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Filipino ethnolinguistic group From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Ilocanos (Ilocano: Tattao nga Ilokano, Kailukuan / Kailukoan), also referred to as Ilokano or Iloko, are an Austronesian ethnic group and the third-largest ethnolinguistic group in the Philippines. Originally from the Ilocos Region on the northwestern coast of Luzon, Philippines and later expanded throughout Northern Luzon. Their native language is called Iloco.
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Ilocano women from Santa Catalina, Ilocos Sur, c. 1900 | |
| Total population | |
|---|---|
| 8,746,169 (2020)[1] | |
| Regions with significant populations | |
 Philippines(Ilocos Region, Cordillera, Cagayan Valley, Central Luzon, Metro Manila, some parts of Soccsksargen)  United States(Hawaii, California) Worldwide | |
| Languages | |
| Ilocano, Tagalog, English | |
| Religion | |
| Predominantly Roman Catholicism, Aglipayan minority, Iglesia ni Cristo, Protestantism, Members Church of God International, Jehovah's Witnesses, Islam, Buddhism[2][3] | |
| Related ethnic groups | |
| Itneg, Balangao, Pangasinan, Ibaloi, Kankanaey, Ibanag, Itawes Tagalog Austronesian peoples[4] |
Historically, the Ilocano people developed a rich and complex system of beliefs and social practices shaped by centuries of Catholicism and the influence of animism-polytheism traditions. These traditions are deeply rooted in their agricultural lifestyle, communal values, and close-knit family structures, reflecting their strong connection to the land and community.[5]
The Ilocano population extends across most parts of the Philippines, beyond the Ilocos Region. Ilocanos are widely present in the Cagayan Valley, Cordillera Administrative Region, and the northern and western parts of Central Luzon. Many have also migrated to Metro Manila, Palawan, Mindanao, and even to international destinations, particularly Hawaii and California.[6] This migration was primarily driven by population pressures in their densely populated homeland, which has limited agricultural capacity.[7][8]
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Prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, the Ilocanos referred to themselves as “Samtoy,” a contraction of “sao mi ditoy” Ilocano words that mean “our language.” [9]
The term Ilocano or Ilokano is derived from Iloko or Iloco (the archaic Spanish form, Yloco). It is a combination of the prefix i- (meaning of) and luek or looc (meaning bay), translating to from the bay in Ilocano. Additionally, some sources indicate that the name may originate from i- (indicating originating from) and luku or lukung (referring to a concave, valley or depression in land, thus signifying lowland), situated between the gulod (mountains) and the luek (sea or bay). Therefore, "Ilocano" denotes the people from the bay. [10]
One effect of the Spanish language on the demonym is the introduction of grammatical gender. "Ilocano" or "Ilokano" typically refers to males, while "Ilocana" or "Ilokana" is used for females. However, "Ilocano" is generally considered gender-neutral and can be applied to individuals of either gender.[11]
The Ilocano people are one of the Austronesian peoples of Northern Luzon.[12] The Ilocano people belong to the Malay ethnic group, having migrated northward through the Philippines thousands of years ago using wooden boats known as viray or bilog for trade and cargo. The prevailing theory regarding the dispersal of Austronesian peoples is the "Out of Taiwan" hypothesis, which suggests that Neolithic-era migrations from Taiwan led to the emergence of the ancestors of contemporary Austronesian populations.[13]
A genetic study conducted in 2021 revealed that Austronesians, originating from either Southern China or Taiwan, arrived in the Philippines in at least two distinct waves. The first wave occurred approximately 10,000 to 7,000 years ago, bringing the ancestors of the indigenous groups residing around the Cordillera Central mountain range. Subsequent migrations introduced additional Austronesian groups along with agricultural practices, resulting in the effective replacement of the languages of the existing populations.[14]
In prehistory, the Ilocano people practiced a rich animistic religion, characterized by the belief that spirits inhabited the natural environment surrounding them. Prominent deities in their belief system included Buni, the god; Parsua, the creator; and Apo Langit, the lord of heaven. However, due to the presence of various Ilocano settlements, distinct variations of belief systems emerged, each featuring its own deities and goddesses, influenced by neighboring groups such as the Igorot, Tagalog, and Chinese.[15]
The Ilocano people referred to their settlements as íli, similar to the Tagalog term barangay, with smaller groups of houses known as purók. Their society was structured in a class system, led by an agtúray or ári (chief) and his family, whose positions were inherited based on strength, wealth, and wisdom, with a community of elders assisting in governance; below them were the wealthy babaknáng, who controlled trade and could potentially ascend to the chief's position. Beneath the chief and the babaknáng were the kailianes, tenant farmers (katalonan), while at the bottom were the ubíng (servants) and tagábu (slaves), who faced significant social and economic disadvantages.[16]
Additionally, the Ilocano were seafarers who engaged in traditional farming and actively traded with their Igorot, Pangasinan, Tagalog, Japanese, Chinese, and Southeast Asian neighbors. They exchanged a variety of goods, including gold, wax, silk, loom-woven textiles (inabel), rice, cotton, wine, iron, glass beads, ceramics, and stone and clay jars (burnáy).
A year after Adelantado Miguel López de Legazpi designated Manila as the capital of the Philippines on June 24, 1571, Spanish colonization efforts began in Northern Luzon to "pacify the people." In June 1572, conquistadores led by Juan de Salcedo, grandson of Legazpi, ventured northward with eight armed boats and 80 men. Following their successful pacification of Pangasinan, the Spanish conquistadores arrived at several native settlements which called Samtoy, naming the region Ylocos and its inhabitants Ylocanos.
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As they navigated the coastline, they encountered numerous sheltered coves (looc) where the locals lived peacefully. The Spaniards demanded tribute for the Queen of Spain and sought to convert the natives to Christianity, which led to various acts of resistance against foreign control. One notable instance of resistance occurred in Purao (Balaoan), where the Ilocanos defiantly refused to pay tribute, resulting in a battle that marked their first bloodshed in opposition to foreign domination.
Continuing their expedition, Salcedo and his men landed in additional Ilocano settlements, including Tagurín (Tagudin), Kaog or Dumangague (Santa Lucía), Nalbacán (Narvacan), Kandong (Candon), Bantay, Sinayt (Sinait), and Bigan (Vigan), a coastal trading post frequented by Chinese merchants. They subsequently established "Villa Fernandina de Vigan" in honor of King Philip II’s son, Prince Ferdinand, who died at the young age of four. Then Vigan became a center of Spanish governance and influence, encompassing evangelization and pacification initiatives in Ylocos. Juan de Salcedo then proceeded to Laoag, Currimao, and Badoc, where he established new religious, cultural, and administrative institutions. This marked the commencement of early Spanish colonization in Northern Luzon, igniting a century-long struggle against Spanish rule by the Ilocanos. Salcedo declared all of Northern Luzon an encomienda (land grant), serving as the encomendero of Vigan and lieutenant governor of Ylocos until his death in July 1574.
Fray Andres Carro later wrote in his 1792 manuscript, that when Juan de Salcedo conquered Ilocos in 1572,[17]
—Fray Andres Carro
According to Carro, as a result of Spanish interactions, the Spaniards learned the Ilocano language. Through its use and the increased trade and traffic among the natives an activity Carro asserts was absent prior to the Spanish arrival the Ilocano language gained prominence and became widely spoken throughout the province of Ilocos, spanning from Bangui to Agoo.[17]
Andres Malong, who was a leader in San Carlos, Pangasinan (then known as Binalatongan), formed an alliance with the inhabitants of Zambales in 1660. Their objective was to overthrow the Spanish colonizers and suppress those who were sympathetic to Spain. Previously, Malong had been working for the Spanish to facilitate the colonization of non-Christian communities in Pangasinan. But as he conquered more territories, he came to the realization that he could also defeat the outnumbered Spanish forces.
With his Zambales allies, Malong crowned himself the king of Pangasinan and sent out letters to all the chiefs of the Ilocos Region, Pampanga, and Cagayan Valley and demanded that they too align and recognize Malong as their king and kill any Spaniards among them. If they did not, Malong warned that he would invade and punish them for not joining his cause.[18]
At the time, unlike Pangasinan and the Zambales, Ilocos was a region in which the Spanish invested soldiers and missionaries and routinely secured. Towns such as Vigan and Tagudin were quickly conquered by the Spanish encomiendas, and fortifications and Catholic churches quickly established to subjugate the Ilocano people into the Spanish Empire. The Spanish were swift in this process to stake their claim on the region's gold trade with the Igorots.[19] They sought to prevent Chinese and Japanese pirates and different European powers such as the Dutch or English from taking these trade routes. Considering this relatively recent history with the Spanish and primarily under the influence of Catholic missionaries, many of the Ilocano chiefs rejected Andres Malong's offer.
In response to their rejection, Malong sent a Zambales chief named Don Pedro Gumapos, who had recently conquered the Pampanga region with 6,000 men, to invade the Ilocos and Cagayan regions. Gumapos and his men were met with only 1,500 Spanish loyalist Ilocanos, under the command of the alcalde mayor of the region, and even missionaries. As such, the Zambales and Pangasinese army quickly defeated them and marched as far north as Vigan where they sacked and burned the Spanish stronghold and nearby villages. With many of the Spanish missionaries and colonial authorities in Ilocos evacuated or in retreat, Malong then asked Gumapos to assist him in Pangasinan, where the Spanish were beginning to advance on him. As Gumapos and his troops traveled back down through Narvacan, they continued to raid Ilocano towns and villages for supplies. Ultimately, the people of Narvacan responded with guerrilla tactics aided by their Tinguian allies.[20] This retaliation by the Ilocano people was devastating and caused more fatalities on Gumapos' army than with the Spanish-lead Ilocano forces.
As the invading army headed south, they sacked and burned the coastal towns of Santa Maria, San Esteban, Santiago, and Candon. When they finally approached Santa Cruz, Gumapos encountered a Spanish led army who had just finished reconquering Pangasinan and captured Andres Malong. Despite learning of Malong's defeat, Gumapos led his army to battle. Gumapos and his army were defeated after two large battles. After being captured, Gumapos was sent back to Vigan where he was executed by hanging.[21] The Ilocos Region would not see another revolt against the Spanish until 1762.
In January 1661 was a significant uprising in the Ilocos region of the Philippines, led by Don Pedro Almazan, a wealthy and influential leader from San Nicolas, Laoag, Ilocos Norte. It was part of a broader series of uprisings in the aftermath of the Malong Revolt in Pangasinan, reflecting widespread resentment against Spanish rule. Don Andres Malong had previously declared himself "King of Pangasinan" and encouraged other regions to resist Spanish colonial authority. Inspired by Malong's call to arms, Almazan, incensed by Spanish abuses and the imposition of foreign officials over local leaders, aimed to expel the Spanish from Ilocos and restore regional autonomy.[22]
Declaring himself "King of Ilocos," Almazan used the Crown of Mary from the Laoag Cathedral as a symbol of his authority, drawing support from the Ilocano people. The rebellion was bolstered by a coalition of Ilocano leaders, including Juan Magsanop from Bangui and Gaspar Cristobal, the gobernadorcillo of Laoag. This alliance of leaders, known as the "trinity" of Ilocano leaders, was solidified when Almazan arranged the marriage of his son to Cristobal's daughter, designating them as prince and princess. This symbolic Ilocano monarchy became a rallying point for the people.
By January 31, 1661, Magsanop declared independence from Spanish rule in Bacarra, affirming Almazan's kingship and calling on the Calanasanes of Apayao to join the rebellion. In a powerful gesture of resistance, the rebels burned the church in Laoag and advanced towards Cabicungan and Pata, even crossing into the Cagayan region.
The Ilocano people played a central role in supporting Almazan's leadership and the symbolic monarchy he established, highlighting their solidarity, resilience, and desire for freedom from Spanish rule. United by shared grievances, they sought a future where native leadership and dignity were restored. However, the rebels overestimated Malong's success and expected reinforcements that ultimately did not come.[23]
By February 1661, Spanish and allied forces mobilized to suppress the rebellion. A thousand troops under Alferez Lorenzo Arqueros advanced northward, while another 300 soldiers under Maestre de Campo Juan Manalo approached from Cagayan. Overwhelmed by the Spanish forces, the rebels retreated into the mountains, attempting to establish defensive positions. Despite their efforts, Arqueros led a relentless pursuit, dismantling each stronghold. Magsanop was eventually captured but chose to take his own life rather than face imprisonment. Don Pedro Almazan and sixteen other leaders were captured and executed in Vigan.
Although the Almazan Revolt was ultimately suppressed, it marked a key moment in Ilocano resistance, underscoring the people's fierce desire for autonomy, unity, and freedom from Spanish domination.
The first significant uprising against Spanish colonial rule in the Philippines, spearheaded by Diego Silang and, after his death, by his wife, Gabriela Silang. This revolt took place amidst the broader context of the Seven Years' War, during which Britain, retaliating against Spain's alliance with France, launched a military incursion into the Philippines. In September 1762, British forces occupied Manila, and their military operations aimed to seize control of other Philippine provinces. The weakening of Spanish power presented an opportunity for Diego Silang to lead a rebellion in Ilocos.[24]
Diego Silang's motivations were deeply rooted in the hardships experienced by the Ilocano people under Spanish rule. The Ilocanos faced heavy taxation, forced labor for the construction of churches and government buildings, and the imposition of monopolies by the Spanish. These widespread grievances contributed to a strong local support base for the revolt. Silang's disillusionment began when, while serving as a courier for the parish priest in Vigan, he witnessed the injustices faced by the people of Ilocos and the rest of the Philippines. After unsuccessful negotiations with Spanish authorities for more autonomy for the Ilocanos, he resolved to take up arms in revolt.[25]
By December 1762, Diego Silang had successfully seized Vigan and declared the independence of Ilocandia, naming it “Free Ilocos” with Vigan as its capital. He was promised military support from the British, but this assistance never materialized, leaving him vulnerable. Despite this setback, Silang pressed on with the rebellion, determined to liberate Ilocos from Spanish control. The rebellion, however, was cut short when Diego Silang was assassinated in May 1763 by Miguel Vicos, a mestizo of Spanish and Ilocano descent, who had once been his ally. The assassination was orchestrated by Spanish authorities, both governmental and ecclesiastical, in an effort to eliminate Silang's challenge to their rule. Although Diego Silang's death marked a temporary setback for the revolt, his cause was carried forward by his wife, Gabriela Silang.
Gabriela Silang assumed leadership of the insurgents and continued to resist Spanish rule. Under her command, the Ilocano forces achieved their first victory in the town of Santa, where they defeated Spanish troops. This success startled the Spanish, who had not anticipated a woman leading a revolt. After the victory, Gabriela and her forces retreated to the rugged terrain of Pidigan, Abra, where they were joined by Diego Silang's uncle, Nicolas Cariño. Cariño temporarily assumed command and gathered around 2,000 men loyal to Diego Silang.[26]
On September 10, 1763, Gabriela and her forces launched attacks on the Spanish in Vigan. While some skirmishes resulted in victories, others were defeats, and both sides suffered heavy casualties. Ultimately, Gabriela's forces were overwhelmed, and she was captured by Spanish forces led by Miguel Vicos, who had previously assassinated her husband. Gabriela was paraded through coastal towns as a public spectacle to instill fear among the Ilocanos. She was publicly hanged in September 1763, along with nearly ninety of her supporters, marking the end of the Silang Revolt. Despite her death, Gabriela Silang's legacy endured. She is often referred to as the "Joan of Arc of the Philippines" and is remembered as the first female leader in the country's history to actively fight for its liberation from colonial rule.[27]
Historical records indicate that in 1786, discontent among the populace grew due to a monopoly on local basi wine, a sugarcane-based alcoholic beverage, enforced by the Spanish colonial government. This monopoly regulated the consumption of basi and mandated that producers sell it at a low official price. Basi held significant cultural and societal importance for the Ilocanos, being integral to rituals surrounding childbirth, marriage, and death. Additionally, the production of basi was a vital industry in Ilocos, making the Spanish-imposed monopoly a substantial cultural and economic detriment.
The abuses of the Spanish authorities culminated in the Basi Revolt, also known as the Ambaristo Revolt, which erupted on September 16, 1807, in present-day Piddig, and subsequently spread throughout the province. The revolt was led by Pedro Mateo, a cabeza de barangay from Piddig, and Saralogo Ambaristo, an Ilocano and Tinguian. Participants included disgruntled elements from various towns of Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur, including Piddig, Badoc, Sarrat, Laoag, Sinait, Cabugao, Magsingal, and others. They marched southward under their own flag of yellow and red horizontal bands toward the provincial capital of Vigan to protest the abuses of the Spanish colonial government. In response to the revolt, the alcalde-mayor, Juan Ybañez, mobilized the town mayors and the Vigan troops to confront the rebels. On September 28, while crossing the Bantaoay River in San Ildefonso en route to Vigan, the Ilocano forces were ambushed by Spanish troops, resulting in the deaths of hundreds. Survivors faced execution, and their leaders were publicly rounded up and executed, serving as a stark warning against further resistance.
The Basi Revolt lasted for 13 days, prompting the colonial government to partition the Ilocos province into Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur. Although the revolt did not achieve its primary objective of liberation, it succeeded in galvanizing subsequent movements for justice and freedom in Northern Luzon. The division of the Ilocos Province into two distinct regions was a direct consequence of the unrest, highlighting the colonial government's efforts to manage and suppress the growing discontent among the Ilocano people. Ultimately, the Basi Revolt marked a significant chapter in the struggle against Spanish colonial rule, laying the groundwork for future movements advocating for justice and autonomy.[28]
The Ilocano revolutionaries made significant contributions to the Philippine Revolution, employing Ilocano fighting techniques and weapon styles, particularly through their leadership and military efforts under General Manuel Tinio, a central figure in the northern resistance against Spanish forces. His brigade garrisoned the entire western portion of Northern Luzon, which included Pangasinan and the four main Ilocano provinces: Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Abra, and La Union, as well as the comandancias of Amburayan, Lepanto-Bontoc, and Benguet. To manage this vast territory effectively, General Tinio divided it into three military zones:
The Villamor brothers, Blas and Juan, played crucial roles in leading the Ilocano resistance, particularly in Abra, where their guerrilla warfare tactics against Spanish forces were vital in securing key areas. Estanislao Reyes of Vigan, Ilocos Sur, was another significant leader who helped organize and defend against Spanish control in the region.[29] Tinio and his generals resorted to guerrilla warfare to outmaneuver Spanish troops, utilizing the challenging terrain of northern Luzon to their advantage. The military campaigns were highly effective, especially in the Ilocos Sur area, where Blas Villamor defended towns such as Tagudin and Bantay. Juan Villamor focused on strategic operations in Abra, helping to weaken Spanish influence in the region.
In August 1898, the Ilocanos drove the Spanish forces out of several towns, including Laoag, Ilocos Norte, a significant victory that marked a turning point in the revolution. This enabled the revolutionaries to continue their push south and establish provisional governments aligned with Emilio Aguinaldo's revolutionary government.
Meanwhile, Father Gregorio Aglipay, the military vicar general of the Philippine Revolutionary Army, led a separate campaign in Ilocos Norte. Father Aglipay, who would later found the Philippine Independent Church, played a key role in rallying local support and organizing military operations in the region. His leadership was not only religious but also military, as he led several attacks on Spanish forces, contributing to the weakening of Spanish control in Ilocos Norte.
The Cry of Candon is recognized as one of the earliest uprisings that occurred during the second phase of the Philippine Revolution. On March 25, 1898, a force of Ilocano Katipuneros, led by Don Isabelo Abaya, launched an assault on the town of Candon and successfully captured the convent and the center of town from Spanish forces.[30]
The Battle of Vigan, fought in August 1898, stands as one of the most important Ilocano-led victories. Under Estanislao Reyes, the Ilocano fighters successfully defended the town of Vigan, Ilocos Sur, against the Spanish. This battle was crucial in demonstrating the Ilocano people's determination to resist foreign control.[31]
In 1899, as the Philippine-American War intensified, the Ilocano revolutionaries, led by Tinio and his generals, continued to rely on guerrilla tactics to resist American forces. The Ilocanos, familiar with the mountainous terrain, conducted surprise attacks and ambushes, making it difficult for American forces to maintain control over the region.
By 1901, the region eventually fell under American control after prolonged resistance. However, the Ilocano revolutionaries, under the leadership of General Tinio, the Villamor brothers, and Estanislao Reyes, delayed American forces for months, buying valuable time for the rest of the nation's revolutionary efforts. Ilocano resistance ended in April 1901.
In 1901, the region came under American colonial rule, and in 1941, under Japanese occupation.
During the Second World War, in 1945, the combined American and Philippine Commonwealth troops, including the Ilocano and Pangasinan guerrillas, liberated the Ilocos Region from Japanese forces.[citation needed]
Three modern presidents of the Republic of the Philippines hailed from the Ilocos Region: Elpidio Quirino, Ferdinand Marcos, and Fidel Ramos. Marcos expanded the original Ilocos Region by transferring the province of Pangasinan from Region III into Region I in 1973, and imposed a migration policy for Ilocanos into Pangasinan.[32] He also expanded Ilocano influence among the ethnic peoples of the Cordilleras by including Abra, Mountain Province, and Benguet in the Ilocos region in 1973,[33] although these were later integrated into the Cordillera Administrative Region in 1987. A third "Ilocano" President, Fidel V. Ramos, hailed from Pangasinan.[citation needed]
Ilocanos were also among the victims of human rights violations during the martial law era which began in September 1972, despite public perception that the region was supportive of Marcos' administration.[34] According to the Solidarity of Peasants Against Exploitation (STOP-Exploitation), various farmers from the Ilocos Norte towns of Vintar, Dumalneg, Solsona, Marcos, and Piddig were documented to have been tortured,[34] and eight farmers in Bangui and three indigenous community members in Vintar were forcibly disappeared (euphemistically, "salvaged") in 1984.[34]
Ilocanos who were critical of Marcos' authoritarian rule included Roman Catholic Archbishop and Agoo native Antonio L. Mabutas, who spoke actively against the torture and killings of church workers.[35][36] Another prominent opponent of the martial law regime was human rights advocate and Bombo Radyo Laoag program host David Bueno, who worked with the Free Legal Assistance Group in Ilocos Norte during the later part of the Marcos administration and the early part of the succeeding Corazon Aquino administration. Bueno was assassinated by motorcycle-riding men in fatigue uniforms on October 22, 1987 – part of a wave of assassinations which coincided with the 1986–87 coup d'état which tried to unseat the democratic government set up after the 1986 People Power Revolution.[37][38]
Others critics included student activists Romulo and Armando Palabay of San Fernando, La Union, who were tortured and killed in a Philippine military camp in Pampanga;[39] and Purificacion Pedro, a Catholic lay social worker who tried to help the indigenous peoples in the resistance against the Chico River Dam Project, but was caught in the crossfire of a military operation, and was later murdered in the hospital by a soldier who claimed she was a rebel sympathizer.[40]
Bueno, Pedro, and the Palabay brothers would later be honored as martyrs of the fight against the dictatorship at the Philippines' Bantayog ng mga Bayani memorial.[38][39][40]
According to the Philippine Statistics Authority's 2020 report on Ethnicity in the Philippines, the Ilocano people represent the third largest ethnolinguistic group in the country, totaling 8,746,169 individuals, which constitutes 8.0% of the national population. They follow the Tagalog and Bisayan groups in size. While Ilocanos have dispersed widely both within the Philippines and abroad, the highest concentration of Ilocano people remains in their home provinces, where they number approximately three million. Specifically, they account for 5.8% or 3,083,391 of the population in the Ilocos Region, with Pangasinan hosting the largest number at 1,258,746, followed by La Union with 673,312, Ilocos Sur with 580,484, and Ilocos Norte with 570,849.[41]
In Northern Luzon, particularly in neighboring provinces where Ilocanos have migrated, they have also become the predominant ethnic group. In Region II (Cagayan Valley), there are 2,274,435 Ilocanos, representing 61.8% of the region's population. In Isabela, 1,074,212 Ilocanos were recorded, followed by Cagayan with 820,546, Nueva Vizcaya with 261,901, Quirino with 117,360, and Batanes with 416. The Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) recorded a total of 396,713 Ilocanos, making up 22.1% of its population. Abra had the highest number with 145,492, followed by Benguet (including Baguio City) with 138,022, Apayao with 47,547, Kalinga with 31,812, Ifugao with 26,677, and Mt. Province with 7,163 Ilocanos.[41]
Beyond Northern Luzon, in Region III (Central Luzon), Ilocanos comprise 10.8% or 1,335,283 of the region's population, making them the third most common ethnic group there. Tarlac registered 555,000 Ilocanos, followed by Nueva Ecija with 369,864, Zambales (including Olongapo City) with 183,629, Bulacan with 97,603, Aurora with 65,204, Pampanga (including Angeles City) with 40,862, and Bataan with 29,121. In the National Capital Region (NCR), 762,629 Ilocanos were recorded. The highest number was in Quezon City with 213,602, followed by Manila City with 112,016, Caloocan City with 97,212, Taguig City with 54,668, Makati City with 44,733, Valenzuela City with 36,774, and Pasig City with 35,671 Ilocanos.
In Southern Luzon, specifically in Region IV-A (CALABARZON), there were 330,774 Ilocanos, with the majority residing in Rizal (141,134) and Cavite (126,349), followed by Laguna with 44,173, Batangas with 10,402, and Quezon (including Lucena City) with 8,716. Region IV-B (MIMAROPA) had 117,635 Ilocanos, with Occidental Mindoro hosting 53,851 and Palawan 33,573. In the Bicol Region (Region V), there were 15,434 Ilocanos, the majority of whom lived in Camarines Sur (5,826) and Albay (3,236).
In the Visayas, Region VI (Western Visayas) recorded 3,952 Ilocanos, the majority residing in Aklan (1,061). In Region VII (Central Visayas), there were 4,330 Ilocanos, with the largest number in Bohol (1,651). In Region VIII (Eastern Visayas), 4,797 Ilocanos were recorded, with Leyte hosting the majority (1,840).
In Mindanao, Region IX (Zamboanga Peninsula) had 20,232 Ilocanos, with the largest population in Zamboanga del Sur (7,996). In Region X (Northern Mindanao), there were 30,845 Ilocanos, most of whom lived in Bukidnon (23,957). Region XI (Davao Region) recorded 75,907 Ilocanos, with Davao del Norte hosting the largest population (31,333). In Region XII (SOCCSKSARGEN), 248,033 Ilocanos were recorded, with the majority in Sultan Kudarat (97,983). Region XIII (CARAGA) had 24,211 Ilocanos, most of whom resided in Agusan del Sur (13,588). Finally, in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), there were 17,568 Ilocanos, with the majority in Maguindanao (including Cotabato City), where 11,262 Ilocanos were recorded.[41]
The Ilocano diaspora is a complex blend of both forced and voluntary migration. It represents the broader narrative of “leaving the homeland” driven by economic necessity, social upheaval, and the quest for better opportunities. Ilocanos, primarily from the Ilocos Region in the Philippines, have historically migrated to escape oppressive conditions imposed by Spanish colonizers and to seek new opportunities.
Ilocano diaspora dates back to the 19th century when Ilocanos began migrating to various parts of the country to seek employment and cultivate land. As early as 1903, they moved and settled in nearby provinces in Luzon. A study conducted on the diaspora of Ilocanos in Cagayan stated, “the reasons for Ilocano migration can be associated with economic factors which have deeper roots in the forced labor imposed by Spanish colonizers and the climatic conditions in the region that make growing crops difficult”. This initial wave of migration was spurred by mounting population pressures and high density during the mid-19th century, causing many Ilocanos to leave their traditional homeland.[42]
By 1903, over 290,000 Ilocanos had migrated to regions such as Central Luzon, Cagayan Valley, and Metro Manila. More than 180,000 relocated to the provinces of Pangasinan, Tarlac, and Nueva Ecija. There has historically been a sizable Ilocano population in Aurora and Quezon province, dating back to when these areas were part of Southern Tagalog and one whole province.[43][44][45] Almost 50,000 Ilocanos moved to Cagayan Valley, with half of them residing in Isabela. Other provinces that attracted Ilocano migrants included Zambales, which housed around 47,000 migrants, and Sultan Kudarat, where more than 11,000 settled.
In subsequent years, further migrations brought Ilocanos to the Cordilleras, Mindoro, and Palawan. Between 1948 and 1960, around 15% of Ilocano migrants moved to Mindanao,[46] establishing communities in provinces such as Sultan Kudarat, North Cotabato, South Cotabato, Bukidnon, Misamis Oriental, Caraga, and the Davao Region. Notably, Ilocanos even form a minority in Cebu City, where they organized associations for Ilocano residents and their descendants.[47]
The Ilocano diaspora extended beyond the Philippines when, in 1906, many Ilocanos began migrating to the United States. This migration primarily aimed at finding work in agricultural plantations in Hawaii and California. The first wave of Filipino migrants to the United States consisted of the manongs and sakadas. In Ilocano, the term manong is loosely used to refer to an elderly gentleman, originally meaning "older brother," derived from the Spanish term hermano, which translates to "brother" or "sibling."[48] Meanwhile, sakadas roughly translates to "imported ones," "lower-paid workers recruited out of the area," or "migrant workers," and denotes manual agricultural laborers who work outside their provinces.
During the early 20th century, the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association recruited Filipino men to work as skilled laborers in the sugarcane and pineapple fields of Hawaii. Most of these men hailed from the Ilocos region, motivated by the hope of gasat, or "fate" in Ilocano. In April 1906, the Association approved a plan to recruit labor from the Philippines and tasked Albert F. Judd with the recruitment effort. The first Filipino farm laborers in Hawaii arrived in December 1906, specifically from Candon, Ilocos Sur, aboard the SS Doric (1883).[49] About 200 Ilocano sugar plantation workers arrived in Hawaii in 1906 and 1907.By 1929, Ilocano immigrants to Hawaii had reached 71,594. Most of the 175,000 Filipinos who went to Hawaii between 1906 and 1935 were single Ilocano men.[50][51]
The Ilocano community in the United States has continued to grow, making them one of the largest groups of Filipino expatriates in the country. Though many are bilingual, speaking both Ilocano and Tagalog, the Ilocano population remains distinct and vibrant. In Hawaii, Ilocanos constitute more than 85% of the Filipino population, maintaining their cultural identity while also integrating into the broader American society.[52]
Today, Ilocanos can be found all over the world as migrants or Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), contributing to various sectors and economies in countries across the globe. Their enduring journey reflects not only the challenges faced by generations of Ilocanos but also their unwavering spirit in the pursuit of opportunity and prosperity, showcasing a global community that continues to thrive while preserving its unique cultural heritage.
Most Ilocanos speak the Iloco or Ilocano language, which is its own branch within the Northern Philippine subgroup of the Austronesian family of languages. It is closely related to some of the other Austronesian languages of Northern Luzon, and has slight mutual intelligibility with the Balangao language and the eastern dialects of the Bontoc language. Many Ilocanos also speak Tagalog and English as second languages, as well as other local languages spoken in North Luzon and Central Luzon (the latter include Kapampangan, Pangasinan, and Sambalic languages, in addition to Tagalog).[45]
Ilocano forms the lingua franca of the northern region (Northern Luzon and northern areas of Central Luzon [precisely Tarlac, Nueva Ecija, and Aurora, as well as south central Zambales [53][54] and southeast Bataan])[55][56][better source needed] of the Philippines. Ilocano is spoken as a first language by seven million people, and as a secondary language by more than two million people who are native speakers of Ibanag, Ivatan, Ibaloi, Itneg, Itawes, Pangasinan, Kankanaey, Kalinga, and other languages in Northern Luzon, and by many native speakers of Kapampangan, Tagalog, and Sambalic languages in Central Luzon; native Kapampangan, Tagalog, and Sambalic speakers grew up in Ilocano-speaking majority areas speak Ilocano.[45]
The pre-colonial writing system and script of the Ilocano people is known as kur-itan. There have been proposals to revive the kur-itan script by teaching it in Ilocano-majority public and private schools in Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur.[57]
In addition to their own ethnic language, Ilocanos and their descendants living in Mindanao, particularly in Soccsksargen, speak Hiligaynon, Cebuano (both Visayan languages dominate in the area, the latter being in the major parts of Mindanao), Butuanon, Surigaonon (Visayan languages both native in Caraga), Tagalog, or indigenous languages. This is a result of intermingling and coexistence between these ethnic groups, as the area is a melting pot of cultures. Over the years, like other migrants from Luzon and indigenous natives in Mindanao—especially those living outside Soccsksargen, but also in the rest of Mindanao—many Ilocanos and their descendants assimilated into the majority Cebuano-speaking society upon learning fluent Cebuano, identifying themselves as Visayans despite knowing and retaining some of their Ilocano roots and speaking their own ancestral language as their second or third language. Their descendants, especially newer generations (as Mindanao-born natives), now speak Cebuano or Hiligaynon fluently as their main language with little or no knowledge of their ancestors' native tongue.[58][59] Those Ilocanos & their descendants living in Zamboanga City & Basilan speak Chavacano.
The religious landscape of the Ilocano people is largely shaped by Roman Catholicism, a lasting influence of Spanish colonization, which began in the mid-16th century. This introduction of Christianity deeply impacted the spiritual customs and beliefs of the Ilocanos. However, their religious identity is not limited to Catholicism; it is also enriched by indigenous traditions and practices that have been passed down through generations. This fusion of faiths has created a distinct religious identity, reflecting both the historical impact of colonization and the resilient spirit of Ilocano culture. Today, Ilocano religious identity continues to evolve, influenced by both traditional customs and modern developments, while remaining closely connected to their cultural heritage.[2][3][60]
Roman Catholicism When the Spaniards arrived in the Philippines in the 1500s, they introduced Roman Catholicism, which quickly became the dominant religion among Ilocanos. Spanish missionaries, particularly the Augustinian friars, played a pivotal role in converting the local population to Christianity. This conversion significantly reshaped the spiritual and cultural landscape of Ilocano society, and today, Catholicism remains central to their way of life, influencing everything from personal faith to communal activities.
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One of the most prominent expressions of Catholicism in Ilocano culture is through religious festivals, or fiestas. These are vibrant annual celebrations held in honor of a town or barangay's (village) patron saint. Each community has its own patron, and the fiesta is a time of thanksgiving, celebration, and social gathering. The fiestas are marked by processions, masses, and street parades where religious images are carried through the streets, accompanied by music, dance, and feasting. These celebrations serve as a fusion of religious devotion and cultural identity, bringing together families and communities in shared faith and festivities. Some well-known fiestas in the Ilocos region include the Paoay Church Fiesta in honor of Saint Augustine and various celebrations dedicated to the Virgin Mary.
The Ilocano people also observe major Christian celebrations with great reverence. One of the most significant is Semána Santa or Nasantuan a Lawas (Holy Week), which commemorates the passion, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. During this time, Ilocanos participate in various rituals, including processions and reenactments of the Stations of the Cross. One traditional practice is the pabása or novena, where the Passion of Christ is chanted or recited in a communal gathering.
Todos los Santos (All Saints' Day) and Pista Natay or Aldaw Dagiti Kararua (All Souls' Day) are also significant, observed every November 1st and 2nd. These days are dedicated to honoring the saints and remembering deceased loved ones. Families visit cemeteries to offer prayers, flowers, and food at the graves of their relatives, demonstrating the Catholic tradition of reverence for the souls of the departed.
The Christmas season, or Paskua, is another highly anticipated time for Ilocanos. The celebration begins with the Misa de Gallo or Simbang Gabi, a series of nine dawn masses leading up to Christmas Day. This tradition is deeply rooted in Ilocano Catholic life, where families wake up early to attend these masses in preparation for the birth of Christ. Christmas in Ilocano communities is also marked by feasts, the exchange of gifts, and the display of parols (traditional star-shaped lanterns) that symbolize the star of Bethlehem
Other Denominations
While Roman Catholicism remains the dominant faith among the Ilocano people, other religious groups have made significant inroads, particularly the Philippine Independent Church, commonly known as the Iglesia Filipina Independiente (Aglipayan Church). Founded in 1902 by Father Gregorio Aglipay from Ilocos Norte, this church emerged as a nationalist response to Spanish colonial control over the Catholic Church in the Philippines. Its establishment was rooted in the desire for a church that reflected Filipino identity and sovereignty, free from foreign influence. Although the Aglipayan Church shares many rituals and practices with Roman Catholicism, it distinguishes itself through its emphasis on nationalism, appealing to those who resonate with the country's struggle for independence.
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In addition to the Aglipayan Church, various Protestant denominations have been introduced to the Ilocano community, largely through American missionaries during the colonial period. Denominations such as the United Church of Christ in the Philippines and Iglesia ni Cristo have established congregations throughout the region, offering alternatives to the predominant Catholic faith. These Protestant churches focus on fostering personal relationships with God, upholding the authority of the Bible, and engaging in active community service, which has resonated with many Ilocanos seeking a different expression of their faith. This religious diversity reflects the evolving spiritual landscape of the region, where multiple beliefs coexist and contribute to the rich tapestry of Ilocano culture.
The early Ilocano people practiced a vibrant and intricate system of animistic beliefs, rooted in their deep reverence for nature and the spirits that inhabited it. Their world was populated by deities and spiritual beings who controlled everything from the weather to the harvest, and who required respect, offerings, and rituals in exchange for their favor and protection. These indigenous beliefs were not static, but evolved over time, influenced by the Ilocano people's interactions with neighboring cultures and through trade with other civilizations, such as the Igorot, Chinese and Tagalog communities.
Deities
In Teodoro A. Llamzon's Handbook of Philippine Language Groups (1978), the Ilocano belief system is described as having several key deities who governed the natural world. Among them was Buni, the supreme god, and Parsua, the creator. Other significant deities included Apo Langit, the lord of the heavens; Apo Angin, the god of the wind; Apo Init, the god of the sun; and Apo Tudo, the god of rain. These gods were believed to be ever-present, shaping the daily lives of the Ilocano people through the natural forces they controlled.[61]
However, due to the geographic distribution of Ilocano settlements, variations in their religious practices emerged. Each region developed its own distinct versions of the Ilocano deities, often blending indigenous beliefs with those of neighboring ethnic groups like the Igorot, Tagalog, and Chinese traders. For instance, a myth from Vigan, Ilocos Sur, recorded in 1952, features an entirely different set of deities. In this myth, Abra, the god of weather, fathered Caburayan, the goddess of healing, while other gods like Anianihan (god of harvests), Saguday (god of the wind), and Revenador (god of thunder and lightning) play prominent roles. This shows how the Ilocano cosmology was shaped by both internal diversity and external cultural influences.
The influence of trade is evident in some of these myths. The presence of Maria Makiling, a figure also found in Tagalog myths, suggests that the Ilocano mythology absorbed elements from neighboring Tagalog regions, while other symbols, like the use of "lobo" (Spanish for wolf) in the mythological pantheon, show the influence of Spanish colonization. Vigan, a bustling trade hub long before the Spanish arrived, saw extensive interactions with Chinese merchants, whose myths and stories likely influenced Ilocano lore. In fact, some scholars suggest that Ilocano epics, like the famous tale of Lam-ang, bear traces of Hindu and Southeast Asian mythology, a reflection of the Majapahit Empire's influence on precolonial trade routes.[61]
Spirits
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At the heart of Ilocano religion was the belief in anito—spirits that governed all aspects of the natural and spiritual worlds. These spirits could be benevolent or malevolent, depending on how they were treated by the living. Specific spirits governed different aspects of the environment, such as the litao, spirits of the waters, the kaibáan, spirits of the forest undergrowth, and the mangmangkik, spirits of trees. The Ilocano people believed that cutting down trees or disposing of hot water without proper appeasement of these spirits could result in illness or misfortune.[16] To avoid angering these spirits, the Ilocanos performed rituals, including chanting specific incantations. For example, before cutting down a tree, they would recite a chant that called upon the mangmangkik, asking for forgiveness and protection. Similar practices were performed for the kaibáan and other spirits, showing a deep respect for the natural world. To appease the mangmangkik before cutting down a tree, the following chant was made:
Bari Bari.
Dikat agunget pari.
Ta pumukan kami.
Iti pabakirda kadakami.
Offerings, called atang, were another key aspect of Ilocano spiritual life. These offerings, which included food, were placed on platforms called simbaan or in caves where spirits were believed to dwell. The atang served as a form of tribute to ensure that the spirits remained peaceful and benevolent toward the living.
Cosmology
Ilocano cosmology was rich with symbolism and spiritual meaning. The concepts of surong (upstream, representing creation and life) and puyupoyan (downstream, representing death and the afterlife) framed their understanding of the universe. Offerings to the dead were often floated downstream, symbolizing the soul's journey to the afterlife. The Milky Way, called ariwanas or Rimmuok dagiti Bitbituen, was seen as a celestial river, further connecting the Ilocano people's cosmological beliefs with water, a vital element in their spiritual worldview.
One creation myth tells the story of the giant Aran, who created the sky and hung the sun, moon, and stars. His companion, Angalo, then molded the land into mountains and valleys. When they found their world barren and windswept, Angalo spat on the ground, and from this spit, the first humans emerged. The bamboo tube carrying these first humans washed ashore in the Ilocos region, marking the Ilocanos as their descendants. This tale highlights the Ilocanos’ close relationship with nature and the belief that their ancestors were directly tied to the forces that shaped the world.
Soul and Afterlife
The Ilocano people believed in a multi-soul system, with four distinct types of souls, each serving different functions. The kararúa was the equivalent of the Christian soul, which left the body only upon death. The karkarma could leave the body during moments of extreme fear or trauma, while the aniwaas wandered during sleep, visiting familiar places. The araria was the soul of the dead, which could return to the world of the living, often manifesting as a poltergeist or through omens like the howling of dogs or the breaking of glass.[62]
Ilocanos held elaborate death rites, believing that the souls of the deceased required offerings during their transition to the afterlife. These offerings included food and money to help the soul pay the toll to the agrakrakit, the spirit who ferried souls across rivers to the afterlife. This belief in the river as a pathway to the afterlife reflects a larger theme in Ilocano religion: water as both a source of life and a passageway to death.[63]
Water Beliefs
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Water played an essential role in Ilocano spirituality, with Apo Litao, the god of the sea and rivers, being one of the most important deities. One myth tells of a girl who was swept away by the river and taken by Apo Litao, eventually becoming his wife and the queen of the waters. This figure, described as a mermaid or sirena, had the power to kill those who disrespected her but granted gifts to those who honored her.
In addition to Apo Litao, water was seen as a cosmic force that connected the living with the dead. The deceased were often buried with offerings to ensure safe passage across the river to the afterlife, a concept shared by many indigenous groups across the Philippines.
Food Offering
The Ilocano ritual of “Atang” is a vital practice aimed at appeasing malevolent spirits, or anitos, to drive away evil influences. In Ilocano culture, there is a strong belief that spirits—whether of the deceased or from other realms—coexist with the living and must be honored whenever they are disturbed or offended. Atang is typically performed when someone is believed to be cursed by spirits and is conducted by religious leaders and shamans known as mang-alag or mang-ng-agas. This ritual holds particular significance during wakes, on Pista ti Natay (All Souls' Day), and during other special events.[64]
During an Atang ritual, plates of food are meticulously prepared, featuring delicacies such as kankanen (sticky rice cakes), bagas (uncooked rice), boiled eggs, bua (betel nut), gawed or paan (piper leaf), apog (lime powder), basi (fermented sugarcane wine), and tabako (tobacco). Traditionally, offerings to the anitos were placed on platforms called simbaan or in trees, caves believed to be inhabited by spirits. However, due to the influence of Christianity, these offerings are now typically placed in front of a photo of the departed or an image of Jesus, Mary, or the Holy Family, either in homes or at gravesites. Following this, family members and mourners engage in prayers to honor the deceased and seek protection from malevolent spirits, ensuring that these spirits remain peaceful and benevolent toward the living. The Ilocano belief in spirits extends to supernatural beings such as the katawtaw-an, spirits of infants who died unbaptized and were thought to pose a danger to newborns.
Crocodiles (nono), once abundant in the Philippines, were deeply respected by the Ilocanos, who regarded them as divine creatures and symbols of their ancestors. As a sign of respect, Ilocanos would offer their first catch to crocodiles (panagyatang) to avoid misfortune.
Human Sacrifice
Sibróng was a significant ritual in early Ilocano belief, associated with human sacrifice and headhunting. It was performed during the death of community leaders or members of the principalía to ensure their safe passage to the afterlife. The mannibróng, responsible for these sacrifices, would carry out executions based on the number of fingers the dying person raised, symbolizing how many individuals needed to accompany them to the afterlife. In some cases, instead of death, the chosen would have their fingers cut off as a symbolic offering.
Another aspect of sibróng involved placing human heads in the foundations of buildings to provide spiritual protection and prevent damage. This practice reflects the Ilocanos' deep-rooted animistic beliefs, where sacrificial rituals were seen as essential for maintaining harmony and ensuring both physical and spiritual safety. Though grim, these customs show how closely life, death, and the spiritual realm were intertwined in their early religious practices.[65][66]
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The Ilocano people, known for their resilience and creativity, have a rich cultural heritage that is deeply intertwined with their history and traditions. Their literature, music, dances, cuisine, and crafts reflect the values and stories passed down through generations. From the epic poetry of "Biag ni Lam-ang" to the art of inabel weaving and the iconic burnay pottery, Ilocano culture is a vibrant expression of identity and community. Rooted in practicality yet filled with artistry, their customs and practices showcase a deep connection to nature, family, and ancestral roots, making Ilocano culture a significant part of the Philippine cultural landscape.[67]
Ilocano literature is a vibrant tapestry woven from the rich cultural heritage and historical experiences of the Ilocano people. Its roots can be traced back to the animistic traditions that shaped the worldview of this region, characterized by mythology, folklore, and superstition. This literary tradition is a testament to the resilience and creativity of the Ilocano community, reflecting their values, struggles, and triumphs. Throughout history, Ilocano literature has evolved while remaining deeply connected to its origins, encompassing various literary forms that celebrate the community's identity.
Epiko
At the heart of Ilocano literature lies its epic poetry, with Biag ni Lam-ang (The Life of Lam-ang) being the most notable example. Composed by Pedro Bucaneg, a 17th-century author often referred to as the "Father of Ilocano Poetry," this epic narrates the extraordinary adventures of its titular hero, Lam-ang. The poem embodies core Ilocano values such as courage, loyalty, and respect for familial and ancestral ties, making it a crucial cultural artifact that has survived colonial influences. The epic's enduring significance lies in its ability to reflect the Ilocano spirit and identity.
Dandaniw
Poem or dandániw Ilocano poetry has a rich tradition that has evolved over centuries. Ancient Ilocano poets expressed their thoughts and emotions through various forms, including folk and war poems and songs (dállot), which are improvised long poems delivered in a melodic fashion. These poetic forms not only served as artistic expressions but also as vehicles for cultural transmission, allowing the Ilocano community to share their stories, struggles, and triumphs.[68]
Pagsasao
Proverbs, or pagsasao, are an essential aspect of Ilocano literature, reflecting the collective wisdom of the Ilocano people. These succinct sayings encapsulate moral lessons, cultural values, and practical advice, serving as guiding principles in daily life. They are often shared during conversations, gatherings, and even formal occasions, reinforcing social bonds and community cohesion.
"Ti tao nga sadot, uray agtodo ti balitok, haan to pulos a makipidot."
"A lazy person, even if it rains gold, will not pick one"
Bucanegan
Literary Duels or Búcanégan represents the unique literary duel tradition of the Ilocanos, akin to the Tagalog Balagtasan. Named after Pedro Bucaneg, these verbal jousts involve participants engaging in poetic debates, showcasing their wit, creativity, and linguistic prowess. Bucanegan not only entertains but also serves as a platform for social commentary, allowing the community to address relevant issues through the lens of humor and poetry.
Burburtia
Riddles, known as burburtia, are another important form of Ilocano literature. These clever wordplay challenges test the intellect of both the speaker and the audience, fostering critical thinking and community engagement. Riddles often draw from nature, everyday life, and cultural references, making them a delightful and educational part of Ilocano oral tradition.
"Sangkabassit a waig, Naaladan ti pino a kakawayanan." - Mata
"A little lake, Fence in by a fine bamboo strip" - Eye
Publications Ilocano literature began to flourish during the Spanish colonial period, with the publication of the Doctrina Cristiana in 1621 by Francisco Lopez. This was the first printed book in Ilocano, marking a significant milestone in the written tradition of the Ilocano people. Such works, including Sumario de las Indulgencias de la Santa Correa, played a pivotal role in the spread of literacy and education among the Ilocano-speaking population, contributing to the cultural and intellectual development of the region.
In the late 19th century, Ilocano literature gained further recognition through the efforts of Isabelo de los Reyes, a prominent Ilocano scholar and writer. He published works like Ilocandias (1887), Articulos Varios (1887), and Historia de Filipinas (1889). His two-volume Historia de Ilocos (1890) became a cornerstone in documenting the rich history of Ilocos. Another significant literary achievement during this period was Matilde de Sinapangan, written by Fr. Rufino Redondo in 1892. As the first Ilocano novel, it was a groundbreaking work that reflected the evolving nature of Ilocano literature.
20th Century
The 19th and 20th centuries saw the emergence of prominent Ilocano authors who made significant contributions to Philippine literature. Leona Florentino, often referred to as the "National Poetess of the Philippines," became a prominent figure in the literary landscape despite mixed critical reception of her sentimental poetry. Other notable authors include Manuel Arguilla, whose works capture the essence of Ilocano culture during the early 20th century, and Carlos Bulosan, whose novel America is in the Heart resonates deeply with the Filipino-American experience. Additionally, Isabelo de los Reyes played a pivotal role in preserving Ilocano literary heritage, contributing to the publication of essential works like the earliest known text of Biag ni Lam-ang.
The 20th century marked a significant turning point in Ilocano literature, characterized by a growing recognition of its cultural importance. Authors like F. Sionil Jose and Elizabeth Medina emerged as influential voices, contributing to the richness of Ilocano literature. Their works continue to reflect the evolving identity of the Ilocano people, addressing contemporary issues while honoring their ancestral roots. GUMIL Filipinas, or "Gunglo dagiti Mannurat nga Ilokano iti Filipinas", is an association of Ilocano writers in the Philippines. It's also known as the Ilokano Writers Association of the Philippines. GUMIL's goals include providing a forum for Ilocano writers to work together to improve their writing, enriching Ilocano literature and cultural heritage, publishing books and other writings, and helping members pursue their writing careers. GUMIL has many active members in provincial and municipal chapters, as well as in overseas chapters in the U.S., Hawaii, and Greece. GUMIL was once the first website to focus on Philippine literature.
First published in 1934, Bannawag is widely regarded as the "Bible of the North." It reaches the heart of Northern Luzon, as well as Visayas, Mindanao, and Ilocano communities in Hawaii and America's West Coast. Bannawag highlights family values in its stories and articles and through the years has continued to inspire, entertain, and empower its readers. Bannawag (Iloko word meaning "dawn") is a Philippine weekly magazine published in the Philippines by Liwayway Publications Inc. It contains serialized novels/comics, short stories, poetry, essays, news features, entertainment news and articles, among others, that are written in Ilokano, a language common in the northern regions of the Philippines. Bannawag has been acknowledged as one foundation of the existence of contemporary Iloko literature. It is through the Bannawag that every Ilokano writer has proved his mettle by publishing his first Iloko short story, poetry, or essay, and thereafter his succeeding works, in its pages. The magazine is also instrumental in the establishment of GUMIL Filipinas, the umbrella organization of Ilocano writers in the Philippines and in other countries.[69]
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Ilocano music is deeply embedded in the cultural traditions and way of life of the Ilocano people, reflecting the various stages of their life cycle—from birth through love, courtship, and marriage, to death. It emphasizes significant life events, showcasing the emotions and experiences associated with them. Traditional forms of Ilocano music include duayya (lullabies), dállot (improvised chants for weddings and courtships), and dung-aw (lamentations for the deceased). These musical expressions not only convey heartfelt emotions but also serve as a lens through which one can understand Ilocano values, history, and social interactions.[70][71]
Duayya
A traditional Ilocano lullaby sung by mothers to soothe and rock their babies to sleep. Its calming melody and nurturing lyrics reflect the gentle love of a mother for her child. This form of music embodies a deep emotional connection between the parent and child, symbolizing the beginnings of life and the care provided by family.[72]
Dallot
An improvised, versified poem delivered in a chant or singing, often performed during joyful occasions such as weddings, courtships, and betrothals. An example of this is "Dardarepdep," (dream) which is a harana (serenade) in Tagalog, where love songs are sung to woo a woman. The term dállot originates from the Ilocano words for poem (daniw) and cockfight (pallot), blending heart and mind into poetic expressions of love, commitment, and community. Its performance is a creative showcase of spontaneous poetic artistry, celebrating unity and harmony in social gatherings.[73] A notable Manlilikha ng Bayan, Adelita Romualdo Bagcal, has dedicated her life to preserving and promoting the Ilocano oral tradition of dallot since childhood. She is the last remaining expert in this art form, which focuses on courtship and marriage. Through her performances at social events, she demonstrates her mastery of the Ilocano language and its intricate literary devices.[74][75]
Dung-aw
A solemn form of lamentation performed during funerals. It serves as a poetic expression of grief, where the reciter's genuine sorrow is conveyed through wailing and verse. The mournful tones and rhythm of the dung-aw stir emotions in both the performer and listeners, fostering a collective sense of loss and remembrance for the deceased.[76]
Folk music
Ilocano folk music can be categorized into duwayya, dállot, and dung-aw, which vividly capture the daily experiences, emotions, and values of the Ilocano people. These musical forms reflect themes revolving around love, family, nature, and community. The melodies are simple yet powerful, serving as both a form of entertainment and a means of passing down stories, traditions, and moral lessons through generations. Here are some notable Ilocano folk songs that exemplify these rich cultural expressions:[77]
Ilocano dances are a vibrant reflection of the region's cultural diversity, drawing influences from Cordilleran (Igorot), Spanish, and American dance movements. These dances are performed during rituals, celebrations, and social gatherings, showcasing the rich heritage of Ilocandia. They serve as a window into the lives of the Ilocano people, expressing their values, history, and distinct way of life through carefully crafted steps and movements.[78]
Kumintang
The kumintang is a traditional dance step associated with Ilocano values, especially the idea of saving for the future. While variations of the kumintang exist in other parts of the Philippines, the Ilocano version involves inward arm movements and half-closed hands. This reflects the practical, forward-thinking nature of the Ilocano people.[79]
Korriti
The korriti step showcases the energetic and hardworking spirit of the Ilocanos. It symbolizes the fast and lively movements needed to work in the fields or search for opportunities. The quick footwork represents their determination and resilience in earning a living.[79]
Sagamantika
Sagamantika is a gentle, flowing dance step that involves moving forward and backward. It symbolizes an important Ilocano belief: no matter where you go, you will always return to your roots. This step reflects the importance of home and the lasting connection to where one was born and raised.[79]
Folk Dance
Ilocano folk dances tell the story of the region's history and the everyday lives of its people. These dances show the Ilocano values of humility, hard work, and thrift, and often celebrate life's special moments like courtship, community events, and rituals. The dances are shaped by the region's rich cultural mix and give insight into Ilocano beliefs, lifestyles, and customs.[80]
Ilocano drama, or theater, brings to life the rich culture, beliefs, and traditions of Ilocano communities. It includes various forms of performance that reflect everyday life, religion, and social customs. The popular zarzuela and comedia (or moro-moro) have been performed for generations, especially during town fiestas, keeping these traditions alive and close to people's hearts. Unique local performances like the dállot, a sung exchange about love between a man and a woman, and búcanégan, a tribute performance honoring someone, show the variety and creativity of Ilocano drama. [81]
Zarzuelas
A type of musical theater that blends singing, dancing, and spoken dialogue. Introduced from Spain in the 19th century, it quickly became popular in the Ilocos region and is still enjoyed today, especially during fiestas. Often centered on love stories with “boy-meets-girl” themes, zarzuela offers a mix of melodrama, comedy, and romance that appeals to audiences. One well-known Ilocano zarzuela, Tres Patrimoño, tells the life stories of three important people from Vigan, Diego and Gabriela Silang, Leona Florentino, and Padre Burgos, who all played significant roles in Philippine history.[82]
Moro-Moro
Also known as comedia, moro moro a theatrical form that gained popularity in the 19th century through Marcelino Crisólogo, particularly during fiestas in Vigan. It centers on the conflicts between Christians and Muslims, in contrast to zarzuela, which addresses social issues through music and dance. Moro-moro incorporates traditional elements such as battle scenes and religious themes, and it places a strong emphasis on costumes and elaborate staging to convey its historical narratives.[83][84]
Ilocano clothing and appearances have evolved over time, reflecting the region's culture, climate, and influences from various eras. From pre-colonial times, Ilocanos maintained distinct styles of dress, grooming, and adornment, some of which have persisted to this day. Their clothing choices and grooming practices were not just functional, but also carried symbolic meanings related to status, wealth, and beauty.
Before the arrival of the Spanish, Ilocanos, like many other indigenous groups in the Philippines, dressed simply yet stylishly, with both men and women paying attention to their appearances. Their practices were a reflection of their social norms, available resources, and interactions with neighboring Cordilleran groups such as the Tinguians.[85]
Clothing
Ilocano men wore a long narrow cloth called bahaques, which was richly colored, often with gold stripes. It was wrapped around the waist and passed between the legs, covering the mid-thigh area. Their upper body was covered by a collarless waist-length jacket, similar to the Tinguian's koton. The jacket was fitted, sewn in the front, and had short, wide sleeves. The principalia class wore jackets made from fine materials like red chininas crepe from India or silk.
Men also wore a potong or headcloth, which could be tied in different styles, such as a turban. The color and style of the potong indicated the wearer's status or bravery. A red potong signified that the wearer had killed someone, while a striped one indicated a person who had killed seven or more. Women's clothing included a kind of overskirt called salupingping, worn over a white underskirt. The skirt was gathered at the waist, with pleats placed on one side.[85]
Jewelry
Jewelry was an important part of Ilocano attire, and both men and women wore gold and precious stones as adornments. The wealthy class adorned themselves with gold chains around their necks, bracelets made of gold or ivory, and anklets or strings of colored stones like carnelian, agate, and other blue and white stones. Men hung many gold chains, linked in a style similar to European chains. Women wore rings of gold and stone on their fingers and earrings, although there is some debate about whether older Ilocano women wore earrings like modern women do.
Hair Care
Both men and women in Ilocano society took great care of their hair. They used natural shampooing decoctions made from the bark of certain trees, coconut oil mixed with musk and other perfumes, and gogo or entada phaseoloides (a kind of herbal shampoo) to keep their hair shiny and black. Lye made from rice husk was also used, and it continues to be used in some areas of Ilocos today. Women twisted their hair into charming buns on the crowns of their heads, while men often pulled out their facial hair using clam-shell tweezers, leaving them clean-shaven.[86]
Dental Care
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Dental care was a significant aspect of pre-colonial Ilocano grooming. From childhood, both men and women polished and sharpened their teeth using betel nut husks and stones. Some made their teeth even or serrated like saws. To preserve their teeth, they colored them red or black, similar to the Cordillerans (Igorots). Wealthy individuals, especially women, decorated or inlaid their teeth with gold, which served both as a form of ornamentation and to strengthen the teeth.
Headdress
The potong was a significant headdress for Ilocano men. It was a long cloth wrapped around the head like a turban, or in some cases draped over the shoulder with the embroidered ends touching the back of the knees. The color of the potong indicated the wearer's achievements, with red signifying that the wearer had killed someone, while only those who had killed seven or more could wear a striped potong. Over time, men began wearing hats, particularly after the arrival of the Spanish.[85]
Tattoos
Tattoos were also a part of Ilocano appearance called batek, butak, or burik, though not as prevalent as among the Cordillerans (Igorots) and Visayans. Tattoos were made by pricking the skin and rubbing black pitch powder or smoke into the pricked area. While tattoos were not as widely practiced among the Ilocanos as among other groups, they still served as a form of body art and status symbol for those who had them.[87]
With the arrival of the Spanish colonizers, Ilocano clothing and appearances underwent significant changes. While some traditional practices remained, new styles of dress were introduced, reflecting the blending of indigenous and European influences. The clothing of the principalia class, in particular, reflected this fusion of cultures.
Pandilíng and Kimona
The traditional Ilocano dress for women during the colonial period consisted of the pandilíng (skirt) and kimona (blouse), which were made from inabel, a hand-loomed textile. The inabel fabric was intricately woven by the women themselves, featuring designs inspired by nature, such as diamonds, shells, and stripes. The colors chosen reflected the modesty and simplicity that were considered admirable traits of Ilocana women.
The blouse, called kimona, was typically plain white or pastel and had a cowl neckline. The skirt, called pandilíng, was full-length and cone-shaped, gathered at the waist with a drawstring. Women also wore a full slip called kamison underneath the ensemble. The dress was often paired with a colorful wrap-around cloth called tapis, dyed in colors that complemented the skirt. Everyday footwear included tsinelas made of leather, while more formal occasions called for kutso, beaded felt and leather slippers worn during Sundays and fiestas.[88]
Traje de Mestiza
The traje de mestiza was an elegant attire worn by the Ilocano principalia class during the colonial period. It consisted of a long gown with voluminous sleeves and intricate embroidery, blending indigenous and European styles. This attire was often worn during important ceremonies and fiestas, symbolizing the wearer's high social status. The black, floor-length cloak with long sleeves worn by Ilocano women during ceremonies also reflects this European influence.
Kattukong or Tabúngaw Hat
One of the most iconic pieces of Ilocano headgear is the kattukong, or tabúngaw hat, made from a hollowed-out and dried calabash gourd. The interior of the hat was woven from materials like anahaw, nipa, bamboo, or rattan. This hat was practical and weatherproof, protecting the wearer from both the sun and rain.
The kattukong was traditionally worn by farmers and fishermen, and it remains an important cultural symbol today. One notable craftsman, Teofilo Garcia from San Quintin, Abra, was recognized as a National Living Treasure for his craftsmanship in making these hats, continuing the practice from planting the seeds of the gourd to varnishing the finished product.[89]
Ilocano cuisine is a reflection of the rich cultural heritage, resourcefulness, and appreciation for simple yet flavorful ingredients of the Ilocano people. It is deeply rooted in the agricultural practices and traditions of the Ilocos Region, with various influences from Chinese, Spanish, and American culinary traditions. The Ilocano people are known for their love of bugguóng (anchovy paste), which also defines the Ilocano palate. They incorporate a wide variety of vegetables, reflecting a diet rich in flavors and health benefits. The Ilocano people are often regarded as “weed-eaters” because of their preference for wild and cultivated vegetables, which are essential components of their daily diet. The cuisine arose out of necessity, shaped by the rough conditions of the Ilocos Region, where resourcefulness is key to survival.
Ilocano dishes are distinct from those of other ethnolinguistic groups in the Philippines due to their significant use of diverse vegetables and edible flora. Central to the Ilocano diet are boiled or steamed vegetables, referred to as kinilnat, and freshwater fish, seasoned with bugguóng and often accompanied by pork and salt. The distinctive flavors of Ilocano cuisine are primarily derived from bugguong, which defines the Ilokano palate.
This fermented fish product is a common flavoring agent in many dishes, from dinengdeng (a vegetable soup) to pinakbet (a mixed vegetable dish), as well as in the popular Ilocano salsa known as KBL (kamatis-bugguóng-lasona). Prominent ingredients in Ilocano cuisine include sukang Iloko (sugarcane vinegar) and inartem, a term used in Ilocano for pickling a wide array of vegetables and seasonal fruits such as santol, balayang, karmay, mangga, salamagi or tamarind, buatsina, pipino, sili sairo, bawang, lasona, and more. Salt and sukang Iloko serve as main ingredients for many dishes, enhancing their flavors. The Ilocano belief that any food with a bitter taste is medicinal further shapes their culinary preferences. This cultural perspective fosters an appreciation for bitter flavors, leading to the enjoyment of dishes featuring parya (bitter melon) and pinapaitan, a stew made from cow or goat innards that includes bile.
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In Ilocano culture, meat holds significant importance, particularly during festive occasions. Meat dishes are often associated with celebrations such as weddings, fiestas, and family reunions, symbolizing abundance and communal unity. The preparation and sharing of meat dishes create a sense of togetherness among families and communities, underscoring the role of food in reinforcing social bonds and cultural identity. Some other notable Ilocano dishes include:
Another essential vegetable ingredient in Ilocano cuisine is marúnggáy (moringa).[96] The leaves are commonly used as a condiment in the meat soup lauya, while the fruit pods can be added to dinengdeng. Most households in Ilocos grow malunggay in their backyards and often share it with neighbors, highlighting its importance in the community. It is particularly popular among Ilocanos in Hawaii. Ilocano people have gained recognition as the first ethnic group in the Philippines to consume the larvae and eggs of abuos (weaver ants). This practice has since been adopted by other ethnic groups in northern Luzon, showcasing the Ilocanos' connection to their environment and the innovative ways they utilize local resources.[97]
Ilocano desserts, often based on glutinous rice, coconut, and sugarcane juice, are a delightful blend of local ingredients and colonial influences. Kankanen, a dense and pleasantly chewy sticky rice cake, is a beloved treat among Ilocanos, showcasing the region's culinary heritage. These sweet treats are prepared with love and care in both traditional and modern kitchens. Some other notable Ilocano desserts include:
In the pre-colonial period, the Spanish applied the term "barangay" to the settlements they encountered in the Ilocos region, but the Ilocano people had their own terms. They referred to their towns as íli and smaller groups of houses as purók. The residents of the íli were organized into a structured class society, where every individual had a role based on their status, lineage, and contributions to the community.[98]
At the top of this class system was the agtúray or ári (chief) and his family.[99] The ári earned his position due to his strength, wealth, and wisdom. The role of the ári was crucial in the íli, as he governed the community, administered justice, and led his people in times of war if necessary. This leadership position was typically hereditary and passed down to a male heir. However, in situations where no male heir was available, a strong female could inherit the position. If the heir was deemed weak or unfit by the community, the ári family could lose their status, and a new ruling family might rise to power. The ári ruled alongside a council of elders, known as amáen or panglakáyen íli, who helped with the administration of justice and governance of the íli.[16]
Below the ári were the babaknáng, the wealthy class. Some members of this class could ascend to the role of ári, given their wealth and influence. The babaknáng were engaged in trade with other groups, including the Chinese, Japanese, Igorots, and Tagalogs. The goods they traded included rice, cotton, gold, wax, iron, glass beads, honey, and stoneware jars called burnáy. This trade network helped the babaknáng maintain and grow their wealth, ensuring their continued influence in the íli.
Below the babaknáng were the kailianes, a class that played a supportive role to the ári. The kailianes assisted the ári with tasks such as sailing, working in the fields, and preparing for community celebrations. In exchange for their service, they received gifts directly from the ári. This relationship fostered a sense of reciprocity and mutual benefit between the classes.[100]
Further down the social ladder were the katalonan, tenant farmers who formed the majority of the population. These farmers cultivated wet-rice fields, growing crops such as rice and taro, while also practicing dry agriculture for cotton. They were essential to the economic stability of the íli as they provided the necessary agricultural products for trade and sustenance.
At the bottom of pre-colonial Ilocano society were the ubíng (servants) and below them, the tagábu (slaves, also called adípen). The tagábu often became slaves due to unresolved debt, insults to a member of the babaknáng or ári, being prisoners of war, or even inheriting the debt of their ancestors. Slavery was not always permanent, but it represented the lowest rung of the social ladder, with limited opportunities for upward mobility.[101]
During the colonial era, Ilocano society underwent significant changes, but much of its pre-colonial social structure remained intact, with the Spanish adding their own layers of influence and control. Ilocano society became even more clearly defined by a hierarchical system, where social status and economic power determined one's role and opportunities within the community.
At the top of colonial Ilocano society were the babaknang or agtuturay (leaders), who had transformed into the principalia, the ruling class under Spanish rule. These powerful families held the highest positions in local governance, such as gobernadorcillo (town mayor) and cabeza de barangay (barangay head). Their responsibilities included managing the community, ensuring the collection of taxes, and maintaining order on behalf of the Spanish crown.
The principales enjoyed numerous privileges, including tax exemptions and the right to hold public office. They were also granted honorary titles such as “Don” and “Doña,” further distinguishing them from the rest of the population. The principalia were considered the local aristocracy, and their power extended beyond wealth. They wielded immense political and social influence within their communities, often acting as intermediaries between the Spanish authorities and the local population.
The status of the principales was typically passed down through generations, ensuring the continued dominance of elite families. However, in certain cases, the title could be granted by royal decree. For instance, on December 20, 1863, a decree by José de la Concha, the Minister of the Colonies under Queen Isabella II, granted the title to individuals who had contributed significantly to the local community. The principales were known as “de privilegio y gratis” because they were exempt from paying taxes, unlike the rest of the population, who were required to pay tribute to the colonial government.
Beneath the babaknang were the cailianes, free individuals who typically owned small home lots but worked the farmlands of the babaknang. These tenant farmers cultivated the land in exchange for a share of the harvest. In addition to farming, the cailianes also served as artisans and specialists, such as healers, salt makers, stem cutters, and wood gatherers, whose skills were indispensable to the community. The relationship between the babaknang and the cailianes was characterized by a system of mutual exchange. During the agricultural season or community gatherings, the cailianes provided labor and assistance to the babaknang. In return, the babaknang compensated them with food or other goods, maintaining a bond of reciprocity that was essential for social cohesion.
At the lowest level of the colonial social structure were the adipen or slaves. These individuals became slaves either through birth, as a result of debt, or due to their inability to meet obligations. The adipen were entirely dependent on their masters for their livelihood and performed a variety of tasks, including agricultural labor and domestic duties. Unlike the cailianes, who retained some degree of independence, the adipen had very limited autonomy. However, the concept of slavery in Ilocano society was not entirely rigid; it was possible for adipen to gain freedom through various means, such as paying off debts or being granted manumission by their masters.
The Ilocano people have long been known for their skill and creativity in various traditional arts and crafts, passed down through generations. These crafts, which include weaving, woodcarving, pottery, and more, have shaped the culture and daily life of Ilocanos for centuries. While these art forms were once essential for practical purposes such as food storage, cooking, and clothing, they now hold both cultural and economic significance, with many modern artisans creating innovative products for local and global markets. These ancient crafts continue to thrive in the small towns of Ilocos, offering a glimpse into the rich heritage of the region.
One of the most cherished Ilocano traditions is inabel weaving, a meticulous and labor-intensive craft. Inabel, derived from the word "abel," meaning "weave," refers to handspun cotton fabric made on wooden pedal looms. The fabric is recognized for its softness, durability, and intricate patterns. Inabel can be either plain or patterned, and each province in the Ilocos Region has its own distinct style. The binakul pattern, for example, is designed to ward off evil spirits and protect the wearer. Other popular designs include pinilian (brocade weave), suk-suk (discontinuous supplementary weft technique), and ikat tie-dye technique. Patterns such as cat's paws, fans, stars, and windows are frequently woven into these fabrics.
The process of creating inabel involves several steps, starting with the preparation of the kapas (cotton). Cotton bolls are picked, seeds are removed, and the cotton is beaten and twisted using a spindle. The yarn is then wound onto a skeiner, brushed for gloss and durability, and wound onto a bamboo spool. The weaver uses a warping reel to wind the yarn onto the warp beam rod, and the heddling process begins. The warp yarn is inserted through the heddle's eye with a weaving hook, followed by insertion through the reed's spaces. The loom is then dressed, and the actual weaving—known as agabel—can commence.[102][103]
Ilocano households traditionally used inabel for a variety of everyday items, including hand towels, placemats, curtains, bed linen, mosquito nets, and table runners. Despite the declining number of practitioners and the scarcity of raw materials, inabel continues to be in demand, particularly in the fashion and interior design industries. It is prized for its suitability in tropical climates, as well as its simplicity and beauty. Historically, inabel was bartered for gold during the galleon trade and is even mentioned in the Ilocano epic, Biag ni Lam-ang.
A notable inabel weaver is Magdalena Gamayo of Pinili, Ilocos Norte. Born in 1924, she began weaving at the age of 15 and has since mastered traditional inabel patterns such as binakol, inuritan (geometric patterns), sinan-sabong (flowers), and kusikos (spiral forms). Gamayo, who has spent over 80 years perfecting her craft, received the prestigious National Living Treasures Award in 2012 for her dedication to preserving the art of inabel weaving.[104]
Another important craft in Ilocano culture is burnáy pottery, which dates back to pre-colonial times. Burnay refers to unglazed earthenware jars made from clay, a craft especially prominent in Vigan, Ilocos Sur. This pottery tradition was influenced by Chinese merchants,[105] who traded with the local inhabitants of northwestern Luzon before the arrival of European colonizers. Burnay jars have long been used in Filipino households for practical purposes, including storing rice, water, salt, brown sugar, and even local products like basi (sugarcane wine) and bugguong (fermented fish). According to Ilocano folk wisdom, the taste of basi and bugguong improves when they are stored in burnay jars.[106]
The process of making burnay is laborious and requires great skill. Artisans collect clay, which is then kneaded and molded by hand. The jars are shaped using a potter's wheel and baked in traditional kilns fueled by rice husks or other natural materials. Burnay jars are prized for their durability, able to withstand high temperatures and heavy use. In addition to their use in households, burnay jars are also important in rituals and celebrations, as they are often used to store fermented foods and beverages, including the iconic Ilocano wine, basi.[107]
Basi is a native Ilocano wine made from fermented sugarcane juice. This iconic drink holds significant cultural and societal importance for Ilocanos and has been an integral part of rituals surrounding childbirth, marriage, and death. The production of basi begins with boiling sugarcane juice in large vats. Once the juice is boiled, it is poured into burnay jars, where it is flavored with a combination of ground glutinous rice and tree barks such as samak or lomboy (Java plum). After sealing the jars with banana leaves, the mixture is left to ferment for several years.
The resulting wine is pale red in color and has a sweet, tangy flavor. If fermented for a longer period, basi turns into suka (vinegar), which is also a staple in Ilocano households. Basi's unique flavor and deep-rooted cultural significance make it an essential part of Ilocano traditions, with some families passing down recipes and fermentation techniques from one generation to the next.
In addition to its role in Ilocano rituals, basi played a crucial part in history, particularly during the Basi Revolt of 1807. When the Spanish colonial government monopolized basi production and imposed heavy taxes on it, Ilocanos led a rebellion in protest. Although the revolt was suppressed, it remains an important event in Ilocano history, symbolizing their resilience and pride in their cultural heritage.
Kukudisi
A traditional Ilocano game that combines strategy, agility, and precision. It is often played by children in rural areas and reflects the resourcefulness and creativity of Ilocano culture, where simple objects like sticks and scratched lines on the ground are used for fun and recreation. The game starts with the placement of the "an-anak," a short stick, on a baseline scratched into the ground. This baseline serves as the starting point and is crucial for scoring. One player, often the one on offense, uses a second, longer stick called the "in-ina" to launch the an-anak into the air. The other player, acting as the defender, must try to catch the an-anak before it hits the ground.
If the defender fails to catch the an-anak, the next phase of the game begins. The in-ina is placed horizontally across the baseline, and the offensive player attempts to hit the an-anak as hard as possible to send it flying far away from the baseline. The game involves several rounds, where both players take turns trying to hit the an-anak the farthest with the in-ina. In later stages, players also compete to see how far they can hit the an-anak after it has been thrown into the air and stuck back into the baseline.
Kukudisi not only hones physical skills like hand-eye coordination and strength but also encourages creativity and social interaction among the players, fostering a sense of community and friendly competition.
Other traditional crafts of the Ilocanos include:[citation needed]
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