阿拉伯語裡的馬爾賈一詞在字面上解作重回、歸去或來自的地方，源自閃米特語族的三個字根r、j及'[9][10]。這個詞語與另一個阿拉伯詞語「馬阿德」（阿拉伯语：المعاد，羅馬化：Ma'ad）有密切的關係。馬阿德同時是限定詞和不定詞，限定詞是指「某人或某物歸去之地」，不定詞有「回到（某處）」的意思[11]。《古蘭經》裡有多處使用了這個詞語來形容真主是理想的歸宿，又把馬爾賈作為馬阿德的同義詞使用，塔巴里、法赫爾丁·拉齊（波斯語：فخر رازی）及伊本·卡希爾（波斯語：ابن كثير الدمشقي）的經注都認為馬阿德就是歸宿，而馬爾賈就是動詞「歸去」[11][12]。
隨著阿赫巴爾派的式微，支持伊智提哈德的烏蘇勒派得以在納傑夫復興。此外，奧斯曼帝國與波斯簽署了和約，到納傑夫和卡爾巴拉朝覲的穆斯林激增，促進了聖城經濟和宗教學校的發展。馬爾賈作為廣受承認的角色率先體現在穆罕默德·哈桑·納傑菲（阿拉伯语：محمد حسن النجفي）身上，繼承納傑菲的納傑夫神學院領導人穆爾塔達·安薩里（波斯語：مرتضی انصاری）成為了第一位廣受什葉派世界承認的馬爾賈[29][30]。
在1946年，侯賽因·布魯傑迪（波斯語：سید حسین طباطبایی بروجردی）成為什葉派唯一一位馬爾賈[40]。馬爾賈的權勢在此時達至頂峰。布魯傑迪與波斯的統治者和前任馬爾賈沒有明顯的鬥爭，教士階層與政府的關係相對融洽[41]。據稱布魯傑迪享有「馬爾賈塔格利德亞艾拉姆」或「馬爾賈亞艾拉」的罕見稱銜，前者的意思是最博學的仿效泉源，後者則有最高來源的意思，以示他在阿亞圖拉（高級穆智台希德）之間獨特的至上地位，所有人皆聽從他的意見[42]。
隨著哈基姆在1970年逝世，什葉派宗教領導權的問題再次成為爭議，雖然哈基姆在生前指名阿布·卡西姆·胡維（波斯語：سید ابوالقاسم خویی）成為馬爾賈，但無人可以獨佔鰲頭，也沒有共識認為將會有人可以像布魯傑迪那樣成為毫無爭辯、唯一的馬爾賈，對於馬爾賈的角色性質和其在積極參政與潛心學術的平衡問題上亦引發了巨大的分歧[44][45]。一些積極參政的伊朗教士推舉流亡在外和反對沙阿政權的霍梅尼，庫姆有48位教士向他發電報以表支持，而希望霍梅尼失勢的沙阿則傾向支持立場溫和的沙里亞特馬達里和艾哈邁德·洪塞里（波斯語：سید احمد خوانساری），胡維則在納傑夫得到較多人的支持[45]。
在1989年通過的憲法修訂案，法基赫（伊斯蘭教法學家）必須是馬爾賈的要求遭到廢除，從馬爾賈拆分出來的法基赫更側重於其政治資歷，使宗教資歷相對較淺的阿里·哈梅內伊得以成為法基赫[48]。在霍梅尼在世時，馬爾賈及法基赫的職權皆集於他一身，但隨著他的逝世及任命了資歷相對較淺的哈梅內伊成為新的法基赫，法基赫的憲法地位與什葉派傳統的權力架構出現了錯位。霍梅尼、沙里亞特馬達里、胡維、謝哈布丁·馬拉希·納傑菲（阿拉伯语：شهاب الدين المرعشي النجفي）及戈爾佩加尼相繼逝世令馬爾賈的權勢萎縮[49]。作家艾哈邁德·哈希姆（Ahmed Hashim）認為「這對政權自視為伊斯蘭國家的概念造成嚴重打擊」，因為在霍梅尼後，伊朗再也不是由最傑出的馬爾賈領導，哈梅內伊尋求獲得馬爾賈的身分來獲得像霍梅尼那樣的全面權力和最高權威[50]。
黎巴嫩的什葉派教士在霍梅尼逝世後出現分歧，有一派認為黎巴嫩的穆罕默德·侯賽因·法德拉拉（阿拉伯语：محمد حسين فضل الله）學識超卓，認證他為馬爾賈，另一派則因認同哈梅內伊的政見而擁戴他。法德拉拉不認同馬爾賈需要聚焦於法律見識和需要學識超卓，指出這樣會忽略了宗教在其他方面的事務，包括政治，也會有損於什葉派的團結和發展。他呼籲屏棄穆斯林要追隨和仿效馬爾賈的宗教義務，並認為一位理想的馬爾賈應在法律、社會和政治上表現出成熟的素質。法德拉拉心目中的理想馬爾賈就是什葉派版本的現代教宗，他的角色不局限在其對教法的學識上[51]。
霍扎（波斯語：حوزة علمية）是什葉派傳統的宗教教育中心[63]。什葉派法學家在這裡接受教育，以便成為馬爾賈[64]。這些宗教學院在穆智台希德及馬爾賈的指導下運作，其中最重要的兩所霍扎分別位於伊朗的庫姆及伊拉克的納傑夫[65]。霍扎的資深老師和學生都可以影響馬爾賈的遴選，學者德溫·J·斯圖爾特（英语：Devin J. Stewart）指出現代的馬爾賈離不開這個機構[64][66]。
馬爾賈的候選人首先需要在霍扎裡建立名望，資歷相當的同輩必須認可他是資深穆智台希德，他的老師必須認證他有能力採用伊智提哈德詮釋法律。為了證明自己的能力，他應要有許多的學生參加他的講課，寫作和發表他的學說[67]。此外，向學生提供生活補貼亦有助於馬爾賈建立名望，馬爾賈和他的學生都可以藉此相得益彰。學生可以減輕經濟負擔，馬爾賈亦可以因此吸引更多的學生和追隨者。事實上，能夠發放更多補貼的馬爾賈意味著他有更多的支持者，拔高了他的名聲。學者邁克爾·M·J·費希爾（英语：Michael M. J. Fischer）稱「資金可以收買穆斯林群眾投票選出馬爾賈塔格利德」[68]。
可是，後來納傑夫神學院的馬爾賈胡維、戈爾佩加尼、哈桑·塔巴塔巴伊·庫米（波斯語：سید حسن طباطبایی قمی）都是秉持反政治化的靜默派[90]。曾經有胡維的學生提問伊斯蘭教及聖訓是否允許教士出任國家元首、議員等政府官職，胡維回答說不[91]。在庫姆的霍梅尼起初也與他的老師布魯傑迪一樣遠離政治，但他在1942年著有《揭秘（波斯語：کشفاسرار）》一書闡述了他的政治意識形態，認為國家應按照伊斯蘭教法來管治，又設想由教士建立的一個議會來監察伊斯蘭教法的執行[92]。
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