女陰殘割（Female genital mutilation，FGM），又稱為女性生殖器切割（female genital cutting，FGC），或女性割禮（female circumcision）。世界衛生組織將其定義為「包括所有涉及為非醫學原因，部分或全部切除女性外生殖器，或對女性生殖器官造成其它傷害的程序」[8][9]。在撒哈拉以南、北非及中東等地區，許多族群（英語：Ethnic groups of Africa）將女陰殘割視為傳統習俗的一部分，目前已知有27個國家境內具有這種風俗[10]。每個地區進行女陰殘割的時間不同，有的是在出生後幾天，有的則是到青春期才進行。這27個國家中，當中只有一半的國家能夠取得統計數據。根據這些資料顯示，大多數的女孩在5歲之前就會進行女陰殘割[3]:50。
確認之後，執刀者會在傷口中插入物品（如樹枝），為女性的陰部留下一個 2–3 mm 的開口，供經血和尿液排出[h][49]，並以手術用縫線（也可能是龍舌蘭或金合歡屬植物的刺）縫合外陰。有些手術者會在傷口敷上藥膏，藥膏可能是以生蛋、藥草或是砂糖等調配而成[50]。為了幫助傷口癒合，女孩的雙腳會被綑綁起來（通常是從髖部綁到踝部）。綑綁的時間不一定，通常一周後會放鬆，兩周後會完全解開，有些則可能長達六周[51]。
由於月經期產生的經血淤塞、滯留在陰道和子宮而造成的痛經也很常見。如果陰道完全堵塞，會造成陰道積血或子宮積血（英語：Hematometra）[45]。由於經血淤積造成的腹部腫脹和不來月經，使女孩看起來像是懷孕。雅斯瑪·艾爾·達理爾（Asma EI Dareer）醫生在1979年報告，一名有上述症狀的年輕蘇丹女孩被其家人所殺[73]。
另一位希臘醫生阿彌陀的埃提烏斯（英語：Aëtius of Amida）（第 5世紀中至第6 世紀中）在其"Sixteen Books on Medicine"中的第16本中，引用了醫生Philomenes的話。當陰蒂長的太大，或是當和衣服磨擦時會引發性衝動時，就會進行女陰殘割。埃提烏斯說：「這種情形下，埃及人似乎認為在陰蒂大幅變大之前切除會比較妥當，尤其是少女快要嫁人的時候。」
鎖陰手術的起源不明，但後來演變成和奴隸有關。Mackie曾引述葡萄牙宣教士 João dos Santos（英語：João dos Santos）在1609年提到摩加迪休群島上人們的文字：「他們的習俗㑹將女性（的陰部）縫合，特別是年輕的女奴，使她們無法生育，也讓女奴 比較好賣，一方面是貞節，也有助於主人對她們的信任。」英國的探險家威廉·喬治·布朗（英語：William George Browne）在1799年也寫到埃及人會進行女陰殘割，而且會為女奴進行鎖陰手術以避免懷孕[169]。Mackie認為是：「一項和女奴有關的手術變成了榮譽的象徵。」[170]
19世紀歐洲及美國的婦產科醫生用切除陰蒂的方式來治療精神錯亂及女性的自慰[172]。英國醫生羅伯特·托馬斯在1813年建議用切除陰蒂來治療色情狂[173]。第一個有記錄的西方切除陰蒂是記載在1825年的《柳葉刀》雜誌上，是1822年在柏林由卡爾·費迪南德·馮·格雷夫（英語：Karl Ferdinand von Graefe）進行，是對一位十五歲，自慰過度的女性所施行的手術[174]。
美國的J.·馬里恩·西姆斯延續了布朗醫師的研究，在1862年在一名女性病患主訴經痛、抽搐和膀胱問題後，切開其子宮頸，並且切除陰蒂，「用布朗醫師建議的方式來緩解緊張及歇斯底里的狀態。」[178]。在同一世紀，紐奧蘭的外科醫生A. J. Bloch因一名二歲的女童持續性的自慰，切除其陰蒂[179]。依照1985年產科和婦科調查的論文，1960年代美國還有用切除陰蒂來治療歇斯底里，色情狂和女同性戀[180]。
喬莫·肯亞塔是基庫尤中央聯盟（英語：Kikuyu Central Association）的主席及1963年起的首任肯亞總理，他在1938年提到，對於基庫尤人而言，女性割禮的規定：「是整個部落法律、宗教及道德中，不可缺少的條件」（conditio sine qua non）。沒有一個正常的基庫尤人會和沒有行割禮的人發生性關係或結婚。女性對部落的責任從她的成年禮開始。她在部落歷史中的記錄會從這一天開始，部落會依當時的事件為受割禮的女性命名，這是基庫尤的口頭傳統，讓基庫尤人可以追溯上百年前的人物及事件[183]。
聯合國在1959年要求世界衛生組織調查女陰殘割，但世界衛生組織回應這不是醫療相關議題[193]。女性主義者在1970年代開始提出此一議題[194]。埃及女醫生納瓦勒·薩達在1972年出版的《女人與性》（Women and Sex）中批評女陰殘割，這本書在埃及是禁書，她也因為失去了公共衛生總幹事的工作[195]。她在1980年出版的《夏娃隱藏的臉：阿拉伯世界的女性》（The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World）中〈女孩的割禮〉一節中描述她自己在六歲時接受陰蒂切除術的情形：
四年之後的1979年，奧地利裔美籍的女性主義者弗蘭·霍斯肯（英語：Fran Hosken）出版了《霍斯肯報告：女性生殖器及性器官殘割》（The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females，1979）。霍斯肯在此本著作中估計，全球約有110,529,000名女性實施過女陰殘割，分布於20個非洲國家[198]。這是第一篇提出女陰殘割實施人數的文獻，該數據雖為估計值，但後來進行的幾次調查也大略符合此數字。Mackie認為霍斯肯的著作雖然對於數據與資料來源稍嫌不嚴謹，但喚醒世界對於此議題的重視[199]。霍斯肯用「男性暴力的訓練場」來描述女陰殘割，將其中女性的參與者稱為是「參與了毀滅同類的活動」[200]。這段話造成西方及非洲女性主義者之間的衝突。聯合國在1980年7月於哥本哈根舉行的十年中期會議，非洲女性主義者就杯葛其中一個以霍斯肯為主題的會議[201]。
在1979年，世界衛生組織在蘇丹喀土木舉辦「傳統習俗影響婦女與孩童健康研討會」，1981年巴拜克巴德里婦女研究科學協會（英語：Babiker Badri Scientific Association for Women's Studies）（BBSAWS）也在喀土木舉辦了三天的研習營「攜手對抗女性割禮對女性造成的殘疾與危害」（Female Circumcision Mutilates and Endangers Women – Combat it!） 。活動結束後有150位學者與活躍人士簽署，宣示對抗女陰殘割。另一個巴拜克巴德里婦女研究科學協會在1984年舉辦的研習營，其中邀請國際社群，簽署給聯合國的聯合聲明。簽署者同意他們在聯合聲明中所寫到的「女性割禮是對人權的暴力，侵犯女性的尊嚴，剝奪女性的性慾，並且是對於女性健康的無端羞辱。」[202]其中包括了：
加拿大於1994年7月授予來自索馬利亞的卡德拉·哈桑·法拉赫難民身份時，即認定女陰殘割是一種對女性的迫害[223]；卡德拉·哈桑·法拉赫在加拿大避難以避免她的女兒遭受女陰殘割之苦。加拿大政府於1997年修改加拿大刑法法典（英語：Criminal Code of Canada）268條法條中的部分法條，明令禁止女陰殘割，但若接受手術之人已滿18歲且沒有因此造成身體傷害則不在禁止範圍內[224]。截止至2015年2月，仍未有針對女陰殘割的訴訟[225]。
歐畢歐馬·內梅卡（Obioma Nnaemeka）提出一個比起女陰殘割更廣泛的重要議題：為什麼包含西方國家在內，全世界有那麼多地方「虐待及汙化」女性身體的舉措[256]？許多作家將女陰殘割與整形手術提出來做比較[257]愛爾蘭皇家外科醫學院的羅南·康羅伊在2006年寫到生殖器整形手術「驅動著女性生殖器殘割前進」，因其鼓勵女性將自然個體上的差異視為缺陷[258]。人類學家法德瓦·拉·金蒂（英語：Fadwa El Guindi）將女陰殘割與隆乳互相比較，因為乳房具有的哺育功能竟然次於取悅男性性快感[259]。博奴瓦特·格魯（英語：Benoîte Groult）在1975年提出類似的論點，點出女陰殘割與整形手術並將其視為男性沙文主義與父系社會的威權[260]。
Nahid F. Toubia（英語：Nahid Toubia）, Eiman Hussein Sharief, 2003: "One of the great achievements of the past decade in the field of FGM is the shift in emphasis from the concern over the harmful physical effects it causes to understanding this act as a social phenomenon resulting from a gender definition of women's roles, in particular their sexual and reproductive roles. This shift in emphasis has helped redefine the issues from a clinical disease model (hence the terminology of eradication prevalent in the literature) to a problem resulting from the use of culture to protect social dominance over women's bodies by the patriarchal hierarchy. Understanding the operative mechanisms of patriarchal dominance must also include understanding how women, particularly older married women, are important keepers of that social hegemony."[14]
Claire C. Robertson, Professor of History and Women's Studies at The Ohio State University, 2002: "The Hosken Report is the single most influential document responsible for raising consciousness of FGC."[22]
UNICEF 2005: "The large majority of girls and women are cut by a traditional practitioner, a category which includes local specialists (cutters or exciseuses), traditional birth attendants and, generally, older members of the community, usually women. This is true for over 80 percent of the girls who undergo the practice in Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Tanzania and Yemen. In most countries, medical personnel, including doctors, nurses and certified midwives, are not widely involved in the practice."
UNICEF 2013: "These categories do not fully match the WHO typology. Cut, no flesh removed describes a practice known as nicking or pricking, which currently is categorized as Type IV. Cut, some flesh removed corresponds to Type I (clitoridectomy) and Type II (excision) combined. And sewn closed corresponds to Type III, infibulation."[25]
"[There is a] common tendency to describe Type I as removal of the prepuce, whereas this has not been documented as a traditional form of female genital mutilation. However, in some countries, medicalized female genital mutilation can include removal of the prepuce only (Type Ia) (Thabet and Thabet, 2003), but this form appears to be relatively rare (Satti et al, 2006). Almost all known forms of female genital mutilation that remove tissue from the clitoris also cut all or part of the clitoral glans itself."[42]
WHO 2014: "Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris (infibulation).
"Type IIIa, removal and apposition of the labia minora; Type IIIb, removal and apposition of the labia majora."[44]
USAID 2008: "Infibulation is practiced largely in countries located in northeastern Africa: Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan. ... Sudan alone accounts for about 3.5 million of the women. ... [T]he estimate of the total number of women infibulated in [Djibouti, Somalia, Eritrea, northern Sudan, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Chad, Nigeria, Cameroon and Tanzania, for women 15–49 years old] comes to 8,245,449, or just over eight million women."[16]
Jasmine Abdulcadira, Swiss Medical Weekly, 2011:"In the case of infibulation, the urethral orifice and part of the vaginal opening are covered by the scar. In a virgin infibulated woman the small opening left for the menstrual fluid and the urine is not wider than 2–3 mm; in sexually active women and after the delivery the vaginal opening is wider but the urethral orifice is often still covered by the scar."[48]
Elizabeth Kelly, Paula J. Adams Hillard, Current Opinion in Obstetrics & Gynecology, 2005: "Women commonly undergo reinfibulation after a vaginal delivery. In addition to reinfibulation, many women in Sudan undergo a second type of re-suturing called El-Adel, which is performed to recreate the size of the vaginal orifice to be similar to the size created at the time of primary infibulation. Two small cuts are made around the vaginal orifice to expose new tissues to suture, and then sutures are placed to tighten the vaginal orifice and perineum. This procedure, also called re-circumcision, is primarily performed after vaginal delivery, but can also be performed before marriage, after cesarean section, after divorce, and sometimes even in elderly women as a preparation before death."[55]
WHO 2005: "In some areas (e.g. parts of Congo and mainland Tanzania), FGM entails the pulling of the labia minora and/or clitoris over a period of about 2 to 3 weeks. The procedure is initiated by an old woman designated for this task, who puts sticks of a special type in place to hold the stretched genital parts so that they do not revert back to their original size. The girl is instructed to pull her genitalia every day, to stretch them further, and to put additional sticks in to hold the stretched parts from time to time. This pulling procedure is repeated daily for a period of about two weeks, and usually no more than four sticks are used to hold the stretched parts, as further pulling and stretching would make the genital parts unacceptably long."[59]
（英文原文）UNICEF 2014: "If there is no reduction in the practice between now and 2050, the number of girls cut each year will grow from 3.6 million in 2013 to 6.6 million in 2050. But if the rate of progress achieved over the last 30 years is maintained, the number of girls affected annually will go from 3.6 million today to 4.1 million in 2050.
"In either scenario, the total number of girls and women cut will continue to increase due to population growth. If nothing is done, the number of girls and women affected will grow from 133 million today to 325 million in 2050. However, if the progress made so far is sustained, the number will grow from 133 million to 196 million in 2050, and almost 130 million girls will be spared this grave assault to their human rights."[80]
UNICEF 2014: "Although no nationally representative data on FGM/C are available for countries including Colombia, Jordan, Oman, Saudi Arabia and parts of Indonesia and Malaysia, evidence suggests that the procedure is being performed."[92]
Mohammed A. Tag-Eldin (World Health Organization, 2008): "The most common forms of FGC still widely practised throughout Egypt are type I (commonly referred to as clitoridectomy) and type II (commonly referred to as excision)."[103]
UNICEF 2003: "The percentage of girls and women of reproductive age (15 to 49) who have experienced any form of FGM/C is the first indicator used to show how widespread the practice is in a particular country ... A second indicator of national prevalence measures the extent of cutting among daughters aged 0 to 14, as reported by their mothers. Prevalence data for girls reflect their current – not final – FGM/C status, since many of them may not have reached the customary age for cutting at the time of the survey. They are reported as being uncut but are still at risk of undergoing the procedure. Statistics for girls under age 15 therefore need to be interpreted with a high degree of caution ..."[92]
"From 2000 to 2009, 3711 of the young participants (89.2%) underwent FGM and 447 (10.8%) did not. The mean age at the time of FGM was 8.2 ± 0.9 years. About three quarters (74.3%) of the procedures were performed at home and the remaining 25.7% at private clinics."[105]
Gerry Mackie, 1996: "Footbinding and infibulation correspond as follows. Both customs are nearly universal where practiced; they are persistent and are practiced even by those who oppose them. Both control sexual access to females and ensure female chastity and fidelity. Both are necessary for proper marriage and family honor. Both are believed to be sanctioned by tradition. Both are said to be ethnic markers, and distinct ethnic minorities may lack the practices. Both seem to have a past of contagious diffusion. Both are exaggerated over time and both increase with status. Both are supported and transmitted by women, are performed on girls about six to eight years old, and are generally not initiation rites. Both are believed to promote health and fertility. Both are defined as aesthetically pleasing compared with the natural alternative. Both are said to properly exaggerate the complementarity of the sexes, and both are claimed to make intercourse more pleasurable for the male."[125]
Gerry Mackie, 1996: "FGM is pre-Islamic but was exaggerated by its intersection with the Islamic modesty code of family honor, female purity, virginity, chastity, fidelity, and seclusion."[147]
Gerry Mackie, 1996: "The Koran is silent on FGM, but several hadith (sayings attributed to Mohammed) recommend attenuating the practice for the woman's sake, praise it as noble but not commanded, or advise that female converts refrain from mutilation because even if pleasing to the husband it is painful to the wife."[148]
Maggie Michael, Associated Press, 2007: "[Egypt's] supreme religious authorities stressed that Islam is against female circumcision. It's prohibited, prohibited, prohibited," Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa said on the privately owned al-Mahwar network."[151]
Strabo, Geographica, c. 25 BCE: "One of the customs most zealously observed among the Aegyptians is this, that they rear every child that is born, and circumcise [περιτέμνειν, peritemnein] the males, and excise [ektemnein] the females, as is also customary among the Jews, who are also Aegyptians in origin, as I have already stated in my account of them."[163]
Book XVI, chapter 4, 16.4.9: "And then to the Harbour of Antiphilus, and, above this, to the Creophagi [meat-eaters], of whom the males have their sexual glands mutilated [kolobos] and the women are excised [ektemnein] in the Jewish fashion."
Knight 2001 writes that there is one extant reference from antiquity, from Xanthus of Lydia in the fifth century BCE, that may allude to FGM outside Egypt. Xanthus wrote, in a history of Lydia: "The Lydians arrived at such a state of delicacy that they were even the first to 'castrate' their women." Knight argues that the "castration", which is not described, may have kept women youthful, in the sense of allowing the Lydian king to have intercourse with them without pregnancy. Knight concludes that it may have been a reference to sterilization, not FGM.[164]
FGM is still practised in Sudan. Some states banned it in 2008–2009, but 截至2013年 (2013-Missing required parameter 1=month!)[update], there was no national legislation.[191]
For example, UNICEF 2013 lists Mauritania as having passed legislation against FGM, but (as of that year) it was banned only from being conducted in government facilities or by medical personnel.[206]The following countries, in which FGM is concentrated, have placed restrictions on it. An asterisk indicates a ban:
UNICEF 2005: "Beyond economic factors, migratory patterns have frequently reflected links established in the colonial past. For instance, citizens from Benin, Chad, Guinea, Mali, Niger and Senegal have often chosen France as their destination, while many Kenyan, Nigerian and Ugandan citizens have migrated to the United Kingdom.
"In the 1970s, war, civil unrest and drought in a number of African states, including Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, resulted in an influx of refugees to Western Europe, where some countries, such as Norway and Sweden, had been relatively unaffected by migration up to that point. Beyond Western Europe, Canada and the USA in North America, and Australia and New Zealand in Australasia also host women and children who have been subjected to FGM/C, and are home to others who are at risk of undergoing this procedure."[219]
2003年女陰殘割法案（英語：Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003）: "A person is guilty of an offence if he excises, infibulates or otherwise mutilates the whole or any part of a girl's labia majora, labia minora or clitoris," unless "necessary for her physical or mental health." Although the legislation refers to girls, it applies to women too.[245]
James Karanja, The Missionary Movement in Colonial Kenya: The Foundation of Africa Inland Church, Göttingen: Cuvillier Verlag, 2009, p. 93 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, n. 631.
Claire C. Robertson, "Getting beyond the Ew! Factor: Rethinking U.S. Approaches to African Female Genital Cutting," in Stanlie M. James and Claire C. Robertson (eds.), Genital Cutting and Transnational Sisterhood, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002 (pp. 54–86), p. 60.
Fran Hosken, The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females, Lexington: Women's International Network, 1994 [1979].
Fadwa El Guindi, "Had This Been Your Face, Would You Leave It as Is?" in Rogaia Mustafa Abusharaf (ed.), Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007, p. 30 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
Chantal Zabus, "The Excised Body in African Texts and Contexts," in Merete Falck Borch (ed.), Bodies and Voices: The Force-field of Representation and Discourse in Colonial and Postcolonial Studies, New York: Rodopi, 2008, p. 47 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
For "a young woman must 'have her bath' before she has a baby," Chantal Zabus, "'Writing with an Accent': From Early Decolonization to Contemporary Gender Issues in the African Novel in French, English, and Arabic," in Simona Bertacco (ed.), Language and Translation in Postcolonial Literatures, New York: Routledge, 2013, p. 40 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
Ibrahim Lethome Asmani, Maryam Sheikh Abdi, "De-linking Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting from Islam" （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, USAID/UNFPA, 2008, p. 3.
That sunna can refer to more severe forms, Ellen Gruenbaum, The Female Circumcision Controversy: An Anthropological Perspective, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001, p. 2.
Raqiya D. Abdalla, "'My Grandmother Called it the Three Feminine Sorrows': The Struggle of Women Against Female Circumcision in Somalia," in Abusharaf 2007, p. 190 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
Elizabeth F. Jackson, et al., "Inconsistent reporting of female genital cutting status in northern Ghana: Explanatory factors and analytical consequences," Studies in Family Planning, 34(3), 2003, pp. 200–210. PMID14558322
Also see El Dareer 1982, pp. 42–49; Hanny Lightfoot-Klein, Prisoners of Ritual: An Odyssey Into Female Genital Circumcision in Africa, New York: Routledge, 1989.
For the countries in which labia stretching is found (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe), see Nkiru Nzegwu, "'Osunality' (or African eroticism)" in Sylvia Tamale (ed.), African Sexualities: A Reader, Cape Town: Fahamu/Pambazuka, 2011, p. 262.
For the rest, Brigitte Bagnol and Esmeralda Mariano, "Politics of Naming Sexual Practices," in Tamale 2011, pp. 272–276 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館） (p. 272 for Uganda).
Mairo Usman Mandara, "Female genital cutting in Nigeria: View of Nigerian Doctors on the Medicalization Debate," in Bettina Shell-Duncan and Ylva Hernlund (eds.), Female "Circumcision" in Africa: Culture Controversy and Change, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000 (pp. 253–282), pp. 98 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, 100; for fistulae, p. 102.
El Dareer 1982, p. 37. Also see Asma El Dareer, "Preliminary report on a study on prevalence and epidemiology of female circumcision in Sudan today," WHO seminar, Khartoum, 10–15 February 1979; Asma el Dareer, "Female circumcision and its consequences for mother and child," Yaounde, 12–15 December 1979, cited in Rushwan 2013 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
Yoder, Wang and Johansen, 2013 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, p. 191; Dara Carr, Female genital cutting: Findings from the Demographic and Health Surveys program, Calverton, MD: Macro International Inc., 1997.
UNICEF 2013 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, p. 114: "In Somalia, Eritrea, Niger, Djibouti and Senegal, more than one in five girls have undergone the most radical form of the practice known as infibulation ..."
Janice Boddy, Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007, pp. 112. Also see Silverman 2004 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, p. 429.
Gruenbaum 2005 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, p. 437; Gruenbaum 2001, p. 140; Janice Boddy, Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men, and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989, p. 52 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
UNICEF 2013 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, p. 52: "The highest levels of support can be found in Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Gambia and Egypt, where more than half the female population think the practice should continue." Also see Figure 6.1, p. 54 and Figures 8.1A – 8.1D, pp. 90–91.
UNICEF 2013 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, front page: "Niger. 55% of Christian girls and women have undergone FGM/C, compared to 2% of Muslim girls and women," and p. 73.
Samuel Waje Kunhiyop, African Christian Ethics, Zondervan, 2008, p. 297: "Nowhere in all of Scripture or in any of recorded church history is there even a hint that women were to be circumcised."
Shaye J. D. Cohen, Why Aren't Jewish Women Circumcised? Gender and Covenant In Judaism, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005, p. 59 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）; Adele Berlin (ed.), "Circumcision," The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion, New York: Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 173.
Also see C. G. Seligman, "Aspects of the Hamitic problems in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan" （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）,The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1913, 40(3), (pp. 593–705), pp. 639–646; Esther K. Hicks, Infibulation: Female Mutilation in Islamic Northeastern Africa, Transaction Publishers, 1996, p. 19ff.
Knight 2001 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, p. 330. Knight adds that Egyptologists are uncomfortable with the translation to uncircumcised, because there is no information about what constituted the circumcised state.
Knight 2001 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, p. 331, citing G. Elliot Smith, A Contribution to the Study of Mummification in Egypt, Cairo: L'Institut Egyptien, 1906, p. 30, and Marc Armand Ruffer, Studies in the Paleopathology of Egypt, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1921, p. 171.
Robert Thomas, The Modern Practice of Physick, London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1813, pp. 585–586.
Edward Shorter, From Paralysis to Fatigue: A History of Psychosomatic Illness in the Modern Era, New York: Simon and Schuster, 2008, p. 82 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
Also see G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Horrors of the Half-Known Life: Male Attitudes Toward Women and Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century America, New York: Routledge, 1999, p. 113.
Lynn M. Thomas,"'Ngaitana (I will circumcise myself)': Lessons from Colonial Campaigns to Ban Excision in Meru, Kenya" in Shell-Duncan and Hernlund, 2000, p. 132 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
For irua, Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya, New York: Vintage Books, 1962 [1938], p. 129; for irugu being outcasts, Kenyatta, p. 127, and Zabus 2008, pp. 48–49.
Also see Ronald Hyam, Empire and Sexuality: The British Experience, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990; Murray 1976 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, pp. 92–104.
Thomas 2000, p. 132; for the "sexual mutilation of women", Karanja 2009, p. 93 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, n. 631.
Also see Robert Strayer, Jocelyn Murray, "The CMS and Female Circumcision", in Robert Strayer (ed.), The Making of Missionary Communities in East Africa, New York: State University of New York Press, 1978, p. 139ff.
Thomas 2000, pp. 129–131 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館） (p. 131 for the girls as "central actors"); Lynn Thomas, Politics of the Womb: Women, Reproduction, and the State in Kenya, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003, pp. 89–91.
UNICEF 2013 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, p. 10, calls the Egyptian Doctors' Society opposition the "first known campaign" against FGM; for independence, Boddy 2007, p. 147.
Elizabeth Heger Boyle, Female Genital Cutting: Cultural Conflict in the Global Community, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002, pp. 92, 103.
Anika Rahman and Nahid Toubia, Female Genital Mutilation: A Guide to Laws and Policies Worldwide, New York: Zed Books, 2000, p. 10–11; for Vienna, UNICEF 2013 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館） p. 8.
Also see Audrey Macklin, "The Double-Edged Sword: Using the Criminal Law Against Female Genital Mutilation," in Abusharaf 2007, p. 211ff; "Female Genital Cutting" （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）, Clinical practice guidelines, No. 299, The Society of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists of Canada, November 2013.
Susan Deller Ross, Women's Human Rights: The International and Comparative Law Casebook, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008, pp. 509–511 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
Vicky Kirby, "Out of Africa: 'Our Bodies Ourselves?'" in Obioma Nnaemeka (ed.), Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge: African Women in Imperialist Discourses, Westport: Praeger, 2005, p. 83.
Christine J. Walley, "Searching for 'Voices': Feminism, Anthropology, and the Global Over Female Genital Operations" in James and Robertson 2002, pp. 18, 34 (for false consciousness), 43.
For the statement, Bagnol and Mariano 2011, p. 281; for Hosken, Daly and Lightfoot-Klein, Robertson 2002, p. 60 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
Chima Korieh, "'Other' Bodies: Western Feminism, Race and Representation in Female Circumcision Discourse," in Nnaemeka 2005, pp. 121–122 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）.
Samar A. Farage, "Female Genital Alteration: A Sociological Perspective", in Miranda A. Farage and Howard I. Maibach (eds.), The Vulva: Anatomy, Physiology, and Pathology, New York: Informa Healthcare USA, 2006, p. 267.
Boyle, E. H. (2002). Female genital cutting: Cultural conflict in the global community. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-7063-7.
Dettwyler, Katherine A. (1994). Dancing skeletons: life and death in West Africa. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press. ISBN 0-88133-748-X.
Ferguson, I and Ellis, P. (1995). Female Genital Mutilation: a Review of the Current Literature Department of Justice, Canada. Working document
Gruenbaum, E. (2001). The female circumcision controversy. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-1746-9.
Johnson, Michelle C. (2000). Becoming a Muslim, Becoming a person: Female 'circumcision', religious identity, and personhood in Guinea-Bissau. In B. Shell-Duncan & Y. Herlund (Eds.), Female circumcision in Africa: Culture, controversy, and change. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Kassindja, F. (1998). Do they hear you when you cry. New York: Delacorte Press. ISBN 0-38531-832-4.
Obermeyer, Carla Makhlouf (2003). The health consequences of female circumcision: Science, advocacy, and standards of evidence. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 17(3), 394-412. PMID 12974204. doi:10.1525/maq.2003.17.3.394
Pieters, G., & Lowenfels A. B. (1977). Infibulation in the horn of Africa. New York State Journal of Medicine, 77(5), 729-31. PMID 265433.
Research papers from medical gynecologists, judges, linguistics, and social scientists on the subject (1994). University of Khartoum, Sudan. Umm Atteya Organization website （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館） (Arabic). Retrieved March 29, 2006.
UNICEF (1999). Consultation on the elimination of female genital mutilation: 14 December-16 December 1998. New York: Author. 40 pp.
World Health Organization. (1996). Female genital mutilation: Report of a WHO Technical Working Group (unpublished document WHO/FRH/WHD/96.10 （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）). Geneva: World Health Organization. Retrieved 2007-02-21.
出版物
Aldeeb, Sami (2000). Male and Female Circumcision in the Jewish, Christian and Muslim Communities, Religious debate. Beirut, ISBN 1855134063.
Daw, E. (1970). Female circumcision and infibulation complicating delivery. Practitioner, 204(222), 559-63. PMID5443542.
Dewhurst, C.J., & Michelson, A. (1964). Infibulation complicating pregnancy. British Medical Journal, 2(5422), 1442. PMID14209371.
Dirie, Waris (2001). Desert Flower. Autobiography of a Somali woman's journey from nomadic tribal life to a career as a fashion model in London and to the post of special ambassador at the United Nations. Dirie recounts her personal experience with female genital mutilation that began with circumcision at age five.
Leonard, Lori (2000). We did it for pleasure only: Hearing alternative tales of female circumcision. Qualitative Inquiry, 6(2), 212-228.
Mernissi, Fatima. Beyond the veil: Male-female dynamics in a modern Muslim society. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Pub. Co. ISBN 0-470-59613-9.
Mustafa, Asim Zaki (1966). Female circumcision and infibulation in the Sudan. Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology of the British Commonwealth, 73(2), 302–306. doi:10.1111/j.1471-0528.1966.tb05163.x.
Robinett, Patricia (2006). The rape of innocence: One woman's story of female genital mutilation in the USA. N.p.: Aesculapius Press. ISBN 1-878411-04-7.
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