FET y de las JONS

For the movement as a whole, see Falangism. For the Lebanese Phalange, see Kataeb Party. For other Falangist parties, see Falange.

The Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (lit. 'Traditionalist Spanish Phalanx of the Councils of the National Syndicalist Offensive'; FET y de las JONS),^[30] frequently shortened to just "FET",^[31] was a far-right political party in Spain during the Francoist regime, during which time it was the sole legal party. It was created by General Francisco Franco in 1937 as a merger of the fascist Falange Española de las JONS (FE de las JONS) with the monarchist neo-absolutist and integralist Catholic Traditionalist Communion belonging to the Carlist movement.^[32] In addition to the resemblance of names, the party formally retained most of the platform of FE de las JONS (26 out of 27 points) and a similar inner structure.^[33] In force until April 1977, it was rebranded as the Movimiento Nacional in 1958.^[34]

Traditionalist Spanish Phalanx of the Councils of the National Syndicalist Offensive Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista
Abbreviation	FET y de las JONS
Governing body	Movimiento Nacional[1]
Secretary General [es]	R. Fernández-Cuesta (first)[a] I. García López (last)[2][3][b]
Founded	19 April 1937; 87 years ago (1937-04-19)
Dissolved	7 April 1977; 47 years ago (1977-04-07)
Merger of	FE de las JONS Comunión Tradicionalista
Succeeded by	FE-JONS
Headquarters	Calle de Alcalá 44, Madrid[note 1]
Newspaper	Arriba[5]
Student wing	Sindicato Español Universitario
Youth wing	Frente de Juventudes
Women's wing	Sección Femenina
Trade union	Spanish Syndical Organization
Sports body	National Sports Delegation
Membership	932,000 (1942 est.)[6] 980,054 (1973 est.)[7]
Ideology	Authoritarian conservatism[8] Fascism[note 2] Francoism[15] Falangism[25]
Political position	Far-right[26][27]
Religion	Roman Catholicism
European affiliation	European Social Movement[28] New European Order[28]
Foreign service	DNSEF (until 1945)[note 4]
Colours	Red   Black   Blue
Slogan	"¡Arriba España!" (unofficial) (lit. 'Up with Spain!')
Anthem	"Cara al Sol" (transl. 'Facing the Sun')
Party flag
Politics of Spain Political parties Elections (4 December 1937 – 9 August 1939) (7 July 1976 – 13 April 1977)

History

Early history

Main article: Falange Española de las JONS

The FET y de las JONS has its origins in three parties: the Spanish Falange, a Falangist party, The Council of National Syndicalist Offensives, a national syndicalist party and Traditionalist Communion, a Catholic monarchist party. These parties were becoming relevant in Spanish right wing politics before the civil war. The Spanish Falange and the Council of National Syndicalist Offensives were relatively small, and merged into the Spanish Falange de la JONS leading up to the 1936 election. As civil war broke out, the Falange grew rapidly in membership, and the Traditionalist Communion, already a prominent force, mobilized its forces to fight the leftist government.^{[citation needed]}

Spanish Civil War

With the eruption of the Civil War in July 1936, the Falange fought on the side of the Nationalist faction against the Second Spanish Republic. Expanding rapidly from several thousand to several hundred thousand,^[35] the Falange's male membership was accompanied by a female auxiliary, the Sección Femenina. Led by José Antonio's sister Pilar Primo de Rivera, this latter subsidiary organization claimed more than a half million members by the end of the war and provided nursing and support services for the Nationalist forces.^[36]

The party was commanded by Manuel Hedilla following the death or imprisonment of the original leaders by the Republicans. Among them was José Antonio Primo de Rivera who was referred to among the leadership as el Ausente, ("the Absent One"). After being sentenced to death on 18 November 1936, Primo de Rivera was executed on 20 November 1936 (a date since known as 20-N in Spain), giving him martyr status among the Falangists. This conviction and sentence was possible since he'd lost his parliamentary immunity as his party did not receive enough votes during the last elections.^{[citation needed]}

On April 19, 1937, Franco issued a Unification Decree, which forcibly merged the Falange with the Carlist Comunión Tradicionalista to form the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET y de las JONS). Franco assumed the role of jefe nacional ("National Chief"), following the model of a fascist party.^{[37][note 5]} All other parties supporting the rebel faction were disbanded, but former members of those parties were free to join the FET as individual members. The new party's official ideology was the Falangists' 27 puntos—reduced after the unification to 26, the article barring mergers being dropped. The merged party incorporated many Falangist symbols–the blue shirt, the yoked arrows, the red and black flag, and the anthem Cara al Sol among others.^[39] Despite this, the party was in fact a wide-ranging nationalist coalition, closely controlled by Franco. Parts of the original Falange (including Hedilla) and many Carlists did not join the unified party. Franco had sought to control the Falange after a clash between Hedilla and his main critics within the group, the legitimistas of Agustín Aznar and Sancho Dávila y Fernández de Celis, that threatened to derail the Nationalist war effort.^[40] Franco became jefe nacional and "Supreme Caudillo" of the FET. He was vested with "the most absolute authority," including the power to name his successor, and was only responsible to "God and history."^[41]

None of the other vanquished parties in the war suffered as many deaths among their leaders as the Falange. 60% of the pre-war Falange membership lost their lives in the war.^{[citation needed]}

However, most of the property of all other parties and trade unions were assigned to the party. In 1938, all trade unions were unified under Falangist command.^{[citation needed]}

Francoist Spain

Visit of Franco to Tolosa in 1948. The podium is decorated with the yoke and arrows, the symbol of the Sindicato Vertical and the Cross of Burgundy.

After the war, the party was charged with developing an ideology for Franco's regime. This job became a cursus honorum for ambitious politicians—new converts, who were called camisas nuevas ("new shirts") in opposition to the more overtly populist and ideological "old shirts" from before the war.^{[citation needed]}

Membership in the Falange/FET reached a peak of 932,000 in 1942.^[6] Despite the official unification of the various Nationalist factions within the party in 1937, tensions continued between dedicated Falangists and other groups, particularly Carlists. Such tensions erupted in violence with the Begoña Incident of August 1942, when hardline Falangist activists attacked a Carlist religious gathering in Bilbao with grenades. The attack and the response of government ministers with Carlist leanings (most notably José Enrique Varela and Valentín Galarza) led to a government crisis and caused Franco to dismiss several ministers. Ultimately, six Falangists were convicted of the attack and one, Juan Domínguez, was executed.^[42]

By the middle of the Second World War, Franco and leading Falangists, while distancing themselves from the faltering European fascists, stressed the unique "Spanish Catholic authoritarianism" of the regime and the Falange. Instructions were issued in September 1943 that henceforth the Falange/FET would be referred to exclusively as a "movement" and not a "party".^[43]

The Falange also developed youth organizations, with members known as Flechas and Pelayos,^{[citation needed]} under the umbrella of the Spanish Youths Organization. Most of these young members wore red berets.

With improving relations with the United States, economic development and the rise of a group of relatively young technocrats within the government, the Falange continued to decline. In 1965, the SEU, the movement's student organization, was officially disbanded.^[44] At the same time, the membership of the Falange as a whole was both shrinking and aging. In 1974, the average age of Falangists in Madrid was at least 55 years. The organization's relatively few new members came mostly from the conservative and devoutly Catholic areas of northern Spain.^[45]

See also

• Servicio Exterior de Falange
• Unification Decree (Spain, 1937)

Notes

1. Headquarters of the General Secretariat.^[4]
2. • Blinkhorn 2003, pp. 10–11: "the Franco regime-the only European regime with a major radical fascist ingredient to survive long beyond 1945, and studied here by Paul Preston—is a useful example. Notwithstanding the aforementioned fascisant tendencies within the Spanish Catholic and monarchist right, radical fascism, in the form of the Falange (fused from 1934 with the JONS), was weak until 1936 when it began to expand rapidly, not least through the recruitment of disillusioned JAP-ists. [...] The product, like the Italian Fascist regime, was a compromise between radical fascism and conservative authoritarianism, in this case with unambiguous military and Church support. As Preston indicates, Falangism played a superficially prominent and important role for as long as it suited Franco, that is, until the mid-1940s, thereafter to be shunned into the sidings of Spanish political life.";
   • Griffin & Feldman 2004, pp. 82–83; Albanese & Hierro 2016, p. 54: "It was the FET-JONS, the main actor in Spain, which wanted the full fascistization of the country and which was most active during the period in trying to achieve it through the so-called 'syndicalist revolution'. This should not come as a surprise; Falange did not need the fascistization process, since it was already fully fascist from the beginning. Further, relations between Falange and Italy had become increasingly stronger since the Spanish Civil War, to the extent that Mussolini saw the Spanish party at the main vehicle capable of transforming Spain into a fully fascist country. Similarly, FET-jons also regarded Mussolini's Italy as its main point of reference and even asked the authorities in Rome for advice about carrying out the fascistization process of the Francoist regime as effectively as possible.";
   • Thomàs 2020, pp. 38–39: "Al referirnos a fascismo español lo hacemos a dos organizaciones diferentes. En primer lugar al partido fascista Falange Española de las JONS, que existió entre 1934 y el 19 de abril de 1937; y en segundo, al partido único del régimen franquista, Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, creado el último día citado y subsistente durante toda la vigencia del Franquismo -ni más ni menos que hasta abril de 1977, aunque en 1958 trocó su denominación por la de Movimiento Nacional. Existieron así dos organizaciones fascistas diferentes, aunque la segunda nació en parte de la primera y la integró." ["When we refer to Spanish fascism, we refer to two different organisations. Firstly, the fascist party Falange Española de las JONS, which existed between 1934 and 19 April 1937; and secondly, the sole party of the Franco regime, Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, created on the latter day and which lasted throughout the duration of Francoism - no more and no less than until April 1977, although in 1958 it changed its name to the National Movement. Thus, there were two different fascist organisations, although the second was born in part from the first and integrated it."]
3. José Antonio Primo de Rivera's brand of fascism was "a full fascism,^[18] based on a mythical conception of a regenerative, populist and ultranationalist revolution, oriented to the construction of a totalitarian State as the basis and foundation of an orderly and enthusiastic, hierarchical and conquering national community. This is the lowest common denominator of all fascisms, and Primo de Rivera's covered it more than sufficiently".^[19]
4. Later, after the establishment of FET y de las JONS, it was called the Delegación Nacional del Servicio Exterior de Falange (DNSEF; National Delegation of the Phalanx Foreign Service).^[29]
5. According to Enrique Moradiellos, Franco's rule as jefe nacional could be split into three periods: the first one, parallel to the period with the greatest level of fascistization of the regime, marked by the preeminence of Ramón Serrano Suñer as right hand (1937–1941); the second one, in which Franco assumed a more active role (1941–1945) in the party affairs, with the first spell of José Luis de Arrese as Secretary-General, and from 1945 until his death, the period in which Franco distanced from the daily affairs of an increasingly bureaucratic FET y de las JONS.^[38]

References

1. Payne 2011, p. 446.
2. "Real Decreto 1607/1976, de 7 de julio, por el que que se nombran los Ministros del Gobierno" (PDF). Boletín Oficial del Estado (in Spanish) (163). Agencia Estatal Boletín Oficial del Estado: 13385. 8 July 1976. ISSN 0212-033X.
3. "Real Decreto-ley 23/1977, de 1 de abril, sobre reestructuración de los órganos dependientes del Consejo Nacional y nuevo régimen jurídico de las Asociaciones, funcionarios y patrimonio del Movimiento" (PDF). Boletín Oficial del Estado (in Spanish) (83). Agencia Estatal Boletín Oficial del Estado: 7768–7770. 7 April 1977. ISSN 0212-033X.
4. "El yugo y las flechas de Alcalá 44, desmontados" [The yoke and arrows of Alcalá 44, dismantled]. El País (in Spanish). 10 April 1977.
5. Watkins, Jacob Fox (2014). "Not Just "Franco 's Spain" - The Spanish Political Landscape During Re-Emergence through the Pact of Madrid". Bulletin for Spanish and Portuguese Historical Studies. 39 (1). Archived from the original on 3 February 2018. Retrieved 6 May 2015.
6. Payne 1987, p. 238.
7. Payne 1999, p. 459.
8. Payne 1999, pp. 77–102.
9. see e.g. González Cuevas 2008, pp. 1170–1171, Rodríguez Núñez 2013, Heleno Saña, Historia de la filosófia española, Madrid 2007, ISBN 9788496710986, p. 255 and onwards, in popular discourse Pradera is "one of the icons and pilars of Francoism", see ABC 25.10.04, available here
10. Gonzalo Redondo Galvez, Política, cultura y sociedad en la España de Franco, 1939–1975, vol. 1, Pamplona 1999, ISBN 8431317132; according to the author, "el authoritarismo franquista no fue de signo fascista sino tradicionalista", according to another, "el authoritarismo franquista no fue de signo fascista sino tradicionalista", see Juan María Sanchez-Prieto, Lo que fué y lo que no fué Franco, [in:] Nueva Revista de Política, Cultura y Arte 69 (2000), pp. 30–38
11. García-Fernández, Mónica (February 2022). "From National Catholicism to Romantic Love: The Politics of Love and Divorce in Franco's Spain". Contemporary European History. 31 (1, Special Issue: The Contemporary European History Prize). Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press: 2–14. doi:10.1017/S0960777321000515. ISSN 1469-2171.
12. "The Extreme Right in Spain - Surviving in the Shadow of Franco" (PDF). core.ac.uk. Hedda Samdahl Weltz. 2014.
13. Blamires, Cyprian P., ed. (2006). World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO. pp. 219–220.
14. Badie, Bertrand; Berg-Schlosser, Dirk; Morlino, Leonardo, eds. (7 September 2011). International Encyclopedia of Political Science. SAGE Publications (published 2011). ISBN 9781483305394. Retrieved 9 September 2020. ... fascist Italy ... developed a state structure known as the corporate state with the ruling party acting as a mediator between 'corporations' making up the body of the nation. Similar designs were quite popular elsewhere in the 1930s. The most prominent examples were Estado Novo in Portugal (1932–1968) and Brazil (1937–1945), the Austrian Standestaat (1933–1938), and authoritarian experiments in Estonia, Romania, and some other countries of East and East-Central Europe,
15. • Traditionalism^[9][10]
    • National Catholicism^[11]
    • Spanish nationalism^[12][13]
    • Corporate statism^[14]
16. "Un estado totalitario armonizará en España el…" [A totalitarian state will harmonize in Spain…] (in Spanish).
17. Carlisle, Rodney P., ed. (2005). The Encyclopedia of Politics: The Left and the Right. Vol. 2: The Right. Thousand Oaks, California; London; New Delhi: SAGE Publications. p. 633.
18. Historians have discussed which of the Falange's qualities were most characteristic of the ideology. Stanley Payne maintains it's their vague and confusing ideas, (PAYNE, Stanley (1965) Sobre Falange Española. París: Ruedo Ibérico), while S. Ellwood believes Nationalism, Imperialism and Irrationalism to characterise their ideas, as stated in Prietas las filas. Historia de la Falange Española, 1933-1985. Grijalbo (found at "Periodista Digital ::". Archived from the original on 17 November 2007. Retrieved 2 October 2019.)
19. Saz, Ismael (2004). Fascismo y franquismo [Fascism and Francoism] (in Spanish). Valencia: Universitat de València. pp. 69–70. ISBN 84-370-5910-0.
20. "THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR - Episode 4: Franco And The Nationalists (HISTORY DOCUMENTARY) (Timestamp 18:34)". youtube.com. July 23, 2014. Retrieved 7 July 2024. Quoting Spanish Falangist Narciso Perales from an interview in 1983; "The Falange was a revolutionary movement which wanted to carry out profound changes in the Spanish society of those times. Changes which are still necessary today. José Antonio proclaimed a doctrine which resolved opposing doctrines in society. It upheld spiritual values and the belief in the fatherland as our common and universal destiny, and at the same time, it aimed for a social revolution. The agrarian reform would turn the land over to the peasants so that the vision of giving the ownership of the land to those who work it would come true. Banks would be nationalized because it was considered unjust that the savings of all the Spanish people should be controlled by a few who dominated the economy of the country. [...]
21. • Hans Rogger, Eugen Weber. The European Right. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press; London: University of Cambridge Press, 1965. p. 195.
    • original text of the Unification Decree in BOE 182/1937, available online here
22. Diffie, Bailey W. (1943). "The Ideology of Hispanidad". The Hispanic American Historical Review. 23 (3): 457–482. doi:10.2307/2508538. ISSN 0018-2168. JSTOR 2508538.
23. Payne 1999, pp. 330–331.
24. Perucho, Joan (2002-12-29). ""La literatura hoy ha desaparecido por la política"" ["Literature has disappeared today because of politics"] (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 2007-11-17. Retrieved 2020-01-14.
25. • Totalitarianism^[16]
    • Class collaboration^[17]
    • Ultranationalism^{[note 3]}
    • Social revolution^[20]
    • National syndicalism^[21]
    • Pan-Hispanism^[22]
    • Spanish irredentism^[23]
    • Spanish unionism^[24]
26. Albanese, Matteo Antonio; Hierro, Pablo del (2013). "Una red transnacional. La "network" de la extrema derecha entre España e Italia después de la II Guerra Mundial, 1945-1968" [A transnational network. The far-right network between Spain and Italy after World War II, 1945-1968] (PDF). Falange, las culturas políticas del fascismo en la España de Franco (1936-1975), Vol. 2, 2013, ISBN 978-84-9911-216-9, págs. 6-24 (in Spanish). Instituto "Fernando El Católico": 6–24. Retrieved 2022-06-13.
27. Grecco, Gabriela de Lima (2016). "Falange Española: de la corte literaria de José Antonio al protagonismo del nacionalcatolicismo" [Spanish Falange: from the literary court of José Antonio to the prominence of national Catholicism] (PDF). História e Cultura (in Spanish). 5 (Extra 3): 98–118. doi:10.18223/hiscult.v5i3.1999. ISSN 2238-6270. Retrieved 2022-06-13.
28. Tauber, Kurt P. (1959). "German Nationalists and European Union". Political Science Quarterly. 74 (4): 564–589. doi:10.2307/2146424. ISSN 0032-3195. JSTOR 2146424.
29. Naranjo Orovio 1988, p. 9.
30. Thomàs 2019, p. 1.
31. Kershaw, Ian (2016). To Hell and Back: Europe 1914–1949. New York: Penguin Books. p. 309. ISBN 978-0-14-310992-1.
32. Thomàs 2020, p. 39.
33. Thomàs 2020, pp. 38–39.
34. Thomàs 2020, p. 38.
35. Payne 1987, p. 176.
36. Payne 1987, p. 187.
37. Thomàs 2013, p. 170.
38. Moradiellos, Enrique (2016-04-22). Las caras de Franco: una revisión histórica del caudillo y su regimen [The faces of Franco: a historical review of the leader and his regime] (in Spanish). Siglo XXI de España Editores. ISBN 978-84-323-1825-2.
39. Payne 1987, pp. 171–172.
40. Paul Preston, Franco, London: 1995, pp. 261-6
41. Payne 1987, p. 175.
42. Payne 1987, pp. 308–309.
43. Payne 1987, p. 322.
44. Payne 1987, p. 523.
45. Payne 1987, p. 527.

Sources

• Albanese, Matteo; Hierro, Pablo del (2016). Transnational Fascism in the Twentieth Century: Spain, Italy and the Global Neo-Fascist Network. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4725-3200-8. Retrieved 5 July 2020.
• Blinkhorn, Martin (2003). Fascists and Conservatives: The Radical Right and the Establishment in Twentieth-Century Europe. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-99712-1.
• Griffin, Roger; Feldman, Matthew (2004). Fascism: The 'fascist epoch'. Taylor & Francis. pp. 82–83. ISBN 978-0-415-29019-7. Retrieved 5 July 2020.
• Payne, Stanley G. (1987). The Franco Regime, 1936–1975. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-11074-1.
• Payne, Stanley G. (1999). Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977. University of Wisconsin Press.
• Payne, Stanley G. (2011) [1987]. The Franco regime, 1936–1975. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0299110741.
• Thomàs, Joan Maria (2013). "La unificación: coyuntura y proyecto de future" [Unification: current situation and future project]. In Ruiz Carnicer, Miguel Ángel (ed.). Falange. Las culturas políticas del fascismo en la España de Franco (1936-1975) [Falange. The political cultures of fascism in Franco's Spain (1936-1975)] (PDF) (in Spanish). Zaragoza: Institución Fernando el Catolico. p. 170. ISBN 978-84-9911-216-9.
• Thomàs, Joan Maria (2019). José Antonio Primo de Rivera: The Reality and Myth of a Spanish Fascist Leader. Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-78920-209-0.
• Thomàs, Joan Maria (2020). "La Alemania nazi y el fascismo español durante la Guerra Civil" [Nazi Germany and Spanish Fascism during the Civil War]. Cuadernos de Historia de España (in Spanish). 87 (87). Buenos Aires: Universidad de Buenos Aires: 38. doi:10.34096/che.n87.9047. ISSN 0325-1195.