1819年,羅賓遜(W. D. Robinson)在密西西比州上游地區建立了猶太人定居點。1850年,從基督教改信了猶太教的美國領事Warder Cresson在耶路撒冷附近發展起其他定居點。Warder Cresson被妻子和兒子起訴,受到審判,被譴責為精神失常。他們斷言,只有瘋子才會從基督教轉信猶太教。在第二次審判中,基於美國信仰自由和反猶主義的中心地位,Warder Cresson贏得了這場激烈的訴訟。[27]他移民到奧斯曼巴勒斯坦,並在耶路撒冷的Valley of Rephaim中建立了一個農業殖民地。他希望「阻止任何企圖在我們可憐弟兄的生活必需品上占便宜的做法……(這樣做)……會強迫他們假裝改信」。[28]
自以色列建國以來,世界錫安主義組織主要是一個致力於協助和鼓勵猶太人遷往以色列的組織。它在其他國家為以色列提供了政治支持,但在以色列內部政治中幾乎沒有任何作用。該運動自1948年以來取得的重大成就是為猶太移民提供後勤支援,而且,最重要的是協助蘇聯猶太人,尤其是幫助他們爭取離開蘇維埃的權利和實踐宗教自由方面的鬥爭,該組織協助了85萬猶太人走出阿拉伯世界,大部分人都回到以色列。1944年至1945年,大衛·本-古里安對外交官員介紹,一百萬計劃(One Million Plan)是「錫安主義運動的首要目標和首要任務」。[54]英國1939年白皮書的移民限制意味著這樣的計劃不可能發揮大規模的作用,但直到1948年5月的《以色列獨立宣言》後,它才發揮了巨大的作用。新的國內移民政策在以色列政府中也存在反對的聲音,例如,有人認為「對於那些沒有生命安危的猶太人進行大規模移民是沒有理由的,尤其是他們沒有移民的動機和欲望。」 [55]也有人認為,吸收移民過程造成「不當的困難」。[56]然而,大衛·本-古里安的影響力和堅持確保了他的移民政策得到執行。[57][58]
社會主義錫安主義,又稱勞工錫安主義(Labor Zionism),起源於東歐。社會主義錫安主義者認為,在反猶社會無數個世紀的壓迫中,猶太人已經被逼到一種懦弱、脆弱、絕望的存在中,這導致了反猶主義更加猖獗。這是西奧多·赫茨爾最先提出的一個觀點。這派認為,革新猶太人的靈魂和社會是必要的,這可以通過讓猶太人遷移到以色列,成為他們自己國家的農民、工人和士兵而實現。大多社會主義錫安主義者拒絕遵守傳統的猶太教制度,因為這種猶太教延續著猶太人的「離散的心態」(Diaspora mentality),他們在以色列建立了鄉村公社,叫做「基布茲」。基布茲開始是「國家農場」計劃的一個變體,是一種合作農業,Jewish National Fund雇用了猶太工人,讓他們接受經過訓練的監督。基布茲是第二次阿利亞運動的象徵,因為他們非常重視公社主義和平等主義,在一定程度上代表烏托邦社會主義。此外,他們強調自給自足,這成為社會主義錫安主義的重要方面。雖然社會主義錫安主義是從猶太教的基本價值觀和精神上獲得靈感和哲學根據的,但它對猶太教的激進表達往往導致了猶太教正統派的敵對關係。
從1897年第一次錫安主義大會至第一次世界大戰,自由派錫安主義(或一般錫安主義)最初是錫安主義運動中的主流趨勢。自由派錫安主義者向自由派歐洲中產階級看齊,這是許多錫安主義領袖如西奧多·赫茨爾和魏茲曼所嚮往的。自由派錫安主義雖然與現代以色列任何一個政黨無關,但它仍然是以色列政治的強烈趨勢,它倡導自由市場原則和民主,並堅持人權。前進黨是2000年代的主要黨派,現在已經解散,它曾經向自由派錫安主義思想的許多基本政策看齊,極力主張巴勒斯坦國家建立的重要性,這樣才可以在以色列建立一個更民主的社會,它肯定自由市場,呼籲以色列阿拉伯公民能享有平等權利。 2013年, Ari Shavit認為,當時新的「未來黨「(代表世俗的、中產階級的利益)的成功體現了「新的自由派錫安主義」的成功。[62]
由澤維·賈鮑京斯基領導的修正派錫安主義,變成民族主義錫安主義(Nationalist Zionism)。其指導原則在一篇〈鐵壁〉(英語:Iron Wall (essay)) (1923)的文章中列舉出來。1925年,賈鮑京斯基在巴黎一間咖啡館召開「修正錫安主義者聯盟會議」(Conference of the League of Zionist Revisionists)[66]。1935年,因為世界錫安主義組織拒絕指出建立猶太國是錫安主義的目標,修正主義者離開了世界錫安主義組織。
一些印度穆斯林也反對伊斯蘭教的反錫安主義。 2007年8月,Maulana Jamil Ilyas率領的All India Organization of Imams and mosques代表團訪問了以色列。這次會面達成了一項聯合聲明,表達了「印度穆斯林的和平與善意」,在印度穆斯林與以色列猶太人之間發展對話,反對以色列-巴勒斯坦衝突具有宗教性質的觀點。[98]這次訪問是由American Jewish Committee組織的。其訪問的目的是促進有關以色列在全世界穆斯林眼中的地位的有益辯論,並加強印度與以色列的關係。人們認為,這次訪問可以「打開全世界的穆斯林的觀念,了解以色列國家的民主性質,特別是在中東的穆斯林」。[99]
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* Zionism, imperialism, and race, Abdul Wahhab Kayyali, ʻAbd al-Wahhāb Kayyālī (Eds), Croom Helm, 1979
Gerson, Allan, "The United Nations and Racism: the Case of Zionism and Racism", in Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 1987, Volume 17; Volume 1987, Yoram Dinstein, Mala Tabory (Eds), Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1988, p 68
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Tessler, Mark A. (1994). A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館). Indiana University Press. Retrieved 2016-06-22. p55-56The suggestion that Uganda might be suitable for Jewish colonization was first put forward by Joseph Chamberlain, the British colonial secretary, who said that he had thought about Herzl during a recent visit to the interior of British East Africa. Herzl, who at that time had been discussing with the British a scheme for Jewish settlement in Sinai, responded positively to Chamberlain's proposal, in part because of a desire to deepen Zionist-British cooperaion and, more generally to show that his diplomatic efforts were capable of bearing fruit.
Adam Rovner (12 December 2014). In the Shadow of Zion: Promised Lands Before Israel (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館). NYU Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-1-4798-1748-1.European Jews swayed and prayed for Zion for nearly two millennia, and by the end of the nineteenth century their descendants had transformed liturgical longing into a political movement to create a Jewish national entity somewhere in the world. Zionism'sprophet, Theodor Herzl, considered Argentina, Cyprus, Mesopotamia, Mozambique, and the Sinai Peninsula as potential Jewish homelands. It took nearly a decade for Zionism to exdusively concentrate its spiritual yearning on the spatial coordinates of Ottoman Palestine.
Naomi E. Pasachoff; Robert J. Littman (2005). A Concise History of the Jewish People. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 240–242. ISBN 978-0-7425-4366-9.Adam Rovner (12 December 2014). In the Shadow of Zion: Promised Lands Before Israel (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館). NYU Press. p. 81. ISBN 978-1-4798-1748-1. On the afternoon of the fourth day of the Congress a weary Nordau brought three resolutions before the delegates: (1) that the Zionist Organization direct all future settlement efforts solely to Palestine; (2) that the Zionist Organization thank the British government for its other of an autonomous territory in East Africa; and (3) that only those Jews who declare their allegiance to the Basel Program may become members of the Zionist Organization." Zangwill objected… When Nordau insisted on the Congress’s right to pass the resolutions regardless, Zangwill was outraged. 「You will be charged before the bar of history,」 he challenged Nordau… From approximately 1:30 p.m. on Sunday, July 30, 1905, a Zionist would henceforth he defined as someone who adhered to the Basel Program and the only 「authentic interpretation」 of that program restricted settlement activity exclusively to Palestine. Zangwill and his supporters could not accept Nordau’s 「authentic interpretation" which they believed would lead to an abandonment of the Jewish masses and of Herzl’s vision. One territorialist claimed that Ussishkin’s voting bloc had in fact 「buried political Zionism」.
Adam Rovner (12 December 2014). In the Shadow of Zion: Promised Lands Before Israel (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館). NYU Press. p. 81. ISBN 978-1-4798-1748-1. On the afternoon of the fourth day of the Congress a weary Nordau brought three resolutions before the delegates: (1) that the Zionist Organization direct all future settlement efforts solely to Palestine; (2) that the Zionist Organization thank the British government for its other of an autonomous territory in East Africa; and (3) that only those Jews who declare their allegiance to the Basel Program may become members of the Zionist Organization." Zangwill objected… When Nordau insisted on the Congress’s right to pass the resolutions regardless, Zangwill was outraged. 「You will be charged before the bar of history,」 he challenged Nordau… From approximately 1:30 p.m. on Sunday, July 30, 1905, a Zionist would henceforth he defined as someone who adhered to the Basel Program and the only 「authentic interpretation」 of that program restricted settlement activity exclusively to Palestine. Zangwill and his supporters could not accept Nordau’s 「authentic interpretation" which they believed would lead to an abandonment of the Jewish masses and of Herzl’s vision. One territorialist claimed that Ussishkin’s voting bloc had in fact 「buried political Zionism」.
Ėstraĭkh, G. In Harness: Yiddish Writers' Romance with Communism. Judaic traditions in literature, music, and art.Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 2005. p. 30
Hacohen 1991, p. 262 #2:"In meetings with foreign officials at the end of 1944 and during 1945, Ben-Gurion cited the plan to enable one million refugees to enter Palestine immediately as the primary goal and top priority of the Zionist movement.
Hakohen 2003, p. 46: "After independence, the government presented the Knesset with a plan to double the Jewish population within four years. This meant bringing in 600,000 immigrants in a four-year period. or 150,000 per year. Absorbing 150,000 newcomers annually under the trying conditions facing the new state was a heavy burden indeed. Opponents in the Jewish Agency and the government of mass immigration argued that there was no justification for organizing large-scale emigration among Jews whose lives were not in danger, particularly when the desire and motivation were not their own."
Hakohen 2003, p. 246–247: "Both the immigrants' dependence and the circumstances of their arrival shaped the attitude of the host society. The great wave of immigration in 1948 did not occur spontaneously: it was the result of a clear-cut foreign policy decision that taxed the country financially and necessitated a major organizational effort. Many absorption activists, Jewish Agency executives, and government officials opposed unlimited, nonselective immigration; they favored a gradual process geared to the country's absorptive capacity. Throughout this period, two charges resurfaced at every public debate: one, that the absorption process caused undue hardship; two, that Israel's immigration policy was misguided."
Hakohen 2003, p. 47: "But as head of the government, entrusted with choosing the cabinet and steering its activities, Ben-Gurion had tremendous power over the country's social development. His prestige soared to new heights after the founding of the state and the impressive victory of the IDF in the War of Independence. As prime minister and minister of defense in Israel's first administration, as well as the uncontested leader of the country's largest political party, his opinions carried enormous weight. Thus, despite resistance from some of his cabinet members, he remained unflagging in his enthusiasm for unrestricted mass immigration and resolved to put this policy into effect."
Hakohen 2003, p. 247: "On several occasions, resolutions were passed to limit immigration from European and Arab countries alike. However, these limits were never put into practice, mainly due to the opposition of Ben-Gurion. As a driving force in the emergency of the state, Ben-Gurion—both prime minister and minister of defense—carried enormous weight with his veto. His insistence on the right of every Jew to immigrate proved victorious. He would not allow himself to be swayed by financial or other considerations. It was he who orchestrated the large-scale action that enabled the Jews to leave Eastern Europe and Islamic countries, and it was he who effectively forged Israel's foreign policy. Through a series of clandestine activities carried out overseas by the Foreign Office, the Jewish Agency, the Mossad le-Aliyah, and the Joint Distribution Committee, the road was paved for mass immigration."
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Lewis, Donald (2 January 2014). The Origins of Christian Zionism: Lord Shaftesbury And Evangelical Support For A Jewish Homeland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 380.ISBN 9781107631960.
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J. Reinharz and A. Shapira (ed.), Essential Papers on Zionism, New York University Press, 1996 ISBN 0-8147-7449-0.
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Z. Sternhell, The Founding Myths of Israel – Nationalism, Socialism, and the making of the Jewish State, Princeton University Press, 1998 ISBN 1-4008-0774-3.
G. Shafir, Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914, University of California Press, 1996 ISBN 0-520-20401-8.
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Stephen Sizer. Christian Zionism: Road map to Armageddon? (InterVarsity Press: 2004) - Very in-depth analysis of the historical, theological and political claims and influences of the movement.
Lawrence Jeffrey Epstein. Zion’s call: Christian contributions to the origins and development of Israel (Lanham : University Press of America, 1984)
Michael J. Pragai. Faith and fulfilment: Christians and the return to the Promised Land (London, England : Vallentine, Mitchell, 1985)
Irvine H. Anderson. Biblical interpretation and Middle East policy : the promised land, America, and Israel, 1917-2002 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005)
Paul Charles Merkley. The Politics of Christian Zionism 1891 – 1948 (London: Frank Cass, 1998)
Gorenberg, Gershom. The End of Days: Fundamentalism and the Struggle for the Temple Mount (New York: The Free Press, 2000).
Boyer, Paul. "John Darby Meets Saddam Hussein: Foreign Policy and Bible Prophecy," Chronicle of Higher Education, supplement, 2003-02-14, pp. B 10-B11.
Selig Adler & Thomas E. Connolly. From Ararat to Suburbia: the History of the Jewish Community of Buffalo (Philadelphia: the Jewish Publication Society of America, 1960, Library of Congress Number 60-15834).