特朗普主義(英語:Trumpism)是指與第45任美國總統唐納·川普及他所秉持基本盤密切相關的意識形態、政治風格[7]、政治運動及獲取和保持權力的機制[8][9]。特朗普主義的支持者被稱為特朗普主義者。特朗普主義的確切含義仍有爭議。儘管特朗普主義的複雜程度足以使任何單一的分析框架失效[10],其仍被稱為美國極右派的政治變種[11][12],也被認為是2010年代末至2020年代初全球多個國家出現的民族民粹主義和新民族主義情緒的變種[13]。一些學者及媒體甚至將其與法西斯主義(英語:Fascism in North America)相提並論[14][15]。多數史學家認為將特朗普主義比作法西斯主義是對特朗普主義一詞的誤用,並指出儘管特朗普主義在總體上可能與法西斯主義有相似點,但彼此之間也有顯著的不同點[16][17]。這個術語有時候也被其他西方民主政權的保守派民族主義者或民粹派民族主義者使用。
人類學家傑西卡·約翰遜在研究特朗普對社交媒體的使用時發現社交愉悅感在其中起到了核心作用,並進一步指出:「Facebook的用戶與其說是覺得準確的新聞有意義,不如說是覺得連接的情感愉悅會讓人上癮,這與他們分享的信息是否是事實無關,這就是交流資本主義在俘虜主體的同時也吸引了他們」[34]。回顧社交媒體之前的世界後,傳播學研究者布萊恩·L·奧特(英語:Brian L. Ott)寫道:
安德魯·傑克遜的支持者認為安德魯·傑克遜是他們中的一員,進而積極地支持他在19世紀蔑視政治正確的行為,甚至藐視美國憲法。安德魯·傑克遜無視美國最高法院在伍斯特訴喬治亞州(英語:Worcester v. Georgia)中作出的判決,強行逼遷切諾基人以將他們的土地劃分給白人,遷徙過程中更導致2000至6000名族人死亡。儘管傑克遜主義有這樣不人道的案例,但米德更多的認為,傑克遜主義為解釋特朗普的追隨者運動提供了歷史先例,它將基層對精英的蔑視、對海外糾葛的深深懷疑以及對美國權力和主權的痴迷融為一體,導致它常常是一場仇外的、「唯白人」的政治運動。米德認為這種「美國對傑克遜式人物的饑渴」促使追隨者向特朗普靠攏。但米德同時提醒稱,從歷史上看「特朗普不是安德魯·傑克遜的第二次降臨」,米德進一步解釋經過觀察「特朗普的建議往往相當模糊,而且常常自相矛盾」,表現出新當選的民粹主義領導人的共同弱點。在特朗普於2016年當選後不久米德就評論道「特朗普的問題是『如何施政[61]?』」
由巴克利所倡導,並最終被里根於1980年所實現後,融合主義隨着蘇聯解體逐漸消融,取而代之的是不平等(英語:Income inequality in the United States)及全球化,這在共和黨內外引起了中低收入白人的重大不滿。2012年美國總統選舉後,羅姆尼被奧巴馬擊敗後,共和黨建制派接受了一份名為增長與機遇項目的「解剖」報告,這份報告呼籲共和黨重申其親市場、懷疑政府、在種族和文化上包容的身份。特朗普在競選中無視報告的結論和黨內建制,他「受到本黨官員的反對……比美國近代史上任何一位總統候選人都多」,但與此同時,他在共和黨初選中贏得的選票卻比以往任何一位總統候選人都多。到了2016年,用政治分析家羅夫的話說,趨勢已經演變成了「人們希望有人把磚頭扔進一扇平板玻璃窗」[67]。他在黨內的成功達到了這樣的程度:2020年10月的一項民意調查發現,58%的共和黨人和傾向於共和黨的獨立調查對象認為自己是特朗普的支持者,而不是共和黨的支持者[68]。
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