残割女性生殖器（Female genital mutilation，FGM），又称为女性生殖器切割（female genital cutting，FGC），或女性割礼（female circumcision）。世界卫生组织将其定义为“包括所有涉及为非医学原因，部分或全部切除女性外生殖器，或对女性生殖器官造成其它伤害的程序”[8][9]。在撒哈拉以南、北非及中东等地区，许多族群（英语：Ethnic groups of Africa）将残割女性生殖器视为传统习俗的一部分，目前已知有27个国家境内具有这种风俗[10]。每个地区进行残割女性生殖器的时间不同，有的是在出生后几天，有的则是到青春期才进行。这27个国家中，当中只有一半的国家能够取得统计数据。根据这些资料显示，大多数的女孩在5岁之前就会进行残割女性生殖器[3]:50。
确认之后，执刀者会在伤口中插入物品（如树枝），为女性的阴部留下一个 2–3 mm 的开口，供经血和尿液排出[h][49]，并以手术用缝线（也可能是龙舌兰或金合欢属植物的刺）缝合外阴。有些手术者会在伤口敷上药膏，药膏可能是以生蛋、药草或是砂糖等调配而成[50]。为了帮助伤口愈合，女孩的双脚会被捆绑起来（通常是从髋部绑到踝部）。捆绑的时间不一定，通常一周后会放松，两周后会完全解开，有些则可能长达六周[51]。
由于月经期产生的经血淤塞、滞留在阴道和子宫而造成的痛经也很常见。如果阴道完全堵塞，会造成阴道积血或子宫积血（英语：Hematometra）[45]。由于经血淤积造成的腹部肿胀和不来月经，使女孩看起来像是怀孕。雅斯玛·艾尔·达理尔（Asma EI Dareer）医生在1979年报告，一名有上述症状的年轻苏丹女孩被其家人所杀[73]。
另一位希腊医生阿弥陀的埃提乌斯（英语：Aëtius of Amida）（第 5世纪中至第6 世纪中）在其"Sixteen Books on Medicine"中的第16本中，引用了医生Philomenes的话。当阴蒂长的太大，或是当和衣服磨擦时会引发性冲动时，就会进行残割女性生殖器。埃提乌斯说：“这种情形下，埃及人似乎认为在阴蒂大幅变大之前切除会比较妥当，尤其是少女快要嫁人的时候。”
锁阴手术的起源不明，但后来演变成和奴隶有关。Mackie曾引述葡萄牙宣教士 João dos Santos（英语：João dos Santos）在1609年提到摩加迪沙群岛上人们的文字：“他们的习俗㑹将女性（的阴部）缝合，特别是年轻的女奴，使她们无法生育，也让女奴 比较好卖，一方面是贞节，也有助于主人对她们的信任。”英国的探险家威廉·乔治·布朗（英语：William George Browne）在1799年也写到埃及人会进行残割女性生殖器，而且会为女奴进行锁阴手术以避免怀孕[169]。Mackie认为是：“一项和女奴有关的手术变成了荣誉的象征。”[170]
19世纪欧洲及美国的妇产科医生用切除阴蒂的方式来治疗精神错乱及女性的自慰[172]。英国医生罗伯特·托马斯在1813年建议用切除阴蒂来治疗色情狂[173]。第一个有记录的西方切除阴蒂是记载在1825年的《柳叶刀》杂志上，是1822年在柏林由卡尔·费迪南德·冯·格雷夫（英语：Karl Ferdinand von Graefe）进行，是对一位十五岁，自慰过度的女性所施行的手术[174]。
美国的J.·马里恩·西姆斯延续了布朗医师的研究，在1862年在一名女性病患主诉经痛、抽搐和膀胱问题后，切开其子宫颈，并且切除阴蒂，“用布朗医师建议的方式来缓解紧张及歇斯底里的状态。”[178]。在同一世纪，纽奥兰的外科医生A. J. Bloch因一名二岁的女童持续性的自慰，切除其阴蒂[179]。依照1985年产科和妇科调查的论文，1960年代美国还有用切除阴蒂来治疗歇斯底里，色情狂和女同性恋[180]。
乔莫·肯尼亚塔是基库尤中央联盟（英语：Kikuyu Central Association）的主席及1963年起的首任肯尼亚总理，他在1938年提到，对于基库尤人而言，女性割礼的规定：“是整个部落法律、宗教及道德中，不可缺少的条件”（conditio sine qua non）。没有一个正常的基库尤人会和没有行割礼的人发生性关系或结婚。女性对部落的责任从她的成年礼开始。她在部落历史中的记录会从这一天开始，部落会依当时的事件为受割礼的女性命名，这是基库尤的口头传统，让基库尤人可以追溯上百年前的人物及事件[183]。
联合国在1959年要求世界卫生组织调查残割女性生殖器，但世界卫生组织回应这不是医疗相关议题[193]。女性主义者在1970年代开始提出此一议题[194]。埃及女医生纳瓦勒·萨达在1972年出版的《女人与性》（Women and Sex）中批评残割女性生殖器，这本书在埃及是禁书，她也因为失去了公共卫生总干事的工作[195]。她在1980年出版的《夏娃隐藏的脸：阿拉伯世界的女性》（The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World）中〈女孩的割礼〉一节中描述她自己在六岁时接受阴蒂切除术的情形：
四年之后的1979年，奥地利裔美籍的女性主义者弗兰·霍斯肯（英语：Fran Hosken）出版了《霍斯肯报告：女性生殖器及性器官残割》（The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females，1979）。霍斯肯在此本著作中估计，全球约有110,529,000名女性实施过残割女性生殖器，分布于20个非洲国家[198]。这是第一篇提出残割女性生殖器实施人数的文献，该数据虽为估计值，但后来进行的几次调查也大略符合此数字。Mackie认为霍斯肯的著作虽然对于数据与资料来源稍嫌不严谨，但唤醒世界对于此议题的重视[199]。霍斯肯用“男性暴力的训练场”来描述残割女性生殖器，将其中女性的参与者称为是“参与了毁灭同类的活动”[200]。这段话造成西方及非洲女性主义者之间的冲突。联合国在1980年7月于哥本哈根举行的十年中期会议，非洲女性主义者就杯葛其中一个以霍斯肯为主题的会议[201]。
在1979年，世界卫生组织在苏丹喀土木举办“传统习俗影响妇女与孩童健康研讨会”，1981年巴拜克巴德里妇女研究科学协会（英语：Babiker Badri Scientific Association for Women's Studies）（BBSAWS）也在喀土木举办了三天的研习营“携手对抗女性割礼对女性造成的残疾与危害”（Female Circumcision Mutilates and Endangers Women – Combat it!） 。活动结束后有150位学者与活跃人士签署，宣示对抗残割女性生殖器。另一个巴拜克巴德里妇女研究科学协会在1984年举办的研习营，其中邀请国际社群，签署给联合国的联合声明。签署者同意他们在联合声明中所写到的“女性割礼是对人权的暴力，侵犯女性的尊严，剥夺女性的性欲，并且是对于女性健康的无端羞辱。”[202]其中包括了：
加拿大于1994年7月授予来自索马里的卡德拉·哈桑·法拉赫难民身份时，即认定残割女性生殖器是一种对女性的迫害[223]；卡德拉·哈桑·法拉赫在加拿大避难以避免她的女儿遭受残割女性生殖器之苦。加拿大政府于1997年修改加拿大刑法法典（英语：Criminal Code of Canada）268条法条中的部分法条，明令禁止残割女性生殖器，但若接受手术之人已满18岁且没有因此造成身体伤害则不在禁止范围内[224]。截止至2015年2月，仍未有针对残割女性生殖器的诉讼[225]。
欧毕欧马·内梅卡（Obioma Nnaemeka）提出一个比起残割女性生殖器更广泛的重要议题：为什么包含西方国家在内，全世界有那么多地方“虐待及污化”女性身体的举措[256]？许多作家将残割女性生殖器与整形手术提出来做比较[257]爱尔兰皇家外科医学院的罗南·康罗伊在2006年写到生殖器整形手术“驱动著女性生殖器残割前进”，因其鼓励女性将自然个体上的差异视为缺陷[258]。人类学家法德瓦·拉·金蒂（英语：Fadwa El Guindi）将残割女性生殖器与隆乳互相比较，因为乳房具有的哺育功能竟然次于取悦男性性快感[259]。博奴瓦特·格鲁（英语：Benoîte Groult）在1975年提出类似的论点，点出残割女性生殖器与整形手术并将其视为男性沙文主义与父系社会的威权[260]。
Nahid F. Toubia（英语：Nahid Toubia）, Eiman Hussein Sharief, 2003: "One of the great achievements of the past decade in the field of FGM is the shift in emphasis from the concern over the harmful physical effects it causes to understanding this act as a social phenomenon resulting from a gender definition of women's roles, in particular their sexual and reproductive roles. This shift in emphasis has helped redefine the issues from a clinical disease model (hence the terminology of eradication prevalent in the literature) to a problem resulting from the use of culture to protect social dominance over women's bodies by the patriarchal hierarchy. Understanding the operative mechanisms of patriarchal dominance must also include understanding how women, particularly older married women, are important keepers of that social hegemony."[14]
Claire C. Robertson, Professor of History and Women's Studies at The Ohio State University, 2002: "The Hosken Report is the single most influential document responsible for raising consciousness of FGC."[22]
UNICEF 2005: "The large majority of girls and women are cut by a traditional practitioner, a category which includes local specialists (cutters or exciseuses), traditional birth attendants and, generally, older members of the community, usually women. This is true for over 80 percent of the girls who undergo the practice in Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Tanzania and Yemen. In most countries, medical personnel, including doctors, nurses and certified midwives, are not widely involved in the practice."
UNICEF 2013: "These categories do not fully match the WHO typology. Cut, no flesh removed describes a practice known as nicking or pricking, which currently is categorized as Type IV. Cut, some flesh removed corresponds to Type I (clitoridectomy) and Type II (excision) combined. And sewn closed corresponds to Type III, infibulation."[25]
"[There is a] common tendency to describe Type I as removal of the prepuce, whereas this has not been documented as a traditional form of female genital mutilation. However, in some countries, medicalized female genital mutilation can include removal of the prepuce only (Type Ia) (Thabet and Thabet, 2003), but this form appears to be relatively rare (Satti et al, 2006). Almost all known forms of female genital mutilation that remove tissue from the clitoris also cut all or part of the clitoral glans itself."[42]
WHO 2014: "Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris (infibulation).
"Type IIIa, removal and apposition of the labia minora; Type IIIb, removal and apposition of the labia majora."[44]
USAID 2008: "Infibulation is practiced largely in countries located in northeastern Africa: Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan. ... Sudan alone accounts for about 3.5 million of the women. ... [T]he estimate of the total number of women infibulated in [Djibouti, Somalia, Eritrea, northern Sudan, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Chad, Nigeria, Cameroon and Tanzania, for women 15–49 years old] comes to 8,245,449, or just over eight million women."[16]
Jasmine Abdulcadira, Swiss Medical Weekly, 2011:"In the case of infibulation, the urethral orifice and part of the vaginal opening are covered by the scar. In a virgin infibulated woman the small opening left for the menstrual fluid and the urine is not wider than 2–3 mm; in sexually active women and after the delivery the vaginal opening is wider but the urethral orifice is often still covered by the scar."[48]
Elizabeth Kelly, Paula J. Adams Hillard, Current Opinion in Obstetrics & Gynecology, 2005: "Women commonly undergo reinfibulation after a vaginal delivery. In addition to reinfibulation, many women in Sudan undergo a second type of re-suturing called El-Adel, which is performed to recreate the size of the vaginal orifice to be similar to the size created at the time of primary infibulation. Two small cuts are made around the vaginal orifice to expose new tissues to suture, and then sutures are placed to tighten the vaginal orifice and perineum. This procedure, also called re-circumcision, is primarily performed after vaginal delivery, but can also be performed before marriage, after cesarean section, after divorce, and sometimes even in elderly women as a preparation before death."[55]
WHO 2005: "In some areas (e.g. parts of Congo and mainland Tanzania), FGM entails the pulling of the labia minora and/or clitoris over a period of about 2 to 3 weeks. The procedure is initiated by an old woman designated for this task, who puts sticks of a special type in place to hold the stretched genital parts so that they do not revert back to their original size. The girl is instructed to pull her genitalia every day, to stretch them further, and to put additional sticks in to hold the stretched parts from time to time. This pulling procedure is repeated daily for a period of about two weeks, and usually no more than four sticks are used to hold the stretched parts, as further pulling and stretching would make the genital parts unacceptably long."[59]
（英文原文）UNICEF 2014: "If there is no reduction in the practice between now and 2050, the number of girls cut each year will grow from 3.6 million in 2013 to 6.6 million in 2050. But if the rate of progress achieved over the last 30 years is maintained, the number of girls affected annually will go from 3.6 million today to 4.1 million in 2050.
"In either scenario, the total number of girls and women cut will continue to increase due to population growth. If nothing is done, the number of girls and women affected will grow from 133 million today to 325 million in 2050. However, if the progress made so far is sustained, the number will grow from 133 million to 196 million in 2050, and almost 130 million girls will be spared this grave assault to their human rights."[80]
UNICEF 2014: "Although no nationally representative data on FGM/C are available for countries including Colombia, Jordan, Oman, Saudi Arabia and parts of Indonesia and Malaysia, evidence suggests that the procedure is being performed."[92]
Mohammed A. Tag-Eldin (World Health Organization, 2008): "The most common forms of FGC still widely practised throughout Egypt are type I (commonly referred to as clitoridectomy) and type II (commonly referred to as excision)."[103]
UNICEF 2003: "The percentage of girls and women of reproductive age (15 to 49) who have experienced any form of FGM/C is the first indicator used to show how widespread the practice is in a particular country ... A second indicator of national prevalence measures the extent of cutting among daughters aged 0 to 14, as reported by their mothers. Prevalence data for girls reflect their current – not final – FGM/C status, since many of them may not have reached the customary age for cutting at the time of the survey. They are reported as being uncut but are still at risk of undergoing the procedure. Statistics for girls under age 15 therefore need to be interpreted with a high degree of caution ..."[92]
"From 2000 to 2009, 3711 of the young participants (89.2%) underwent FGM and 447 (10.8%) did not. The mean age at the time of FGM was 8.2 ± 0.9 years. About three quarters (74.3%) of the procedures were performed at home and the remaining 25.7% at private clinics."[105]
Gerry Mackie, 1996: "Footbinding and infibulation correspond as follows. Both customs are nearly universal where practiced; they are persistent and are practiced even by those who oppose them. Both control sexual access to females and ensure female chastity and fidelity. Both are necessary for proper marriage and family honor. Both are believed to be sanctioned by tradition. Both are said to be ethnic markers, and distinct ethnic minorities may lack the practices. Both seem to have a past of contagious diffusion. Both are exaggerated over time and both increase with status. Both are supported and transmitted by women, are performed on girls about six to eight years old, and are generally not initiation rites. Both are believed to promote health and fertility. Both are defined as aesthetically pleasing compared with the natural alternative. Both are said to properly exaggerate the complementarity of the sexes, and both are claimed to make intercourse more pleasurable for the male."[125]
Gerry Mackie, 1996: "FGM is pre-Islamic but was exaggerated by its intersection with the Islamic modesty code of family honor, female purity, virginity, chastity, fidelity, and seclusion."[147]
Gerry Mackie, 1996: "The Koran is silent on FGM, but several hadith (sayings attributed to Mohammed) recommend attenuating the practice for the woman's sake, praise it as noble but not commanded, or advise that female converts refrain from mutilation because even if pleasing to the husband it is painful to the wife."[148]
Maggie Michael, Associated Press, 2007: "[Egypt's] supreme religious authorities stressed that Islam is against female circumcision. It's prohibited, prohibited, prohibited," Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa said on the privately owned al-Mahwar network."[151]
Strabo, Geographica, c. 25 BCE: "One of the customs most zealously observed among the Aegyptians is this, that they rear every child that is born, and circumcise [περιτέμνειν, peritemnein] the males, and excise [ektemnein] the females, as is also customary among the Jews, who are also Aegyptians in origin, as I have already stated in my account of them."[163]
Book XVI, chapter 4, 16.4.9: "And then to the Harbour of Antiphilus, and, above this, to the Creophagi [meat-eaters], of whom the males have their sexual glands mutilated [kolobos] and the women are excised [ektemnein] in the Jewish fashion."
Knight 2001 writes that there is one extant reference from antiquity, from Xanthus of Lydia in the fifth century BCE, that may allude to FGM outside Egypt. Xanthus wrote, in a history of Lydia: "The Lydians arrived at such a state of delicacy that they were even the first to 'castrate' their women." Knight argues that the "castration", which is not described, may have kept women youthful, in the sense of allowing the Lydian king to have intercourse with them without pregnancy. Knight concludes that it may have been a reference to sterilization, not FGM.[164]
FGM is still practised in Sudan. Some states banned it in 2008–2009, but 截至2013年 (2013-Missing required parameter 1=month!)[update], there was no national legislation.[191]
For example, UNICEF 2013 lists Mauritania as having passed legislation against FGM, but (as of that year) it was banned only from being conducted in government facilities or by medical personnel.[206]The following countries, in which FGM is concentrated, have placed restrictions on it. An asterisk indicates a ban:
UNICEF 2005: "Beyond economic factors, migratory patterns have frequently reflected links established in the colonial past. For instance, citizens from Benin, Chad, Guinea, Mali, Niger and Senegal have often chosen France as their destination, while many Kenyan, Nigerian and Ugandan citizens have migrated to the United Kingdom.
"In the 1970s, war, civil unrest and drought in a number of African states, including Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, resulted in an influx of refugees to Western Europe, where some countries, such as Norway and Sweden, had been relatively unaffected by migration up to that point. Beyond Western Europe, Canada and the USA in North America, and Australia and New Zealand in Australasia also host women and children who have been subjected to FGM/C, and are home to others who are at risk of undergoing this procedure."[219]
2003年残割女性生殖器法案（英语：Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003）: "A person is guilty of an offence if he excises, infibulates or otherwise mutilates the whole or any part of a girl's labia majora, labia minora or clitoris," unless "necessary for her physical or mental health." Although the legislation refers to girls, it applies to women too.[245]
"Frequently Asked Questions on Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting" （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, UNFPA, April 2010: "Types I and II are the most common, with variation among countries. Type III, infibulation, constitutes about 20 percent of all affected women and is most likely in Somalia, northern Sudan and Djibouti."
James Karanja, The Missionary Movement in Colonial Kenya: The Foundation of Africa Inland Church, Göttingen: Cuvillier Verlag, 2009, p. 93 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, n. 631.
Claire C. Robertson, "Getting beyond the Ew! Factor: Rethinking U.S. Approaches to African Female Genital Cutting," in Stanlie M. James and Claire C. Robertson (eds.), Genital Cutting and Transnational Sisterhood, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002 (pp. 54–86), p. 60.
Fran Hosken, The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females, Lexington: Women's International Network, 1994 [1979].
Fadwa El Guindi, "Had This Been Your Face, Would You Leave It as Is?" in Rogaia Mustafa Abusharaf (ed.), Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007, p. 30 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
Chantal Zabus, "The Excised Body in African Texts and Contexts," in Merete Falck Borch (ed.), Bodies and Voices: The Force-field of Representation and Discourse in Colonial and Postcolonial Studies, New York: Rodopi, 2008, p. 47 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
For "a young woman must 'have her bath' before she has a baby," Chantal Zabus, "'Writing with an Accent': From Early Decolonization to Contemporary Gender Issues in the African Novel in French, English, and Arabic," in Simona Bertacco (ed.), Language and Translation in Postcolonial Literatures, New York: Routledge, 2013, p. 40 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
Ibrahim Lethome Asmani, Maryam Sheikh Abdi, "De-linking Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting from Islam" （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, USAID/UNFPA, 2008, p. 3.
That sunna can refer to more severe forms, Ellen Gruenbaum, The Female Circumcision Controversy: An Anthropological Perspective, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001, p. 2.
Raqiya D. Abdalla, "'My Grandmother Called it the Three Feminine Sorrows': The Struggle of Women Against Female Circumcision in Somalia," in Abusharaf 2007, p. 190 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
Elizabeth F. Jackson, et al., "Inconsistent reporting of female genital cutting status in northern Ghana: Explanatory factors and analytical consequences," Studies in Family Planning, 34(3), 2003, pp. 200–210. PMID14558322
Also see El Dareer 1982, pp. 42–49; Hanny Lightfoot-Klein, Prisoners of Ritual: An Odyssey Into Female Genital Circumcision in Africa, New York: Routledge, 1989.
For the countries in which labia stretching is found (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe), see Nkiru Nzegwu, "'Osunality' (or African eroticism)" in Sylvia Tamale (ed.), African Sexualities: A Reader, Cape Town: Fahamu/Pambazuka, 2011, p. 262.
For the rest, Brigitte Bagnol and Esmeralda Mariano, "Politics of Naming Sexual Practices," in Tamale 2011, pp. 272–276 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆） (p. 272 for Uganda).
Mairo Usman Mandara, "Female genital cutting in Nigeria: View of Nigerian Doctors on the Medicalization Debate," in Bettina Shell-Duncan and Ylva Hernlund (eds.), Female "Circumcision" in Africa: Culture Controversy and Change, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000 (pp. 253–282), pp. 98 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, 100; for fistulae, p. 102.
El Dareer 1982, p. 37. Also see Asma El Dareer, "Preliminary report on a study on prevalence and epidemiology of female circumcision in Sudan today," WHO seminar, Khartoum, 10–15 February 1979; Asma el Dareer, "Female circumcision and its consequences for mother and child," Yaounde, 12–15 December 1979, cited in Rushwan 2013 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
Yoder, Wang and Johansen, 2013 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, p. 191; Dara Carr, Female genital cutting: Findings from the Demographic and Health Surveys program, Calverton, MD: Macro International Inc., 1997.
UNICEF 2013 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, p. 114: "In Somalia, Eritrea, Niger, Djibouti and Senegal, more than one in five girls have undergone the most radical form of the practice known as infibulation ..."
Janice Boddy, Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007, pp. 112. Also see Silverman 2004 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, p. 429.
Gruenbaum 2005 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, p. 437; Gruenbaum 2001, p. 140; Janice Boddy, Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men, and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989, p. 52 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
UNICEF 2013 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, p. 52: "The highest levels of support can be found in Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Gambia and Egypt, where more than half the female population think the practice should continue." Also see Figure 6.1, p. 54 and Figures 8.1A – 8.1D, pp. 90–91.
UNICEF 2013 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, front page: "Niger. 55% of Christian girls and women have undergone FGM/C, compared to 2% of Muslim girls and women," and p. 73.
Samuel Waje Kunhiyop, African Christian Ethics, Zondervan, 2008, p. 297: "Nowhere in all of Scripture or in any of recorded church history is there even a hint that women were to be circumcised."
Shaye J. D. Cohen, Why Aren't Jewish Women Circumcised? Gender and Covenant In Judaism, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005, p. 59 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）; Adele Berlin (ed.), "Circumcision," The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion, New York: Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 173.
Also see C. G. Seligman, "Aspects of the Hamitic problems in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan" （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）,The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1913, 40(3), (pp. 593–705), pp. 639–646; Esther K. Hicks, Infibulation: Female Mutilation in Islamic Northeastern Africa, Transaction Publishers, 1996, p. 19ff.
Knight 2001 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, p. 330. Knight adds that Egyptologists are uncomfortable with the translation to uncircumcised, because there is no information about what constituted the circumcised state.
Knight 2001 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, p. 331, citing G. Elliot Smith, A Contribution to the Study of Mummification in Egypt, Cairo: L'Institut Egyptien, 1906, p. 30, and Marc Armand Ruffer, Studies in the Paleopathology of Egypt, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1921, p. 171.
Robert Thomas, The Modern Practice of Physick, London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1813, pp. 585–586.
Edward Shorter, From Paralysis to Fatigue: A History of Psychosomatic Illness in the Modern Era, New York: Simon and Schuster, 2008, p. 82 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
Also see G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Horrors of the Half-Known Life: Male Attitudes Toward Women and Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century America, New York: Routledge, 1999, p. 113.
Lynn M. Thomas,"'Ngaitana (I will circumcise myself)': Lessons from Colonial Campaigns to Ban Excision in Meru, Kenya" in Shell-Duncan and Hernlund, 2000, p. 132 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
For irua, Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya, New York: Vintage Books, 1962 [1938], p. 129; for irugu being outcasts, Kenyatta, p. 127, and Zabus 2008, pp. 48–49.
Also see Ronald Hyam, Empire and Sexuality: The British Experience, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990; Murray 1976 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, pp. 92–104.
Thomas 2000, p. 132; for the "sexual mutilation of women", Karanja 2009, p. 93 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, n. 631.
Also see Robert Strayer, Jocelyn Murray, "The CMS and Female Circumcision", in Robert Strayer (ed.), The Making of Missionary Communities in East Africa, New York: State University of New York Press, 1978, p. 139ff.
Thomas 2000, pp. 129–131 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆） (p. 131 for the girls as "central actors"); Lynn Thomas, Politics of the Womb: Women, Reproduction, and the State in Kenya, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003, pp. 89–91.
UNICEF 2013 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, p. 10, calls the Egyptian Doctors' Society opposition the "first known campaign" against FGM; for independence, Boddy 2007, p. 147.
Elizabeth Heger Boyle, Female Genital Cutting: Cultural Conflict in the Global Community, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002, pp. 92, 103.
Anika Rahman and Nahid Toubia, Female Genital Mutilation: A Guide to Laws and Policies Worldwide, New York: Zed Books, 2000, p. 10–11; for Vienna, UNICEF 2013 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆） p. 8.
Also see Audrey Macklin, "The Double-Edged Sword: Using the Criminal Law Against Female Genital Mutilation," in Abusharaf 2007, p. 211ff; "Female Genital Cutting" （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）, Clinical practice guidelines, No. 299, The Society of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists of Canada, November 2013.
Susan Deller Ross, Women's Human Rights: The International and Comparative Law Casebook, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008, pp. 509–511 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
Vicky Kirby, "Out of Africa: 'Our Bodies Ourselves?'" in Obioma Nnaemeka (ed.), Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge: African Women in Imperialist Discourses, Westport: Praeger, 2005, p. 83.
Christine J. Walley, "Searching for 'Voices': Feminism, Anthropology, and the Global Over Female Genital Operations" in James and Robertson 2002, pp. 18, 34 (for false consciousness), 43.
For the statement, Bagnol and Mariano 2011, p. 281; for Hosken, Daly and Lightfoot-Klein, Robertson 2002, p. 60 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
Chima Korieh, "'Other' Bodies: Western Feminism, Race and Representation in Female Circumcision Discourse," in Nnaemeka 2005, pp. 121–122 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）.
Samar A. Farage, "Female Genital Alteration: A Sociological Perspective", in Miranda A. Farage and Howard I. Maibach (eds.), The Vulva: Anatomy, Physiology, and Pathology, New York: Informa Healthcare USA, 2006, p. 267.
Boyle, E. H. (2002). Female genital cutting: Cultural conflict in the global community. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-7063-7.
Dettwyler, Katherine A. (1994). Dancing skeletons: life and death in West Africa. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press. ISBN 0-88133-748-X.
Ferguson, I and Ellis, P. (1995). Female Genital Mutilation: a Review of the Current Literature Department of Justice, Canada. Working document
Gruenbaum, E. (2001). The female circumcision controversy. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-1746-9.
Johnson, Michelle C. (2000). Becoming a Muslim, Becoming a person: Female 'circumcision', religious identity, and personhood in Guinea-Bissau. In B. Shell-Duncan & Y. Herlund (Eds.), Female circumcision in Africa: Culture, controversy, and change. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Kassindja, F. (1998). Do they hear you when you cry. New York: Delacorte Press. ISBN 0-38531-832-4.
Obermeyer, Carla Makhlouf (2003). The health consequences of female circumcision: Science, advocacy, and standards of evidence. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 17(3), 394-412. PMID 12974204. doi:10.1525/maq.2003.17.3.394
Pieters, G., & Lowenfels A. B. (1977). Infibulation in the horn of Africa. New York State Journal of Medicine, 77(5), 729-31. PMID 265433.
Research papers from medical gynecologists, judges, linguistics, and social scientists on the subject (1994). University of Khartoum, Sudan. Umm Atteya Organization website （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆） (Arabic). Retrieved March 29, 2006.
UNICEF (1999). Consultation on the elimination of female genital mutilation: 14 December-16 December 1998. New York: Author. 40 pp.
World Health Organization. (1996). Female genital mutilation: Report of a WHO Technical Working Group (unpublished document WHO/FRH/WHD/96.10 （页面存档备份，存于互联网档案馆）). Geneva: World Health Organization. Retrieved 2007-02-21.
出版物
Aldeeb, Sami (2000). Male and Female Circumcision in the Jewish, Christian and Muslim Communities, Religious debate. Beirut, ISBN 1855134063.
Daw, E. (1970). Female circumcision and infibulation complicating delivery. Practitioner, 204(222), 559-63. PMID5443542.
Dewhurst, C.J., & Michelson, A. (1964). Infibulation complicating pregnancy. British Medical Journal, 2(5422), 1442. PMID14209371.
Dirie, Waris (2001). Desert Flower. Autobiography of a Somali woman's journey from nomadic tribal life to a career as a fashion model in London and to the post of special ambassador at the United Nations. Dirie recounts her personal experience with female genital mutilation that began with circumcision at age five.
Leonard, Lori (2000). We did it for pleasure only: Hearing alternative tales of female circumcision. Qualitative Inquiry, 6(2), 212-228.
Mernissi, Fatima. Beyond the veil: Male-female dynamics in a modern Muslim society. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Pub. Co. ISBN 0-470-59613-9.
Mustafa, Asim Zaki (1966). Female circumcision and infibulation in the Sudan. Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology of the British Commonwealth, 73(2), 302–306. doi:10.1111/j.1471-0528.1966.tb05163.x.
Robinett, Patricia (2006). The rape of innocence: One woman's story of female genital mutilation in the USA. N.p.: Aesculapius Press. ISBN 1-878411-04-7.
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