大塞爾柱帝國（土耳其語：Büyük Selçuklu İmparatorluğu；波斯語：دولت سلجوقیان），又稱塞爾柱帝國、塞爾柱土耳其帝國，是中世紀時期的突厥－波斯[8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15]、遜尼派伊斯蘭帝國，由烏古斯人中的一支發展而來[16]，領土範圍東至興都庫什山脈，西至東部安納托利亞，北至中亞，南至波斯灣，塞爾柱人由鹹海發跡，隨後挺進呼羅珊，再入波斯地區，最終征服東安納托利亞。
Quick Facts Büyük Selçuklu İmparatorluğuدولت سلجوقیانDawlat-i Saljūqiān大塞爾柱帝國, 地位 ...
Büyük Selçuklu İmparatorluğu
دولت سلجوقیان
Dawlat-i Saljūqiān
大塞爾柱帝國 |
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國旗 |
 1092年處於鼎盛時期的大塞爾柱帝國 |
| 地位 | 帝國 |
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| 首都 | 內沙布爾
(1037–1043)
雷伊
(1043–1051)
伊斯法罕
(1051–1118)
哈馬丹，西都 (1118–1194)
梅爾夫，東都 (1118–1153) |
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| 常用語言 |
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| 政府 | 君主制 |
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| 蘇丹或沙阿 | |
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• 1037–1063 | 圖赫里勒一世（首） |
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• 1174–1194 | 圖赫里勒三世（末）[5][6] |
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| 歷史 | |
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| 1037年 |
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| 1194年 |
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| 1080年估計 | 3,900,000平方公里 |
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| 今屬於 | |
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11世紀前半葉，塞爾柱王朝的創立者圖格魯勒·貝格為帝國的建立打下了基礎。自1037年正式建國後，塞爾柱人統一了支離分裂的東部伊斯蘭世界，並在第一次和第二次十字軍東征中扮演了重要的角色。塞爾柱帝國在文化[17][18][19]和語言[10][20][21][22][23]上表現為高度波斯化[10][11][12][13]，並在突厥-波斯文化的發展傳承上具有十分重要的地位[24]，同時還將波斯文化傳播至安納托利亞[25][26]。突厥部落在帝國西北部的戰略性定居大大促進了這些地區的突厥化[27]。
八世紀伊朗地區在經歷伊斯蘭征服後，相繼由阿拉伯帝國倭馬亞王朝（又稱伍麥葉、奧米亞、白衣大食）、阿拔斯王朝（黑衣大食）統治。隨著阿拔斯王朝與拜占庭帝國的長年戰爭，帝國對伊朗地區的控制持續衰弱。九世紀末，薩曼·胡達擊退阿拉伯人，在伊朗東部建立了薩曼王朝。十世紀末，薩曼的突厥奴隸將軍阿爾普特勤及其女婿蘇布克特勤自立加茲尼王朝，取代舊主，掌握伊朗東部的統治權；與重奪伊朗西部的阿拉伯白益王朝分庭抗禮。在動亂中，各勢力常僱傭北方中亞地區的游牧民族為傭兵，烏古斯人是其中較為強大的一支。
起初，塞爾柱人屬於烏古斯人中的一個部族，以雇傭兵的身分在突厥斯坦地區活躍。西元985年，由於與烏古斯領袖的爭執，塞爾柱·貝格帶領部族離開了烏古斯葉護國，獨立為新的部族。他們在錫爾河一帶游牧並皈依伊斯蘭教，並以傭兵的身分參與了喀喇汗國的王位內戰，與烏古斯族、加茲尼王朝交惡。
1040年，塞爾柱的孫子圖赫里勒·貝格與恰格勒·貝格於丹丹納干戰役中打倒了宿敵加茲尼王國，征服了伊朗東部的呼羅珊地區，圖赫里勒自立為蘇丹。為紀念祖父，兄弟將國名命為塞爾柱蘇丹國。
建國之後，圖格魯勒將目光轉向波斯灣北部，佔領了伊拉克一帶、米底亞王國南部哈馬丹等地。1055年，他替阿拔斯哈里發從白益王朝手中奪回巴格達，被正式追封為蘇丹。塞爾柱人以哈里發的支持為後盾，進一步往南部巴勒斯坦地區以及西部小亞細亞今（土耳其）擴張。
此一時期的西亞，原先控制約旦河流域的法蒂瑪王朝、握有小亞細亞的東羅馬帝國皆因連年征戰和國內腐敗面臨衰退，塞爾柱人多次蠶食臣屬這兩國的勢力，彼此間的衝突日漸白熱化。
1071年8月，第二任蘇丹阿爾普·阿爾斯蘭在曼齊刻爾特之戰大敗由羅曼努斯四世所率領的東羅馬帝國軍隊，正式占領小亞細亞[28]。同年，塞爾柱人從法蒂瑪王朝手中奪得聖城耶路撒冷[29]。在突厥部族從東方大舉移入的情況下[30]，東羅馬皇帝阿萊克修斯一世向教宗烏爾班二世求救。教宗因此在法國克列芒發表演說，招募民衆解放聖地耶路撒冷。該演說直接促成了後來的第一次十字軍[31]。
第三任蘇丹馬立克沙一世則專注於與帝國東方的對手交戰，他先後擊敗宿敵喀喇汗國、加茲尼王國，穩固塞爾柱在中亞河中地區的統治，使帝國的疆域達到極致。
儘管塞爾柱帝國擴張迅速，由於突厥遊牧民本身行政人才的缺乏，使帝國必須仰賴大量原住民管理被征服地。以宰相尼札姆·穆勒克為首，帝國的軍政要職大多由波斯人把持，「伊克塔」制的推行側面象徵突厥人缺乏管理領地行政的意願。另外，由於宗教政策的緣故，波斯人與伊斯瑪儀派的關係也持續惡化，阿薩辛等極端派系也隨之出現。
1092年底，馬立克沙一世與尼札姆的政爭爆發，多方政治、宗教勢力介入之下，兩人在不到一個月的時間內接連被刺殺。權力的真空使帝國陷入分裂，繼承人間為爭奪王位紛紛佔地為王，基利傑阿爾斯蘭一世統治着安納托利亞的羅姆蘇丹國，突突什一世則執掌敘利亞，耶路薩冷重新為法提瑪王朝掌控。而突突什一世於1095年死去後，其子法赫爾·穆爾克·拉德溫和杜卡克又分別繼承了阿勒頗和大馬士革，繼承人短命與戰亂頻繁的惡性循環使帝國陷入衰退之中[32]。
在第一次十字軍東征之前就分裂為若干勢力的塞爾柱帝國，在面對歐洲人攻擊時疲於應對，基利傑阿爾斯蘭一世便於尼西亞、埃斯基謝希爾等地陷入苦戰，無力阻止十字軍的步伐。最終，塞爾柱人喪失了地中海沿岸的大部分領土。
1141年，西遼在卡特萬之戰擊敗塞爾柱帝國，使塞爾柱失去了對中亞的控制。
1153年，烏古斯人擒獲蘇丹艾哈邁德·桑賈爾，並攻下古都內沙布爾，塞爾柱失去對波斯的控制，實際領土退縮至伊拉克和阿塞拜疆一帶。
1194年，花剌子模國王塔乞失在哈馬丹打敗塞爾柱末代蘇丹圖赫里勒三世，塞爾柱帝國滅亡，版圖併入花剌子模王朝。1243年，蒙古帝國入侵小亞細亞，蒙古大將拜住在克塞山戰役中擊潰羅姆蘇丹國的軍隊，從此羅姆蘇丹國淪為蒙古伊兒汗國的藩屬。1299年羅姆蘇丹國發生分裂，1307年從歷史記錄上消失。
自馬立克沙一世遇刺後，長期內戰使獨立政權在伊拉克、亞塞拜然、敍利亞等地頻繁出現，本表僅列出實際控制波斯地區的蘇丹：
More information 蘇丹, 統治年期 ...
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Savory, R. M. and Roger Savory, Introduction to Islamic civilisation, (Cambridge University Press, 1976 ), 82.
Black, Edwin, Banking on Baghdad: inside Iraq's 7,000-year history of war, profit and conflict, (John Wiley and sons, 2004), 38.
C.E. Bosworth, "Turkish Expansion towards the west" in UNESCO HISTORY OF HUMANITY, Volume IV, titled "From the Seventh to the Sixteenth Century", UNESCO Publishing / Routledge, p. 391: "While the Arabic language retained its primacy in such spheres as law, theology and science, the culture of the Seljuk court and secular literature within the sultanate became largely Persianized; this is seen in the early adoption of Persian epic names by the Seljuk rulers (Qubād, Kay Khusraw and so on) and in the use of Persian as a literary language (Turkish must have been essentially a vehicle for everyday speech at this time)
Concise encyclopedia of languages of the world, Ed. Keith Brown, Sarah Ogilvie, (Elsevier Ltd., 2009), 1110;Oghuz Turkic is first represented by Old Anatolian Turkish which was a subordinate written medium until the end of the Seljuk rule.".
A New General Biographical Dictionary, Vol.2, Ed. Hugh James Rose, (London, 1853), 214.
Grousset, Rene, The Empire of the Steppes, (New Brunswick:Rutgers University Press, 1988), 167.
Grousset, Rene, The Empire of the Steppes, (New Brunswick:Rutgers University Press, 1988),159,161; "In 1194, Togrul III would succumb to the onslaught of the Khwarizmian Turks, who were destined at last to succeed the Seljuks to the empire of the Middle East."
Aḥmad of Niǧde's "al-Walad al-Shafīq" and the Seljuk Past, A. C. S. Peacock, Anatolian Studies, Vol. 54, (2004), 97; With the growth of Seljuk power in Rum, a more highly developed Muslim cultural life, based on the Persianate culture of the Great Seljuk court, was able to take root in Anatolia.
Meisami, Julie Scott, Persian Historiography to the End of the Twelfth Century, (Edinburgh University Press, 1999), 143; Nizam al-Mulk also attempted to organise the Saljuq administration according to the Persianate Ghaznavid model..
M.A. Amir-Moezzi, "Shahrbanu", Encyclopaedia Iranica, Online Edition, (LINK 網際網路檔案館的存檔，存檔日期2007-03-11.): "... here one might bear in mind that non-Persian dynasties such as the Ghaznavids, Saljuqs and Ilkhanids were rapidly to adopt the Persian language and have their origins traced back to the ancient kings of Persia rather than to Turkmen heroes or Muslim saints ..." Josef W. Meri, "Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia", Routledge, 2005, p. 399
Michael Mandelbaum, "Central Asia and the World", Council on Foreign Relations (May 1994), p. 79
Jonathan Dewald, "Europe 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World", Charles Scribner's Sons, 2004, p. 24: "Turcoman armies coming from the East had driven the Byzantines out of much of Asia Minor and established the Persianized sultanate of the Seljuks."
Grousset, Rene, The Empire of the Steppes, (Rutgers University Press, 1991), 161,164; "..renewed the Seljuk attempt to found a great Turko-Persian empire in eastern Iran..", "It is to be noted that the Seljuks, those Turkomans who became sultans of Persia, did not Turkify Persia-no doubt because they did not wish to do so. On the contrary, it was they who voluntarily became Persians and who, in the manner of the great old Sassanid kings, strove to protect the Iranian populations from the plundering of Ghuzz bands and save Iranian culture from the Turkoman menace."
Possessors and possessed: museums, archaeology, and the visualization of history in the late Ottoman Empire; By Wendy M. K. Shaw; Published by University of California Press, 2003, ISBN 0520233352, 9780520233355; p. 5.
- Jackson, P. Review: The History of the Seljuq Turkmens: The History of the Seljuq Turkmens. Journal of Islamic Studies (Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies). 2002, 13 (1): 75–76. doi:10.1093/jis/13.1.75.
- Bosworth, C. E. (2001). Notes on Some Turkish Names in Abu 'l-Fadl Bayhaqi's Tarikh-i Mas'udi. Oriens, Vol. 36, 2001 (2001), pp. 299-313.
- Dani, A. H., Masson, V. M. (Eds), Asimova, M. S. (Eds), Litvinsky, B. A. (Eds), Boaworth, C. E. (Eds). (1999). History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers (Pvt. Ltd).
- Hancock, I. (2006). ON ROMANI ORIGINS AND IDENTITY. The Romani Archives and Documentation Center. The University of Texas at Austin.
- Asimov, M. S., Bosworth, C. E. (eds.). (1998). History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. IV: The Age of Achievement: AD 750 to the End of the Fifteenth Century, Part One: The Historical, Social and Economic Setting. Multiple History Series. Paris: UNESCO Publishing.
- Dani, A. H., Masson, V. M. (Eds), Asimova, M. S. (Eds), Litvinsky, B. A. (Eds), Boaworth, C. E. (Eds). (1999). History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers (Pvt. Ltd).
C.E. Bosworth, "Turkmen Expansion towards the west" in UNESCO HISTORY OF HUMANITY, Volume IV, titled "From the Seventh to the Sixteenth Century", UNESCO Publishing / Routledge, p. 391.
Mehmed Fuad Koprulu's, "Early Mystics in Turkish Literature", Translated by Gary Leiser and Robert Dankoff , Routledge, 2006, pg 149.
Stephen P. Blake, "Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India, 1639-1739". Cambridge University Press, 1991. pg 123: "For the Seljuks and Il-Khanids in Iran it was the rulers rather than the conquered who were "Persianized and Islamicized"
Encyclopaedia Britannica, "Seljuq", Online Edition, (LINK （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）): "... Because the Turkish Seljuqs had no Islamic tradition or strong literary heritage of their own, they adopted the cultural language of their Persian instructors in Islam. Literary Persian thus spread to the whole of Iran, and the Arabic language disappeared in that country except in works of religious scholarship ..." M. Ravandi, "The Seljuq court at Konya and the Persianisation of Anatolian Cities", in Mesogeios (Mediterranean Studies), vol. 25-6 (2005), pp. 157-69
F. Daftary, "Sectarian and National Movements in Iran, Khorasan, and Trasoxania during Umayyad and Early Abbasid Times", in History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol 4, pt. 1; edited by M.S. Asimov and C.E. Bosworth; UNESCO Publishing, Institute of Ismaili Studies: "... Not only did the inhabitants of Khurasan not succumb to the language of the nomadic invaders, but they imposed their own tongue on them. The region could even assimilate the Turkic Ghaznavids and Seljuks (eleventh and twelfth centuries), the Timurids (fourteenth–fifteenth centuries), and the Qajars (nineteenth–twentieth centuries) ..." "The Turko-Persian tradition features Persian culture patronized by Turkic rulers"." See Daniel Pipes: "The Event of Our Era: Former Soviet Muslim Republics Change the Middle East" in Michael Mandelbaum, "Central Asia and the World: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkemenistan and the World", Council on Foreign Relations, p. 79. Exact statement: "In Short, the Turko-Persian tradition featured Persian culture patronized by Turcophone rulers."
Grousset, Rene, The Empire of the Steppes, (Rutgers University Press, 1991), 574.
Bingham, Woodbridge, Hilary Conroy and Frank William Iklé, History of Asia, Vol.1, (Allyn and Bacon, 1964), 98.
- Golden, P. B., Harrasowitz, O.(1992) An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. pg 386.
- Perry, J. Iran & the Caucasus, Vol. 5, (2001), pp. 193-200. THE HISTORICAL ROLE OF TURKISH IN RELATION TO PERSIAN OF IRAN
- Bosworth, C.E. Arran in Encyclopedia Iranica
- According to Fridrik Thordarson, "Iranian influence on Caucasian languages. There is general agreement that Iranian languages predominated in Azerbaijan from the 1st millennium b.c. until the advent of the Turks in a.d. the 11th century (see Menges, pp. 41-42; Camb. Hist. Iran IV, pp. 226-28, and VI, pp. 950-52). The process of Turkicization was essentially complete by the beginning of the 16th century, and today Iranian languages are spoken in only a few scattered settlements in the area."
Holt 1989，第11, 14–15頁 harvnb模板錯誤: 無指向目標: CITEREFHolt1989 (幫助).
