特朗普主义 （英語：Trumpism ）是指与第45任美国总统唐納·川普 及他所秉持基本盤 密切相关的意識形態 、政治风格、政治運動 及获取和保持权力的机制。特朗普主义的确切含义仍有争议。尽管特朗普主义的复杂程度足以使任何单一的分析框架失效，其仍被称为美国極右派 的政治 变种，也被认为是2010年代末至2020年代初全球多个国家出现的民族民粹主义 和新民族主义 情绪的变种。一些学者及媒体甚至将其与法西斯主义
自左上起顺时针 ：北卡罗来纳州格林维尔的
特朗普竞选演讲 时的人群聚集场面；
唐納·川普 于2016年在亚利桑那州的演讲；特朗普的武装支持者在2020年9月13日明尼苏达州的一场抗议中出现
[ 註 1] ；反特朗普人群在2016年的一次集会持着多個反特朗普的横幅；一名特朗普支持者在2016年特朗普在托斯康的集会上跪地祈祷；特朗普在
佛羅里達州 墨爾本 集會的宣傳海報；特朗普支持者于2021年1月6日
冲击国会大厦 [ 註 2]
特朗普主义大致兴起于川普于2016年竞选美国总统 。它代表了一套民粹主義 的政治策略，同时更多的使用民族主义性 的手段应对政治、经济及社会问题。这些趋向具体的反映到具体的策略上便变成了移民限制主义 、贸易保护主义 、孤立主义 及反对福利改革 总统国家安全事务助理 及特朗普的前亲密顾问博尔顿 承认这些分析确实适用于特朗普，但对于“特朗普主义”这个词本身是否有哲学意义存在质疑，同时强调“那个男人（指特朗普）就没有一种特定的哲学，如果人们试图在他的决定的点点滴滴之间划线并分析的话，他们最终会发现他们一无所获”。
朱泰尔在《全球民粹主义手册》写道“唐纳德·特朗普揭示的是美国右翼民粹主义的各种迭代，与程式化的社会保守主义或自由主义经济无关，反而与人们的享乐感有关”。当提及特朗普的民粹主义时，社会学家基梅尔 开放的符号 [ 註 3]
在《全球民粹主义手册》一书中，多位合著者指出，民粹主义领导人会倾向于以实用主义和机会主义对待能引起追随者强烈共鸣的主题、思想和信仰。票站调查数据显示，特朗普的竞选活动成功动员了“被剥夺权利的白人 社会不平等 并经常表示反对建制派 的欧裔美国低阶层 工人阶层 右翼民粹主義 的特点。
《国会山报 》华盛顿首席记者恩杰蒂报道称，许多特朗普的支持者普遍认为特朗普主义本身并不具有意识形态的意义，“我常被许多完全在‘MAGA’（让美国再次伟大 ）阵营的人告知特朗普主义意味着特朗普所做的一切事情，所以特朗普做任何事情都不会违背特朗普主义”。
在解释特朗普当选并能在相当一部分选民中维持稳定的支持率时，塔克在《特朗普与政治哲学》一书中认为，尽管美国历史上所有的总统竞选都与强烈的情感有关，但特朗普能够认识到，然后获得那些和他一样对美国的变化持有特殊的强烈情感的人的信任和忠诚。 她指出：“社会心理学家韦斯滕认为民主党人在衡量和回应情感政治——引起公民强烈情感状态的问题上不太成功”。来自多个领域的学者认为，特定的情感主题及其对社交媒体关联追随者的动态影响是特朗普及其支持者的特征。
传播学学者卡尔皮尼指出“特朗普主义是几十年来发生的趋势的顶点。我们所见证的不过是新闻、政治和民主之间关系的根本性转变”，卡尔皮尼进一步指出在这些转变中可以看到“先前（媒体）制度对新闻和娱乐的假定和强制区分的崩溃”。传播学教授雅克梅在为专门研究特朗普对媒体的使用的《特朗普时代的语言》一书中写道“这种方法，就像特朗普的意识形态和政策议程的其他大部分一样，假设（似乎是正确的）他的受众在媒体消费中更关心震惊和娱乐价值，而不是任何其他东西”。
人类学家杰西卡·约翰逊在研究特朗普对社交媒体的使用时发现社交愉悦感在其中起到了核心作用，并进一步指出：“Facebook的用户与其说是觉得准确的新闻有意义，不如说是觉得连接的情感愉悦会让人上瘾，这与他们分享的信息是否是事实无关，这就是交流资本主义在俘虏主体的同时也吸引了他们”。回顾社交媒体之前的世界后，传播学研究者布莱恩·L·奥特
我很怀念电视时代，波兹曼（1985）认为，电视时代通过把新闻包装成娱乐，产生了“西方世界最少但相对了解情况的人”（第106-107页）。推特把一个人所做的一切和所想的一切都当作有新闻价值的事情，从而让人无限放大自己在历史中的地位。电视的突袭可能深深的伤害了新闻业，但Twitter直接杀死了它。
一些学者对特朗普的专制主义提出了政治上的紧急警告，比如耶鲁大学的社会学家戈尔斯基 政治宣传 、压制选民 法庭包装
《纽约时报 》的专栏作家戈德堡 法西斯主义 的经典思想相提并论[ 註 4]
保守派的专栏作家威尔 [ 註 5] [ 註 6]
对于特朗普主义和英国脱欧支持率激增代表一种新现象的争议观点，政治学家斯滕纳 海特 提出的论点是：“看似‘凭空出现’的极右民粹主义浪潮事实上并非凭空出现。它不是一种突然的疯狂、或病毒、或浪潮，甚至只不过是一种模仿现象——别人的选举成功使偏执狂和暴君胆大妄为。而且，它是存在于任何人类社会表面之下的东西——即便是西方世界核心的先进自由民主国家中——并且可以被自由民主本身的核心要素激活”。在他们讨论关于触发这种浪潮的结论的统计基础时，他们提出了这样的观点：“威权主义者，就其本质而言，希望相信当局和机构；他们希望感到自己是一个有凝聚力的社群的一部分。因此，他们似乎（如果有的话）适度地倾向于给当局和机构以怀疑的好处，并给予他们支持，直到这些机构似乎无法维持‘规范的秩序’为止”。作者指出，这种规范的秩序经常受到自由民主本身的威胁，因为后者容忍群体价值和信仰缺乏共识，容忍对群体权威的不尊重，容忍不遵守群体规范或被证明有问题的规范，而且总的来说，自由民主制促进多样性和不受当局支配的自由。斯滕纳和海特认为这种威权主义浪潮是自由民主制国家的一个特征，并指出他们于2016年对特朗普和英国脱欧支持者的研究结果并不出人意料。“在二十年的实证研究中，我们想不出有什么明显的例外，那就是规范性的威胁往往要么让非威权主义者完全不为能催化威权主义者的事情所动，要么推动他们成为（人们可能设想的）‘最好的自己’。在以前的调查中，我们看到在威权主义者走向越来越不宽容的条件下，非威权主义者在走向更多的宽容和尊重多样性的立场”。
特朗普在圣约翰教堂前拍摄照片 根据2016年的大选出口民调，26%的选民自认是白人福音派基督徒，这些人也成为了特朗普支持者的重要组成部分。皮尤研究中心2017年的分析报告指出，超过四分之三的白人福音派人士认可特朗普的表现，其中大部分人非常认可。
神学家霍顿 基督教特朗普主义 一词代表了三种趋势的汇合，即基督教美国主义 （美国例外论）、末世 阴谋派及成功神学 派。其中基督教美国主义是指上帝特别敬重美国，认为美国是一个非同寻常的国家的叙事；而末世阴谋则是指由于一些邪恶集团和全球主义势力密谋威胁美国主权，进而试图毁灭世界（这里毁灭世界既可以是象征性的，也可以是实在性的）。霍顿认为，他所说的“基督教特朗普主义异端”除了包含这三种成分外，还包含“大量的胡编乱造 个人崇拜 ”。
福音派基督教徒兼史学家费亚认为“教会对追求政治权力的警告已经有很长很长的时间了”，但许多现代福音教徒，如特朗普顾问、电视传道者宝拉·怀特 却无视这些告诫。电视传道者巴克尔 多布森 葛福臨 、穆尔 里德 鲍尔 兰德 伯恩斯 福克斯电视台 的政治评论家杰夫里斯 今日基督教 》的总裁达尔林普尔 加利
史学家耶格回顾直至11世纪的历史，并告诫人们不要成为宗教朝臣，他一并警告说，如果圣人对“国家事务的兴趣过于浓厚”，就会受到诅咒，不得进入天堂。他在著作中具体阐述关于12世纪的法国教士、神学家和廷臣，“知道宫廷生活是灵魂的死亡”的布卢瓦的彼得 对宫廷神职人员的危险的描述。尽管他们知道参与宫廷活动是“违背上帝和救赎”的，但教士们用大量的理由来粉饰它，如圣经中提到的摩西 被上帝派往法老那里。教皇庇護二世 反对神职人员出现在宫廷中，他认为一个基督徒朝臣很难“控制野心，抑制贪婪，驯服嫉妒、争斗、愤怒，并断绝恶习，同时站在这些（非常）事物的中间”。费亚讲述了关于权力对神圣领袖的黑暗腐蚀的警告及其古老的历史，他直接将其与特朗普的宫廷福音派领袖的行为相提并论，警告说基督徒“将我们神圣的希望寄托在政治领袖身上，有把他们变成偶像的危险”。
2021年1月6日，美国国会大厦遭到暴力冲击时，一名特朗普的支持者于美国国会大厦前拿着印有QAnon 标记的牌子，牌子上画有戴着MAGA帽子的耶稣[ 註 7] 杰夫里斯声称，尽管《今日基督教》的主编称特朗普为“一个在道德上迷失和困惑的人的近乎完美的例子”，福音派领导人仍应在道义上支持特朗普。杰夫里斯认为，“这里的敬虔原则是政府具有责任——即《罗马书第十三章 塞申斯 也用圣经这一章节来宣称将儿童与移民家庭分开的政策 在圣经上具有合理性。史学家马勒解释道，这是自美国建国以来，一直在美国的政治辩论中对《罗马书》第13章的两类解释之一，这类解释站在“美国历史的主线上，以法律和秩序的名义为压迫和统治的一方辩护”。
特朗普主义与林肯 的思想在许多方面有不同，具体包括自由贸易、移民、平等、联邦政府的制衡以及政教分离。WZB柏林社会科学中心 卡岑施泰因
古德温 社会保守主义 、新自由主義资本主义 、經濟民族主義 、本土主义 及白人民族主義 。
2021年的保守政治行動會議 上，特朗普本人给出了他对特朗普主义的定义：
“特朗普主义意味着很多东西……意味着美國－墨西哥－加拿大協議 取代灾难性的北美自由贸易协议 ……意味着低税率和取消会减少就业的法规……意味着强大的边境，保证进入我们国家的人们同样伟大……意味着街道上没有暴乱……意味着执法……意味着对第二修正案和持枪权的有力保护……意味着强大的军队及对退伍老兵的有力保障”。
1832年的政治卡通画，把安德鲁·杰克逊 描绘成一位贵族国王，将国会踩在脚下 学者米德 傑克遜民主 时代。学者劳奇威 排外主義 和白人優越主義 —在美国历史中根深蒂固。但特朗普本人为它们赋予了新的而且更坏的目的。”
安德鲁·杰克逊 的支持者认为杰克逊是他们中的一员，进而积极地支持他在19世纪蔑视政治正確 的行为，甚至藐视美国宪法。杰克逊无视美国最高法院 在伍斯特诉乔治亚州 仇外 的、“唯白人”的政治运动。米德认为这种“美国对杰克逊式人物的饥渴”促使追随者向特朗普靠拢。但米德同时提醒称，从历史上看“特朗普不是杰克逊的第二次降临”，米德进一步解释经过观察“特朗普的建议往往相当模糊，而且常常自相矛盾”，表现出新当选的民粹主义领导人的共同弱点。在特朗普于2016年当选后不久米德就评论道“特朗普的问题是‘如何施政？’”
莫里斯与米德看法相同，同样指出特朗普主义的根源在于杰克逊、范布伦 及波尔克 几人于1828至1848年的任期。莫里斯认为，特朗普主义与一战后的美国进步主义 改革时代 霍夫施塔特 将这类派系的出现归结为“其进步-民粹主义传统的很大一部分已经变质，变得不自由并且病态的情绪化。”
1927年的“美國優先 ”政治宣传海报，其中含有拥护孤立主义及通过诋毁英国来在1927年芝加哥市长选举 中的候选人汤普森 二战前，就有类似特朗普主义的运动被多次发起，例如20世纪初的美国优先 运动，二战后这一潮流逐渐向共和党 中的老右派 旧保守主义 。莫里斯认为特朗普将旧保守主义重塑成了特朗普主义。1949年，洛文塔尔 欺骗的先知 煽动者
《紐約客 》的新闻工作者莱曼 融合主义 民主党 的亲商业的建制思想，包括排外主義 、不干涉主义 冷战 中及冷战后基督教福音派“对世俗主义崛起的警戒”和“对共产主义传播的仇视及同仇敌忾”相融合。《政客》上的一篇文章认为特朗普主义是麦卡锡主义 之流。
由巴克利 所倡导，并最终被里根 于1980年所实现后，融合主义随着苏联解体 逐渐消融，取而代之的是不平等 全球化 ，这在共和党内外引起了中低收入白人的重大不满。2012年美國總統選舉 后，羅姆尼 被奥巴马 击败后，共和党建制派接受了一份名为增长与机遇项目的“解剖”报告，这份报告呼吁共和党重申其亲市场、怀疑政府、在种族和文化上包容的身份。特朗普在竞选中无视报告的结论和党内建制，他“受到本党官员的反对……比美国近代史上任何一位总统候选人都多”，但与此同时，他在共和党初选中赢得的选票却比以往任何一位总统候选人都多。到了2016年，用政治分析家羅夫 的话说，趋势已经演变成了“人们希望有人把砖头扔进一扇平板玻璃窗”。他在党内的成功达到了这样的程度：2020年10月的一项民意调查发现，58%的共和党人和倾向于共和党的独立调查对象认为自己是特朗普的支持者，而不是共和党的支持者。
中国政法大学的庞金友在《当代美国评论》中认为，美国种族结构变化引起的白人比例下降和伴随制造业外流带来中下层情况的恶化增加了政治极化也增强了特朗普在共和党选民中的支持率。
特朗普主張美國優先 ，外交上倾向于單邊主義 而非多邊主義，在经济条约和联盟义务方面特别强调国家利益。特朗普对加拿大 以及北约 和欧盟 表现出不屑一顾的态度。特朗普還有一个特点是認同独裁 统治者，尤其是俄罗斯总统普京 ，例如在其就任總統前和2018年美俄峰会 期间，特朗普经常称赞他。美国优先的外交政策包括特朗普承诺停止美国参与对外战争，尤其是中东战争 阿富汗战争 ），同时还通过制裁伊朗 等国家以发布更严格的外交政策。
更多信息：唐納德·特朗普的經濟政策
在经济方面，特朗普承诺提供新的就业机会和更多国内投资。同時特朗普盡可能地減少美國出口的貿易逆差 ，這导致2018年美国對歐盟和中國征收高額關稅，最後中美之間爆發中美貿易戰 。特朗普极力强调民族主义 ，批评 全球化的政策，确保其政治基本盘的支持。《身份危机：2016年总统竞选和美国意义之战》一书中认为特朗普的“激进 少数族裔 群体在进步，而他们的群体却被抛在后面”这一观念。
特朗普主義不單獲得白人的支持，美國的黑人、拉丁裔和亞裔群體間都有支持者，美國國外亦出現了具規模的特朗普主義擁護者或團體，例如日本的網絡右翼 [ 82] 幸福科學 等[ 83]
《艾伯特利论坛报 [ 1] 因相信2020年美国总统大选受操纵 的阴谋论，特朗普的支持者要求“停止偷窃选票” [ 3] 朱利安尼 要求“比武审判 ”，及此前特朗普的儿子称“我们是为了你们而来”及“[对选举的]总体战”后冲入了美国国会大厦 帕帕查里西指出，左翼中与公众进行情感上的接触时也可以找到使用开放符号的例子。
许多学者做出了类似的比较，耶鲁大学的哲学教授贾森·斯坦利 韦斯特 也认为特朗普有法西斯主义倾向，并称他的受欢迎程度标志着新法西斯主義 正在取代美国的新自由主義 。哈佛大学历史学家克拉韦认为法蘭克福學派 的作者（霍克海默 、阿多诺 及马尔库塞 ）通过研究德国法西斯的突然胜利提供了对特朗普主义的最佳见解。德国法西斯与特朗普主义的相似之处包括：自我吹嘘、受害、指责的言论，以及要求人们无条件地支持他的领导且称只有这样才能使国家摆脱道德和政治上的堕落。 历史、心理学及人类学领域的学者戴维·史密斯 莫尼-克尔 被称为“在特朗普之前研究特朗普基本盘的社会学家”，基梅尔
牌子上的标签“#WWG1WGA”代表QAnon的座右铭“你不是一個人在戰鬥”。
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