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The 2020 United States Senate election in Michigan was held on November 3, 2020, to elect a member of the United States Senate to represent Michigan. It was held concurrently with the 2020 U.S. presidential election, as well as other elections to the United States Senate, elections to the United States House of Representatives and various state and local elections.
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Peters: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% James: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Tie: 40–50% 50% No data | |||||||||||||||||
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This race was one of two-Democratic held U.S. Senate seats up for election in 2020 in a state Donald Trump won in 2016.[1] The primary was held on August 4.[2]
The filing deadline for candidates to run in the primary was April 21[3] but was extended to May 8 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[4] The election was considered a potential upset pickup by the Republicans due to the state's demographic trends, Donald Trump's upset win in 2016, and Republican candidate John James's outperformance of polling expectations despite losing the state's Senate election in 2018. However, most analysts still believed Gary Peters to be the more likely winner.
Peters won re-election to a second term, though by a much closer margin than expected.[5] James, who outperformed Trump on the same ballot, initially refused to concede,[6] baselessly claiming in a statement published to his campaign website two days after the election that he had been "cheated" out of winning the election. The statement alleged that there were "deep concerns that millions of Michiganders may have been disenfranchised by a dishonest few who cheat.".[7] On November 24, James conceded the race exactly three weeks after election day.[8] With a margin of 1.68%, this election was the second-closest race of the 2020 Senate election cycle, behind only the regularly-scheduled election in Georgia.
Organizations
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Democratic | Gary Peters (incumbent) | 1,180,780 | 100.0% | |
Total votes | 1,180,780 | 100.0% |
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Republican | John James | 1,005,315 | 100.0% | |
Total votes | 1,005,315 | 100.0% |
Source | Ranking | As of |
---|---|---|
The Cook Political Report[50] | Lean D | October 29, 2020 |
Inside Elections[51] | Lean D | October 28, 2020 |
Sabato's Crystal Ball[52] | Lean D | November 2, 2020 |
Daily Kos[53] | Lean D | October 30, 2020 |
Politico[54] | Lean D | November 2, 2020 |
RCP[55] | Tossup | October 23, 2020 |
DDHQ[56] | Likely D | November 3, 2020 |
538[57] | Likely D | November 2, 2020 |
Economist[58] | Likely D | November 2, 2020 |
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Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
John James vs. Gary Peters | ||||||
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Source of poll aggregation | Dates administered | Dates updated | Gary Peters | John James | Other/Undecided[c] | Margin |
270 To Win[98] | November 2, 2020 | November 3, 2020 | 49.8% | 42.2% | 8.0% | Peters +7.6 |
Real Clear Politics[99] | November 1, 2020 | November 3, 2020 | 49.8% | 44.4% | 5.8% | Peters +5.4 |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Gary Peters (D) |
John James (R) |
Other/ Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Research Co.[100] | October 31 – November 1, 2020 | 450 (LV) | ± 4.6% | 52% | 37% | 12%[d] |
Change Research/CNBC[101] | October 29 – November 1, 2020 | 383 (LV) | ± 5.01% | 51% | 46% | 3%[e] |
Swayable[102] | October 27 – November 1, 2020 | 393 (LV) | ± 6.6% | 54% | 46% | – |
Ipsos/Reuters[103] | October 27 – November 1, 2020 | 654 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 51% | 44% | 5%[f] |
Ipsos/Reuters[103] | October 27 – November 1, 2020 | 654 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 51% | 44% | 5%[g] |
Morning Consult[104] | October 22–31, 2020 | 1,736 (LV) | ± 2.0% | 49% | 43% | – |
Emerson College[105] | October 29–30, 2020 | 700 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 52%[h] | 46% | 2%[i] |
Public Policy Polling (D)[106][A] | October 29–30, 2020 | 745 (V) | ± 3.6% | 54% | 44% | 2%[j] |
Targoz Market Research/PollSmart[107] | October 25–30, 2020 | 993 (LV) | – | 54% | 43% | 2%[k] |
CNN/SSRS[108] | October 23–30, 2020 | 907 (LV) | ± 3.8% | 52% | 40% | 7%[l] |
Mitchell Research (R)[109] | October 29, 2020 | 817 (LV) | ± 3.43% | 50% | 45% | 5%[m] |
RMG Research[110] | October 27–29, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 50%[n] | 41% | 9%[o] |
52%[p] | 39% | 9%[q] | ||||
48%[r] | 42% | 9%[s] | ||||
EPIC-MRA[111] | October 25–28, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 47% | 42% | 11%[t] |
Kiaer Research[112] | October 21–28, 2020 | 669 (LV) | ± 5.6% | 51% | 38% | 11%[u] |
Mitchell Research (R)[113] | October 25–27, 2020 | 759 (LV) | ± 3.56% | 52% | 43% | 3%[v] |
Tarrance Group (R)[114][B] | October 24–26, 2020[w] | – (V)[x] | ± 4.3% | 48% | 46% | 1%[y] |
Swayable[115] | October 23–26, 2020 | 365 (LV) | ± 6.9% | 58% | 42% | – |
Siena College/NYT Upshot[116] | October 23–26, 2020 | 856 (LV) | ± 3.8% | 49% | 41% | 8%[z] |
Ipsos/Reuters[117] | October 20–26, 2020 | 652 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 50% | 44% | 6%[aa] |
Glengariff Group[118] | October 23–25, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 48% | 39% | 9%[ab] |
ABC/Washington Post[119] | October 20–25, 2020 | 789 (LV) | ± 4% | 52% | 46% | 2%[ac] |
Gravis Marketing[120] | October 24, 2020 | 679 (LV) | ± 3.8% | 52% | 41% | 7%[ad] |
Public Policy Polling (D)[121][C] | October 21–22, 2020 | 804 (V) | – | 52% | 43% | 6%[ae] |
Citizen Data[122] | October 17–20, 2020 | 1,000 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 46% | 42% | 12%[af] |
FOX News[123] | October 17–20, 2020 | 1,032 (LV) | ± 3% | 49% | 41% | 9%[ag] |
Reuters/Ipsos[124] | October 14–20, 2020 | 686 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 50% | 45% | 5%[ah] |
Morning Consult[104] | October 11–20, 2020 | 1,717 (LV) | ± 2.4% | 48% | 42% | – |
Change Research/CNBC[125] | October 16–19, 2020 | 718 (LV)[ai] | – | 50% | 45% | – |
EPIC-MRA[126] | October 15–19, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 45% | 39% | 16%[aj] |
Mitchell Research (R)[127] | October 18, 2020 | 900 (LV) | ± 3.27% | 49% | 43% | 8%[ak] |
Trafalgar Group (R)/Restoration PAC (Hyperpartisan)[128][129][96][130][D] | October 15–18, 2020 | 1,034 (LV) | ± 2.97% | 48% | 50% | 3%[al] |
Data For Progress[131] | October 15–18, 2020 | 830 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 48% | 43% | 9%[am] |
HarrisX/The Hill[132] | October 12–15, 2020 | 1,289 (LV) | – | 50%[an] | 43% | – |
Trafalgar Group (R)[133] | October 11–15, 2020 | 1,018 (LV) | ± 2.99% | 47% | 48% | 5%[ao] |
Reuters/Ipsos[134] | October 7–13, 2020 | 620 (LV) | ± 4.5% | 52% | 44% | 4%[ap] |
EPIC-MRA[135] | October 8–12, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 45% | 39% | 16%[aq] |
Siena College/NYT Upshot[136] | October 6–11, 2020 | 614 (LV) | ± 4.6% | 43% | 42% | 15%[ar] |
Morning Consult[137] | October 2–11, 2020 | 1,710 (LV) | ± 2.4% | 49% | 40% | – |
YouGov/CBS[138] | October 6–9, 2020 | 1,181 (LV) | ± 3.3% | 47% | 44% | 9%[as] |
Baldwin Wallace University[139] | September 30 – October 8, 2020 | 1,134 (LV) | ± 3.2% | 48% | 42% | 10%[at] |
Emerson College[140] | October 6–7, 2020 | 716 (LV) | ± 3.6% | 51% | 41% | 8%[au] |
Opinion Insight/American Action Forum[141][E] | October 3–6, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.46% | 49%[av] | 42% | 8%[aw] |
Reuters/Ipsos[142] | September 29 – October 6, 2020 | 709 (LV) | ± 4.2% | 50% | 43% | 7%[ax] |
Tarrance Group (R)[143][B] | October 3–5, 2020 | 605 (RV) | ± 4.1% | 48% | 46% | – |
Change Research/CNBC[144] | October 2–4, 2020 | 676 (LV) | – | 51% | 43% | 6%[ay] |
Glengariff Group[145] | September 30 – October 3, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 45% | 40% | 16%[az] |
Public Policy Polling (D)[146][F] | September 30 – October 1, 2020 | 746 (V) | – | 48% | 41% | 10%[ba] |
Trafalgar Group (R)/Restoration PAC (Hyperpartisan)[147][148][G] | September 26–28, 2020 | 1,042 (LV) | ± 2.95% | 48% | 47% | 5%[bb] |
Trafalgar Group (R)[149] | September 23–25, 2020 | 1,047 (LV) | ± 2.95% | 47% | 47% | 6%[bc] |
Marist College/NBC[150] | September 19–23, 2020 | 799 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 49% | 44% | 7%[bd] |
Baldwin Wallace University[151] | September 9–22, 2020 | 1,001 (LV) | ± 3.6% | 46% | 41% | 13% |
Change Research/CNBC[152] | September 18–20, 2020 | 568 (LV) | – | 50% | 44% | 5%[be] |
Morning Consult[153] | September 11–20, 2020 | 1,376 (LV) | ± (2% – 7%) | 47%[bf] | 40% | – |
Hart Research Associates (D)[154][H] | September 17–19, 2020 | 400 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 50% | 42% | – |
Data for Progress (D)[155] | September 14–19, 2020 | 455 (LV) | ± 4.6% | 47% | 42% | 12%[bg] |
Marketing Resource Group (R)[156] | September 14–19, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 42% | 40% | 20%[bh] |
Morning Consult[157] | September 8–17, 2020 | 1,451 (LV)[bi] | ± (2% – 4%) | 48% | 40% | – |
Ipsos/Reuters[158] | September 11–16, 2020 | 637 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 49% | 43% | 7%[bj] |
EPIC-MRA[159] | September 10–15, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 45% | 41% | 14%[bk] |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[160] | September 12–14, 2020 | 930 (LV) | ± 3.21% | 51% | 35% | 13%[bl] |
Benenson Strategy Group/GS Strategy Group[161][I] | August 28 – September 8, 2020 | 1,600 (LV) | ± 2.5% | 45% | 41% | 14%[bm] |
Change Research/CNBC[162] | September 4–6, 2020 | 876 (LV) | ± 3.2% | 50% | 46% | 5%[bn] |
Rasmussen Reports[163] | September 2–3, 2020 | 1,000 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 48% | 40% | 13%[bo] |
Glengariff Group/Detroit News[164] | September 1–3, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 44% | 41% | 14%[bp] |
Tarrance Group (R)[165][B] | September 1–3, 2020 | 569 (RV) | – | 47% | 46% | 7%[bq] |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[166] | August 30 – September 3, 2020 | 967 (LV) | ± 3.2% | 50% | 38% | 12%[br] |
Opinion Insight/American Action Forum[167][E] | August 30 – September 2, 2020 | 802 (LV) | ± 3.46% | 49%[bs] | 42% | 8%[bt] |
Public Policy Polling (D)[168][F] | August 28–29, 2020 | 897 (V) | ± 3.2% | 47% | 39% | 14%[bu] |
Change Research/CNBC[169] | August 21–23, 2020 | 809 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 50% | 45% | 6%[bv] |
Trafalgar Group (R)[170] | August 14–23, 2020 | 1,048 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 47% | 48% | 5%[bw] |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[171] | August 16–18, 2020 | 812 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 48% | 39% | 13%[bx] |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC[172][J](Hyperpartisan)[173] | August 11–15, 2020 | 600 (LV) | – | 53% | 39% | 8%[by] |
Tarrance Group (R)[165][B] | August 10–13, 2020 | 602 (RV) | ± 4.1% | 49% | 44% | 7% |
Change Research/CNBC[174] | August 7–9, 2020 | 413 (LV) | ± 4.6% | 48% | 45% | 7%[bz] |
EPIC-MRA[175] | July 25–30, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 50% | 40% | 10%[ca] |
Public Policy Polling (D)[176][F] | July 28–29, 2020 | 876 (V) | ± 3.2% | 47% | 39% | 13%[cb] |
Change Research/CNBC[177] | July 24–26, 2020 | 413 (LV) | ± 4.8% | 48% | 44% | 8% |
Morning Consult[178] | July 17–26, 2020 | 1,320 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 49% | 35% | 16% |
CNN/SSRS[179] | July 18–24, 2020 | 927 (RV) | ± 3.8% | 54% | 38% | 8%[cc] |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[180] | July 19–23, 2020 | 811 (LV) | ± 3.2% | 52% | 35% | 13%[cd] |
Gravis Marketing[181][182] | July 22, 2020 | 754 (LV) | ± 3.6% | 49% | 39% | 11%[ce] |
Marketing Resource Group (R)[183] | July 19–21, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 41% | 34% | 26%[cf] |
FOX News[184] | July 18–20, 2020 | 756 (RV) | ± 3.5% | 48% | 38% | 15%[cg] |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[185][186] | July 13–16, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 40% | 9%[ch] |
Spry Strategies (R)[187][K] | July 11–16, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 47% | 37% | 15%[ci] |
Change Research/CNBC[188] | July 10–12, 2020 | 824 (LV) | ± 2.8% | 50% | 43% | 6%[cj] |
Public Policy Polling (D)[189][L] | July 9–10, 2020 | 1,041 (V) | ± 3.2% | 49% | 42% | 9% |
Change Research/CNBC[190] | June 26–28, 2020 | 699 (LV)[ck] | ± 3.9% | 49% | 42% | 9%[cl] |
Public Policy Polling (D)[191][F] | June 26–27, 2020 | 1,237 (V) | ± 3.2% | 47% | 39% | 14%[cm] |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[192][193][102][194][195][196][197][198][199][98][100] | June 17–20, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 38% | 12%[cn] |
NYT Upshot/Siena College[200] | June 8–17, 2020 | 610 (RV) | ± 4.3% | 41% | 31% | 29%[co] |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[201] | June 14–16, 2020 | 826 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 50% | 32% | 18%[cp] |
Marketing Resource Group (R)[202] | June 12–15, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 36% | 30% | 33%[cq] |
American Greatness/TIPP (R)[203] | June 9–12, 2020 | 907 (RV) | ± 3.3% | 47% | 35% | 17%[cr] |
Kiaer Research[204] | May 31 – June 7, 2020 | 543 (LV) | ± 6.4% | 48% | 32% | 20%[cs] |
EPIC-MRA[205] | May 30 – June 3, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 36% | 13%[ct] |
Public Policy Polling (D)[206][F] | May 29–30, 2020 | 1,582 (V) | ± 2.5% | 48% | 39% | 13%[cu] |
Change Research/Crooked Media[207] | May 11–17, 2020 | 3,070 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 48% | 43% | 9% |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[208][209][109][210][211][212][213][214][215][99][101][96] | May 1–5, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 48% | 36% | 17%[cv] |
Public Policy Polling (D)[216] | April 28–29, 2020 | 1,270 (V) | ± 3.2% | 46% | 37% | 17% |
FOX News[217] | April 18–21, 2020 | 801 (RV) | ± 3.5% | 46% | 36% | 13% |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[218][219] | April 9–18, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 46% | 37% | 17% |
Public Policy Polling (D)[220] | March 31 – April 1, 2020 | 1,019 (V) | ± 3.1% | 45% | 38% | 17% |
Spry Strategies (R)[221] | March 30 – April 1, 2020 | 602 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 42% | 40% | 18% |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[222][223][117][224][225][226][227][228][229][101][103][98] | March 12–21, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 48% | 39% | 13% |
Marketing Resource Group (R)[230] | March 16–20, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 42% | 35% | 17%[cw] |
Firehouse/0ptimus[231] | March 5–7, 2020 | 550 (LV) | ± 5.0% | 40% | 41% | 11% |
Quinnipiac University[232] | February 12–18, 2020 | 845 (RV) | ± 3.4% | 45% | 39% | 15% |
Baldwin Wallace University[233] | January 8–20, 2020 | 1,023 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 42% | 32% | 26% |
Glengariff Group[234] | January 3–7, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 44% | 40% | 16% |
Emerson College[235] | October 31 – November 3, 2019 | 1,051 (RV) | ± 3.5% | 46% | 40% | 14% |
Hodas & Associates Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[236][237] | October 10–16, 2019[cx] | 600 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 48% | 35% | 17% |
Marketing Resource Group (R)[238] | October 7–10, 2019 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 43% | 40% | 17% |
Target-Insyght/MIRS News[239] | September 24–26, 2019 | 804 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 53% | 37% | 10% |
Denno Research/Vanguard PA/PSC (D)[240] | September 21–24, 2019 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 40% | 39% | 21% |
Target Insyght[45] | April 22–25, 2019 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 50% | 36% | 14% |
Emerson College[241] | March 7–10, 2019 | 743 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 44% | 43% | 14% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Generic Democrat |
Generic Republican |
Other | Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Glengariff Group/Detroit News[245] | October 23–25, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 47% | 41% | – | – |
Ipsos/Reuters[158] | September 11–16, 2020 | 637 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 47% | 43% | 2%[da] | 8%[db] |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC[172][M] | August 11–15, 2020 | 600 (LV) | – | 48% | 39% | – | 13% |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[185][186] | July 13–16, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 49% | 38% | – | 13% |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R)[246] | June 17–20, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 50% | 34% | – | 15% |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[208] | May 1–5, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 43% | 38% | 15%[dc] | – |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[247] | April 9–18, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 40% | 44% | 16%[dd] | – |
Hodas & Associates/Restoration PAC (R) (Hyperpartisan)[248] | March 12–21, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 46% | 42% | 12%[de] | – |
The following poll assumes neither Republican candidate would withdraw after their primary.
with Bob Carr and John James
with Bill Schuette
with Gary Peters and Generic Republican
with Gary Peters and Generic Opponent
with Generic Democrat and Generic Republican
Polls indicated that the race would be close, with Peters leading in most polls. In 2018, Michigan voters approved "no reason required" absentee balloting.[249] The COVID-19 pandemic led to a record number of absentee voters.[250] Michigan law at that time did not allow for early tabulating of absentee ballots,[251][252] so the absentee ballots were tabulated after completing the tabulating of ballots from polling places. This created a "mirage" effect because more Republicans voted on election day, and more Democrats voted by absentee ballot.[253] James was ahead when the counting of election day ballots was completed. When the absentee ballots were tabulated, and with 98% of the votes counted, Peters was declared the winner by a tight margin of one percentage point after a day of waiting.[254] When the results were certified on November 23, Peters' margin of victory was 1.68%.[255]
Peters was able to win re-election by running up a big margin in Wayne County, home of Detroit, winning over 67% of the vote there. He also managed to improve his performance in the reliably Democratic Washtenaw County, home of Ann Arbor, improving on his 2014 election by almost three percentage points. He also came within just 1,139 votes of winning Kent County, home of Grand Rapids, having lost the county by over eight percentage points six years prior. Peters was sworn in for his second term on January 3, 2021. His term will expire on January 3, 2027.
African-Americans in Detroit were a major demographic contributing to Peters winning the election.[256]
James would later be elected as a representative in Michigan's 10th congressional district in 2022.
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Democratic | Gary Peters (incumbent) | 2,734,568 | 49.90% | −4.71% | |
Republican | John James | 2,642,233 | 48.22% | +6.89% | |
Constitution | Valerie Willis | 50,597 | 0.92% | −0.28% | |
Green | Marcia Squier | 39,217 | 0.72% | −0.12% | |
Natural Law | Doug Dern | 13,093 | 0.24% | N/A | |
Write-in | 12 | 0.00% | ±0.00% | ||
Total votes | 5,479,720 | 100.0% | |||
Democratic hold |
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Counties that flipped from Democratic to Republican
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John James won eight of Michigan's 14 congressional districts, including one district that was won by a Democrat, and Gary Peters won six of Michigan's 14 congressional districts.
District | James | Peters | Representative |
---|---|---|---|
1st | 58.1% | 40.6% | Jack Bergman |
2nd | 57.0% | 41.1% | Bill Huizenga |
3rd | 53.1% | 44.9% | Justin Amash |
Peter Meijer | |||
4th | 60.6% | 37.8% | John Moolenaar |
5th | 45.4% | 52.8% | Dan Kildee |
6th | 53.4% | 44.5% | Fred Upton |
7th | 56.2% | 41.7% | Tim Walberg |
8th | 50.8% | 47.6% | Elissa Slotkin |
9th | 42.2% | 55.8% | Andy Levin |
10th | 62.6% | 35.5% | Paul Mitchell |
Lisa McClain | |||
11th | 48.7% | 49.9% | Haley Stevens |
12th | 34.4% | 63.4% | Debbie Dingell |
13th | 19.2% | 77.8% | Rashida Tlaib |
14th | 20.2% | 77.9% | Brenda Lawrence |
After Peters took the lead in the election on the 4th, James refused to concede the race. The following day, James claimed that he had been cheated out of winning the election in a statement published on his campaign website. The statement said that there were "[...] deep concerns that millions of Michiganders may have been disenfranchised by a dishonest few who cheat" and that "[...] there is enough credible evidence to warrant an investigation to ensure that elections were conducted in a transparent, legal and fair manner."[7] A lawyer for James' campaign alleged that fraud was committed at the TCF Center, which the Trump campaign had also attempted to claim in a dismissed lawsuit.[6][259][260] James conceded the election to Peters on November 24.[261]
Partisan clients
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