 ed; pp. 295–297: "In early 1937 [Hitler] was declaring that 'Christianity was ripe for destruction', and that the Churches must yield to the 'primacy of the state', railing against any compromise with 'the most horrible institution imaginable'"
Richard J. Evans; The Third Reich at War; Penguin Press; New York 2009, p. 547: Evans wrote that Hitler believed Germany could not tolerate the intervention of foreign influences such as the Pope and "Priests, he said, were 'black bugs', 'abortions in black cassocks'". Evans noted that Hitler saw Christianity as "indelibly Jewish in origin and character" and a "prototype of Bolshevism", which "violated the law of natural selection".
Richard Overy: The Dictators Hitler's Germany Stalin's Russia; Allen Lane/Penguin; 2004. p 281: "[Hitler's] few private remarks on Christianity betray a profound contempt and indifference".
A. N. Wilson; Hitler a Short Biography; Harper Press; 2012, p. 71.: "Much is sometimes made of the Catholic upbringing of Hitler... it was something to which Hitler himself often made allusion, and he was nearly always violently hostile. 'The biretta! The mere sight of these abortions in cassocks makes me wild!'"
Laurence Rees; The Dark Charisma of Adolf Hitler; Ebury Press; 2012; p. 135.; "There is no evidence that Hitler himself, in his personal life, ever expressed any individual belief in the basic tenets of the Christian church"
Derek Hastings (2010). Catholicism and the Roots of Nazism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 181 : Hastings considers it plausible that Hitler was a Catholic as late as his trial in 1924, but writes that "there is little doubt that Hitler was a staunch opponent of Christianity throughout the duration of the Third Reich."
Joseph Goebbels (Fred Taylor Translation); The Goebbels Diaries 1939–41; Hamish Hamilton Ltd; London; 1982; ISBN0241108934 : In his entry for 29 April 1941, Goebbels noted long discussions about the Vatican and Christianity, and wrote: "The Fuhrer is a fierce opponent of all that humbug".
Albert Speer; Inside the Third Reich: Memoirs; Translation by Richard and Clara Winston; Macmillan; New York; 1970; p. 123: "Once I have settled my other problem," [Hitler] occasionally declared, "I'll have my reckoning with the church. I'll have it reeling on the ropes." But Bormann did not want this reckoning postponed ... he would take out a document from his pocket and begin reading passages from a defiant sermon or pastoral letter. Frequently Hitler would become so worked up ... and vowed to punish the offending clergyman eventually ... That he could not immediately retaliate raised him to a white heat ..."
Hitler's Table Talk: "The dogma of Christianity gets worn away before the advances of science. Religion will have to make more and more concessions. Gradually the myths crumble. All that's left is to prove that in nature there is no frontier between the organic and the inorganic. When understanding of the universe has become widespread, when the majority of men know that the stars are not sources of light but worlds, perhaps inhabited worlds like ours, then the Christian doctrine will be convicted of absurdity."
Weikart, Richard. Hitler's Religion: The Twisted Beliefs that Drove the Third Reich. New York: Simon & Schuster. 2016: unpaginated. ISBN 978-1621575511（英語）. It's true that Hitler's public statements opposing atheism should not be given too much weight, since they obviously served Hitler's political purposes to tar political opponents. However, in his private monologues, he likewise rejected atheism, providing further evidence that this was indeed his personal conviction. In July 1941, he told his colleagues that humans do not really know where the laws of nature come from. He continued, "Thus people discovered the wonderful concept of the Almighty, whose rule they venerate. We do not want to train people in atheism." He then maintained that every person has a consciousness of what we call God. This God was apparently not the Christian God preached in the churches, however, since Hitler continued, "In the long run National Socialism and the church cannot continue to exist together." The monologue confirms that Hitler rejected atheism, but it also underscores the vagueness of his conception of God. [...] While confessing faith in an omnipotent being of some sort, however, Hitler denied we could know anything about it. [...] Despite his suggestion that God is inscrutable and unfathomable, Hitler did sometimes claim to know something about the workings of Providence. [...] Perhaps even more significantly, he had complete faith that Providence had chosen him to lead the German people to greatness.
Rissmann, Michael (2001). Hitlers Gott: Vorsehungsglaube und Sendungsbewußtsein des deutschen Diktators. Zürich, München: Pendo, pp. 94–96; ISBN978-3858424211.
John S. Conway. Review of Steigmann-Gall, Richard, The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919–1945. H-German, H-Net Reviews. June, 2003: John S. Conway considered that Steigmann-Gall's analysis differed from earlier interpretations only by "degree and timing", but that if Hitler's early speeches evidenced a sincere appreciation of Christianity, "this Nazi Christianity was eviscerated of all the most essential orthodox dogmas" leaving only "the vaguest impression combined with anti-Jewish prejudice..." which few would recognize as "true Christianity".
"Confessing Church" in Dictionary of the Christian Church, F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingston, eds.; William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960), pp. 235 f.（英文）
Schramm, Percy Ernst (1978) "The Anatomy of a Dictator" in Hitler: The Man and the Military Leader. Detwiler, Donald S., ed. Malabar, Florida: Robert E. Kreiger Publishing Company. pp. 88–91. ISBN089874962X; originally published as the introduction to Picker, Henry (1963) Hitlers Tischgespräche im Führerhauptquarter ("Hitler's Table Talk")
Ian Kershaw; Hitler a Biography; 2008 Edn; WW Norton & Company; London p. 661
Alan Bullock; Hitler: A Study in Tyranny; HarperPerennial Edition 1991; p 219: "Once the war was over, [Hitler] promised himself, he would root out and destroy the influence of the Christian Churches, but until then he would be circumspect"
Michael Phayer; The Response of the German Catholic Church to National Socialism （頁面存檔備份，存於互聯網檔案館）, published by Yad Vashem: "By the latter part of the decade of the Thirties church officials were well aware that the ultimate aim of Hitler and other Nazis was the total elimination of Catholicism and of the Christian religion. Since the overwhelming majority of Germans were either Catholic or Protestant this goal had to be a long-term rather than a short-term Nazi objective."
Gill, Anton (1994). An Honourable Defeat; A History of the German Resistance to Hitler. Heinemann Mandarin. 1995 paperback ISBN978-0434292769, pp. 14–15: "[the Nazis planned to] de-Christianise Germany after the final victory".
Richard Overy; 『』The Dictators Hitler's Germany Stalin's Russia』』; Allen Lane/Penguin; 2004. pp. 287: 「During the War [Hitler] reflected that in the long run, 『National Socialism and religion will no longer be able to exist together. Both Stalin and Hitler wanted a neutered religion, subservient to the state, while the slow programme of scientific revelation destroyed the foundation of religious myth.」
Richard J. Evans; The Third Reich at War; Penguin Press; New York 2009, p. 547: wrote that Hitler believed that in the long run National Socialism and religion would not be able to co-exist, and stressed repeatedly that Nazism was a secular ideology, founded on modern science: "Science, he declared, would easily destroy the last remaining vestiges of superstition". Germany could not tolerate the intervention of foreign influences such as the Pope and "Priests, he said, were 'black bugs', 'abortions in black cassocks'".
Griffin, RogerFascism's relation to religion in Blamires, Cyprian, World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1, p. 10, ABC-CLIO, 2006: "There is no doubt that in the long run Nazi leaders such as Hitler and Himmler intended to eradicate Christianity just as ruthlessly as any other rival ideology, even if in the short term they had to be content to make compromises with it."
Mosse, George Lachmann, Nazi culture: intellectual, cultural and social life in the Third Reich, p. 240, Univ of Wisconsin Press, 2003: "Had the Nazis won the war their ecclesiastical policies would have gone beyond those of the German Christians, to the utter destruction of both the Protestant and the Catholic Church."
Fischel, Jack R., Historical Dictionary of the Holocaust , p. 123, Scarecrow Press, 2010: "The objective was to either destroy Christianity and restore the German gods of antiquity or to turn Jesus into an Aryan."
Dill, Marshall, Germany: a modern history , p. 365, University of Michigan Press, 1970: "It seems no exaggeration to insist that the greatest challenge the Nazis had to face was their effort to eradicate Christianity in Germany or at least to subjugate it to their general world outlook."
Bendersky, Joseph W., A concise history of Nazi Germany, p. 147, Rowman & Littlefield, 2007: "Consequently, it was Hitler's long range goal to eliminate the churches once he had consolidated control over his European empire.」
Bendersky, Joseph W., A concise history of Nazi Germany, p. 147, Rowman & Littlefield, 2007: "Consequently, it was Hitler's long range goal to eliminate the churches once he had consolidated control over his European empire.」
Schramm, Percy Ernst (1978) "The Anatomy of a Dictator" in Hitler: The Man and the Military Leader. Detwiler, Donald S., ed. Malabar, Florida: Robert E. Kreiger Publishing Company. p. 46. ISBN089874962X; originally published as the introduction to Picker, Henry (1963) Hitlers Tischgespräche im Führerhauptquarter ("Hitler's Table Talk")
Speer, Albert (1971). Inside the Third Reich. Trans. Richard Winston, Clara Winston, Eugene Davidson. New York: Macmillan, p. 143; Reprinted in 1997. Inside the Third Reich: Memoirs. New York: Simon and Schuster. p. 96.ISBN978-0684829494.
Evans, Richard J. The Third Reich at War: How the Nazis led Germany from conquest to disaster. London: Penguin. 2008: 547 (546–549). ISBN 978-0141015484.
Evans, Richard J. The Third Reich at War: How the Nazis led Germany from conquest to disaster. London: Penguin. 2008: 547–548. ISBN 978-0141015484（英語）.
Trevor-Roper, Hugh, ed (2000). Hitler's Table Talk 1941–1944. Trans. N. Cameron and R. H. Stevens (3rd ed.). New York: Enigma Books. Midday 14th October 1941: "I'm convinced that any pact with the Church can offer only a provisional benefit, for sooner or later the scientific spirit will disclose the harmful character of such a compromise. Thus the State will have based its existence on a foundation that one day will collapse. An educated man retains the sense of the mysteries of nature and bows before the unknowable. An uneducated man, on the other hand, runs the risk of going over to atheism (which is a return to the state of the animal) as soon as he perceives that the State, in sheer opportunism, is making use of false ideas in the matter of religion, whilst in other fields it bases everything on pure science. That's why I've always kept the Party aloof from religious questions."
Fred Taylor Translation; The Goebbels Diaries 1939–41; Hamish Hamilton Ltd; London; 1982; ISBN0241108934; pp. 304–305: Goebbels wrote in 1941 that Hitler "hates Christianity" because it had made humans abject and weak, and also because the faith exalted the dignity of human life, while disregarding the rights and well-being of animals.
Ian Kershaw; Hitler: a Biography; Norton; 2008 ed; pp. 295–297: "In early 1937 [Hitler] was declaring that 'Christianity was ripe for destruction', and that the Churches must yield to the 'primacy of the state', railing against any compromise with 'the most horrible institution imaginable'"
Smith, Bradley (1967). Adolf Hitler: His Family, Childhood and Youth. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, p. 27. "Closely related to his support of education was his tolerant skepticism concerning religion. He looked upon religion as a series of conventions and as a crutch for human weakness, but, like most of his neighbors, he insisted that the women of his household fulfil all religious obligations. He restricted his own participation to donning his uniform to take his proper place in festivals and processions. As he grew older, Alois shifted from relative passivity in his attitude toward the power and influence of the institutional Church to a firm opposition to 'clericalism', especially when the position of the Church came into conflict with his views on education."
Smith, Bradley (1967). Adolf Hitler: His Family, Childhood and Youth. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, p. 42. "Alois insisted she attend regularly as an expression of his belief that the woman's place was in the kitchen and in church ... Happily, Klara really enjoyed attending services and was completely devoted to the faith and teachings of Catholicism, so her husband's requirements worked to her advantage."
A. N. Wilson; Hitler a Short Biography; Harper Press; 2012, p. 71.: "Hitler himself often made allusion [to his Catholic upbringing] and he was nearly always violently hostile... Hitler saw himself as avoiding the power of the priests. 'In Austria, religious instruction was given by the priests. I was the eternal asker of questions. Since I was completely the master of the material I was unassailable."
Richard Overy: The Dictators Hitler's Germany Stalin's Russia; Allen Lane/Penguin; 2004.p 281: "His few private remarks on Christianity betray a profound contempt and indifference. Forty years afterwards he could still recall facing up to clergyman-teacher at his school when told how unhappy he would be in the afterlife: 'I've heard of a scientists who doubts whether there is a next world'. Hitler believed that all religions were now 'decadent'; in Europe it was the 'collapse of Christianity that we are now experiencing'. The reason for the crisis was science."
Toland chapter 1; Kershaw chapter 1. By his account in Mein Kampf (which is often an unreliable source), he loved the "solemn splendor of the brilliant Church festivals". He held the abbot in very high regard, and later told Helene Hanfstaengl that one time as a small boy he had once ardently wished to become a priest. His flirtation with the idea apparently ended as suddenly as it began, however. (Ibid.)
Daniel E.D. Müller: Radikal pragmatisches Kalkül. Das Gelingen der Konkordatsverhandlungen von 1933 zwischen deutscher Reichsregierung und Heiligem Stuhl. In: Daniel E.D. Müller, Christoph Studt (ed.): „…und dadurch steht er vor Freisler, als Christ und als gar nichts anderes …「. Christlicher Glaube als Fundament und Handlungsorientierung des Widerstandes gegen das „Dritte Reich「 (= Schriftenreihe der Forschungsgemeinschaft 20. Juli 1944 e.V., vol. 25). Wißner, Augsburg 2019, ISBN978-3957862341, pp. 56–68.
"Hitler wusste selber durch die ständige Anrufung des Herrgotts oder der Vorsehung den Eindruck gottesfürchtiger Denkart zu machen." J. C. Fest. Hitler. (German edition), p. 581.
"Hitler's evident ability to simulate, even to potentially critical Church leaders, an image of a leader keen to uphold and protect Christianity was crucial to the mediation of such an image to the church-going public by influential members of both major denominations. It was the reason why church-going Christians, so often encouraged by their 'opinion-leaders' in the Church hierarchies, were frequently able to exclude Hitler from their condemnation of the anti-Christian Party radicals, continuing to see in him the last hope of protecting Christianity from Bolshevism."
Adolf Hitler. Ralph Manheim, ed. , 編. Mein Kampf. New York: Houghton Mifflin. 1998: 65. ISBN 0395951054（英語）. Hence today I believe that I am acting in accordance with the will of the Almighty Creator: by defending myself against the Jew, I am fighting for the work of the Lord.
Speech delivered at Munich 12 April 1922; from Norman H. Baynes, ed. (1942). The Speeches of Adolf Hitler: April 1922 – August 1939. Vol. 1. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 19.
Speech in Passau 27 October 1928 Bundesarchiv Berlin-Zehlendorf; from Richard Steigmann-Gall (2003). Holy Reich: Nazi conceptions of Christianity, 1919–1945. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 60–61
Miguel Power, La persecución Nazi contra el cristianismo (Buenos Aires: Editorial Difusión, 1941), pp. 99–102. This book is a Spanish translation corresponding to Michael Power, Religion in the Reich: the Nazi Persecution of Christianity, an Eye Witness Report (n.p.: Longman's Green and Co. Ltd., 1939).
Baynes, Norman H., ed. (1969). The Speeches of Adolf Hitler: April 1922 – August 1939. New York: Howard Fertig. pp. 19–20, 37, 240, 370, 371, 375, 378, 382, 383, 385–388, 390–392, 398–399, 402, 405–407, 410, 1018, 1544, 1594.
Speech in Nuremberg on 6 September 1938. The Speeches of Adolf Hitler, April 1922 – August 1939, Volume 1 Edited by Norman Hepburn Baynes. University of Michigan Press, p. 396.
Rosenbaum, Ron Explaining Hitler pp. xxxvii, 282 (citing Yehuda Bauer's belief that Hitler's racism is rooted in occult groups like Ostara), p. 333, 1998 Random House
"We will not allow mystically-minded occult folk with a passion for exploring the secrets of the world beyond to steal into our Movement. Such folk are not National Socialists, but something else – in any case something which has nothing to do with us." (Speech in Nuremberg on 6 September 1938)
Richard Bonney; Confronting the Nazi War on Christianity: the Kulturkampf Newsletters, 1936–1939; International Academic Publishers; Bern; 2009 ISBN978-3039119042; p. 122
Motadel, David （頁面存檔備份，存於互聯網檔案館）. The Swastika and the Crescent （頁面存檔備份，存於互聯網檔案館）. The Wilson Quarterly - Winter 2015. After the war, Eva Braun’s sister, Ilse, remembered his frequent discussions on the topic, repeatedly comparing Islam with Christianity in order to devalue the latter. In contrast to Islam, which he saw as a strong and practical faith, he described Christianity as a soft, artificial, weak religion of suffering.
Stefan Wild. National Socialism in the Arab near East between 1933 and 1939. Die Welt des Islams. New Series. 1985, 25 (1/4): 126–173. JSTOR 1571079. doi:10.2307/1571079（德語）. Wir werden weiterhin die Unruhe in Fernost und in Arabien schüren. Denken wir als Herren und sehen in diesen Völkern bestenfalls lackierte Halbaffen, die die Knute spüren wollen.
Richard J. Evans; In Search of German Social Darwinism: The History and Historiography of a Concept; a chapter from Medicine & Modernity: Public Health & Medical Care in 19th and 20th Century Germany; Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge; 1997; pp. 55–57
Zalampas, Sherree Owens. (1990). Adolf Hitler: A psychological interpretation of his views on architecture, art, and music. Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green University Popular Press, p. 139..
Richard J. Evans; In Search of German Social Darwinism: The History and Historiography of a Concept, 1997 – (quoted by Richard Weikart in Hitler's Religion: The Twisted Beliefs that Drove the Third Reich; Regnery; US 2016; ISBN978-1621575009; p. 352)
Theodore S. Hamerow; On the Road to the Wolf's Lair – German Resistance to Hitler; Belknap Press of Harvard University Press; 1997; ISBN0674636805; p. 196
* William Shirer; Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany, p. 240, Simon and Schuster, 1990: "under the leadership of Rosenberg, Bormann and Himmler – backed by Hitler – the Nazi regime intended to destroy Christianity in Germany, if it could, and substitute the old paganism of the early tribal Germanic gods and the new paganism of the Nazi extremists".
Richard Overy: The Dictators Hitler's Germany Stalin's Russia; Allen Lane/Penguin; 2004. p. 287: "From the mid 1930s the regime and party were dominated much more by the prominent anti-Christians in their ranks – Himmler, Bormann, Heydrich – but were restrained by Hitler, despite his anti religious sentiments, from any radical programme of de-Chritianization. ... Hitler 'expected the end of the disease of Christianity to come about by itself once its falsehoods were self evident"
Kershaw, Ian, Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris, pp. 575–576, W. W. Norton & Company, 2000
Gill, Anton (1994). An Honourable Defeat; A History of the German Resistance to Hitler. Heinemann Mandarin. 1995 paperback ISBN978-0434292769, pp. 14–15
Cameron, Norman; Stevens, R. H. Stevens; Weinberg, Gerhard L.; Trevor-Roper, H. R. Hitler's Table Talk 1941–1944: Secret Conversations.. New York: Enigma Books. 2007. ISBN 978-1936274932.
Dawidowicz, Lucy, The War Against the Jews: 1933–1945, Bantam, 1986, ISBN 978-0553345322.
De George, Richard; Scanlan, James, Marxism and religion in Eastern Europe: papers presented at the Banff International Slavic Conference, September 4–7, 1974, Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1975.
Fest, Joachim, Hitler: Eine Biographie, Propyläen, 1973, ISBN 978-3549073018.
Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas, The Occult Roots of Nazism: The Ariosophists of Austria and Germany, 1890–1935, Wellingborough, England: The Aquarian Press, 19851985, ISBN 978-0850304022.
Gunther, John, Inside Europe, New York: Harper & brothers, 1938.
Hart, Stephen; Hart, Russell; Hughes, Matthew, The German soldier in World War II, Osceola, Wisconsin: MBI, 2000.
Miner, Steven, Stalin's Holy War, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 20032003, ISBN 978-0807827369.
Rissmann, Michael, Hitlers Gott. Vorsehungsglaube und Sendungsbewußtsein des deutschen Diktators, Zürich München: Pendo: 94–96, 2001, ISBN 978-3858424211.
Sage, Steven, Ibsen and Hitler: the playwright, the plagiarist, and the plot for the Third Reich, New York: Carroll & Graf, 20062006, ISBN 978-0786717132
Schramm, Percy Ernst (1978) "The Anatomy of a Dictator" in Hitler: The Man and the Military Leader. Detwiler, Donald S., ed. Malabar, Florida: Robert E. Kreiger Publishing Company. ISBN089874962X; originally published as the introduction to Picker, Henry (1963) Hitlers Tischgespräche im Führerhauptquarter ("Hitler's Table Talk")
Steigmann-Gall, Richard, The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919–1945, Cambridge University Press, 20032003, ISBN 978-0521823715.
Thomsett, Michael, The German opposition to Hitler: the resistance, the underground, and assassination plots, 1938–1945, Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 19971997, ISBN 978-0786403721.
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