Loading AI tools
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The 2022 Texas gubernatorial election took place on November 8, 2022, to elect the governor of Texas. Incumbent Republican governor Greg Abbott won re-election to a third term, defeating Democratic nominee and former Congressman, Beto O'Rourke.[1] All statewide elected offices are currently held by Republicans. In his previous gubernatorial race in 2018, Abbott won with 55.8% of the vote.[2]
![]() | |||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||
Turnout | 45.85% ![]() | ||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| |||||||||||||||||
Abbott: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% O'Rourke: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Tie: 40–50% 50% No data | |||||||||||||||||
|
The Democratic and Republican primaries were held on March 1, 2022. O'Rourke and Abbott won outright majorities in their respective primaries, and therefore did not participate in the May 24 runoffs.
Texas has not elected a Democratic candidate for governor since Ann Richards in 1990. Additionally, Abbott had a strong approval rating on election day, with 55% of voters approving to 45% disapproving.[3] Beto O'Rourke, who gained national attention in 2018 for his unusually close and competitive campaign against Senator Ted Cruz, was widely viewed as a rising star in the Texas Democratic Party and potential challenger for Abbott, but a failed run for President of the United States in 2020 prompted criticisms of opportunism via Republican attempts to brand him as anti-law enforcement and his former comments on guns.
Abbott won by 10.9%, a slightly smaller margin of victory than his 13.3% margin in 2018 in spite of a much more Republican national climate in 2022, making this the closest gubernatorial election in Texas since 2006, and the closest election of Abbott's entire political career since his first race for the Texas Supreme Court in 1998. Beto O'Rourke, meanwhile, performed 8.3% worse than his 2018 Senate run, but he still won the highest share for a Democratic gubernatorial candidate since Ann Richards received 45.9% in her unsuccessful reelection bid against George W. Bush in 1994. Abbott's raw vote total was less than his 4.65 million in 2018, while O'Rourke set a record of most raw votes for a Texas Democratic gubernatorial candidate at around 3.55 million, but it was also less than his 4.04 million vote total in the 2018 Senate race.
Abbott carried 235 out of 254 counties, flipping the heavily Hispanic counties of Culberson and Zapata and becoming the first Republican gubernatorial candidate to win the latter in the state's history (though Zapata had earlier voted Republican in the 2020 presidential election), while O'Rourke became the first Democratic gubernatorial candidate to win the county of Fort Bend since 1974. O'Rourke outperformed Joe Biden two years prior among Latino voters, though his performance with them was still worse than past nominees.
On June 4, 2021, Texas Republican Party chairman Allen West announced his resignation as party chair.[4] West criticized Gov. Greg Abbott's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic in Texas.[5] The history of conflict between West and Abbott included a lawsuit by West and other Republicans challenging Abbott's extension of the early voting period in 2020, as well as a protest outside the Governor's Mansion over pandemic-related shutdowns as well as mask mandates.[6] On July 4, 2021, West announced that he would challenge Abbott in the 2022 gubernatorial primary.[7] Both West and fellow gubernatorial candidate Don Huffines were considered more conservative than Abbott.[8][9] On March 1, 2022, Abbott won the Republican primary by a smaller margin than in 2018.
![]() | Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Greg Abbott |
Don Huffines |
Ricky Lynn Perry |
Chad Prather |
Allen West |
Other | Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
The Trafalgar Group (R) | February 25–28, 2022 | 1,040 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 62% | 10% | 2% | 2% | 15% | 5%[lower-alpha 2] | 3% |
Emerson College | February 21–22, 2022 | 522 (LV) | ± 4.2% | 61% | 9% | 3% | 3% | 12% | 3%[lower-alpha 3] | 9% |
UT Tyler | February 8–15, 2022 | 581 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 60% | 3% | 6% | 3% | 7% | 5%[lower-alpha 4] | 15% |
YouGov/UT | January 28 – February 7, 2022 | 375 (LV) | ± 5.1% | 60% | 14% | 5% | 3% | 15% | 3%[lower-alpha 5] | – |
Paradigm Partners (R)[upper-alpha 1] | January 31, 2022 | 1,542 (LV) | ± 2.5% | 34% | 5% | 6% | 6% | 43% | 3%[lower-alpha 6] | 4% |
UT Tyler | January 18–25, 2022 | 514 (LV) | ± 5.1% | 59% | 4% | 4% | 2% | 6% | 4%[lower-alpha 7] | 20% |
YouGov/UH | January 14–24, 2022 | 490 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 58% | 7% | 3% | 2% | 11% | 2%[lower-alpha 8] | 17% |
Paradigm Partners (R)[upper-alpha 1] | January 9, 2022 | 1,486 (LV) | ± 2.5% | 33% | 5% | 12% | 3% | 38% | 3%[lower-alpha 9] | 7% |
Paradigm Partners (R)[upper-alpha 1] | December 16, 2021 | 447 (LV) | ± 4.5% | 33% | 2% | 15% | 1% | 35% | – | 14% |
Paradigm Partners (R)[upper-alpha 1] | November 30, 2021 | – (LV) | – | 42% | 3% | – | 2% | 36% | – | 17% |
UT Tyler | November 9–16, 2021 | 520 (LV) | ± 4.7% | 65% | 3% | – | 6% | 6% | 3% | 18% |
Paradigm Partners (R)[upper-alpha 1] | November 11, 2021 | – (LV) | – | 43% | 3% | – | 2% | 33% | – | 19% |
YouGov/UT/TT | October 22–31, 2021 | 554 (RV) | ± 4.2% | 56% | 7% | – | 4% | 13% | 4% | 16% |
YouGov/TXHPF | October 14–27, 2021 | 405 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 61% | 4% | – | 3% | 13% | – | 19% |
UT Tyler | September 7–14, 2021 | 427 (LV) | ± 6.1% | 70% | 15% | – | – | – | 15% | – |
431 (LV) | ± 6.0% | 65% | – | – | – | 20% | 15% | – | ||
Victory Insights (R) | July 22–24, 2021 | 400 (RV) | ± 4.9% | 80% | – | – | – | 20% | – | – |
Paradigm Partners (R)[upper-alpha 1] | June 30, 2021 | – (LV) | – | 73% | – | – | – | 17% | – | 10% |
UT Tyler | June 22–29, 2021 | 440 (LV) | ± 5.4% | 77% | 12% | – | – | – | 11% | – |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Greg Abbott |
Don Huffines |
Sid Miller |
Allen West |
Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Public Opinion Strategies (R)[upper-alpha 2] | June 14–17, 2021 | 446 (LV) | ± 4.6% | 69% | 3% | 3% | 13% | – |
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Republican | Greg Abbott (incumbent) | 1,299,059 | 66.48% | |
Republican | Allen West | 239,557 | 12.26% | |
Republican | Don Huffines | 234,138 | 11.98% | |
Republican | Chad Prather | 74,173 | 3.80% | |
Republican | Ricky Lynn Perry | 61,424 | 3.14% | |
Republican | Kandy Kaye Horn | 23,605 | 1.21% | |
Republican | Paul Belew | 11,387 | 0.58% | |
Republican | Danny Harrison | 10,829 | 0.55% | |
Total votes | 1,954,172 | 100% |
![]() | Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Inocencio Barrientez |
Michael Cooper |
Joy Diaz |
Jack Foster Jr. |
Deirdre Gilbert |
Star Locke |
Beto O'Rourke |
Rich Wakeland |
Other | Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Emerson College | February 21–22, 2022 | 388 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 1% | 5% | 4% | – | – | – | 78% | 2% | – | 11% |
UT Tyler | February 8–15, 2022 | 479 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 2% | 3% | 4% | 2% | 2% | 2% | 68% | 2% | – | 14% |
YouGov/UT | January 28 – February 7, 2022 | 348 (LV) | ± 5.3% | 2% | 1% | 2% | – | – | – | 93% | 1% | 1% | – |
UT Tyler | January 18–25, 2022 | 459 (LV) | ± 5.4% | 1% | 6% | 4% | 2% | 1% | 1% | 58% | 0% | – | 27% |
YouGov/UH | January 14–24, 2022 | 616 (LV) | ± 3.3% | 3% | 4% | 3% | – | – | – | 73% | 1% | – | 16% |
YouGov/UT/TT | October 22–31, 2021 | 436 (RV) | ± 4.7% | – | – | – | – | – | – | 70% | – | 5% | 25% |
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Democratic | Beto O'Rourke | 983,182 | 91.41% | |
Democratic | Joy Diaz | 33,622 | 3.13% | |
Democratic | Michael Cooper | 32,673 | 3.04% | |
Democratic | Rich Wakeland | 13,237 | 1.23% | |
Democratic | Inocencio Barrientez | 12,887 | 1.20% | |
Total votes | 1,075,601 | 100% |
Source | Ranking | As of |
---|---|---|
The Cook Political Report[91] | Likely R | March 4, 2022 |
Inside Elections[92] | Solid R | July 22, 2022 |
Sabato's Crystal Ball[93] | Likely R | June 29, 2022 |
Politico[94] | Likely R | April 1, 2022 |
RCP[95] | Lean R | January 10, 2022 |
Fox News[96] | Likely R | May 12, 2022 |
538[97] | Solid R | September 21, 2022 |
Elections Daily[98] | Likely R | November 7, 2022 |
No. | Date | Host | Moderators | Link | Republican | Democratic |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Key:
P Participant A Absent N Non-invitee I Invitee W Withdrawn |
||||||
Greg Abbott | Beto O'Rourke | |||||
1 | Sep. 30, 2022 | KXAN-TV | Sally Hernandez Gromer Jeffers Steve Spriester |
KXAN-TV | P | P |
Source of poll aggregation |
Dates administered |
Dates updated |
Greg Abbott (R) |
Beto O'Rourke (D) |
Other [lower-alpha 10] |
Margin |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Real Clear Politics | October 3–19, 2022 | October 25, 2022 | 52.8% | 43.5% | 3.7% | Abbott +9.3 |
FiveThirtyEight | June 14, 2021 – October 25, 2022 | October 25, 2022 | 51.4% | 42.9% | 5.7% | Abbott +8.5 |
Average | 52.1% | 43.2% | 4.7% | Abbott +8.9 |
![]() | Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Greg Abbott (R) |
Beto O'Rourke (D) |
Other | Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
CWS Research (R)[upper-alpha 3] | November 2–5, 2022 | 786 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 53% | 42% | 2% | 3% |
UT Tyler | October 17–24, 2022 | 1,330 (RV) | ± 2.9% | 47% | 44% | 7%[lower-alpha 11] | 1% |
973 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 50% | 44% | 5%[lower-alpha 12] | 1% | ||
Emerson College | October 17–19, 2022 | 1,000 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 52% | 42% | 1%[lower-alpha 13] | 4% |
53% | 44% | 3%[lower-alpha 14] | – | ||||
Siena College | October 16–19, 2022 | 649 (LV) | ± 5.1% | 52% | 43% | 2%[lower-alpha 15] | 4% |
Beacon Research (D)[upper-alpha 4] | October 15–19, 2022 | 1,264 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 48% | 45% | – | – |
BSP Research/UT[upper-alpha 5] | October 11–18, 2022 | 1,400 (RV) | ± 2.6% | 46% | 42% | 3%[lower-alpha 16] | 9% |
YouGov/UT | October 7–17, 2022 | 833 (LV) | ± 3.3% | 54% | 43% | 4%[lower-alpha 17] | 2% |
Civiqs | October 8–11, 2022 | 791 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 52% | 44% | 3%[lower-alpha 18] | 0% |
Marist College | October 3–6, 2022 | 1,058 (RV) | ± 4.4% | 49% | 45% | 1%[lower-alpha 19] | 5% |
898 (LV) | ± 4.8% | 52% | 44% | 1%[lower-alpha 20] | 4% | ||
Quinnipiac University | September 22–26, 2022 | 1,327 (LV) | ± 2.7% | 53% | 46% | 2%[lower-alpha 21] | – |
Emerson College | September 20–22, 2022 | 1,000 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 50% | 42% | 4%[lower-alpha 22] | 5% |
ActiVote | June 23 – September 21, 2022 | 323 (LV) | ± 6.0% | 47% | 40% | 12%[lower-alpha 23] | – |
Siena College | September 14–18, 2022 | 651 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 50% | 43% | 2%[lower-alpha 24] | 5% |
Texas Hispanic Policy Foundation | September 6–15, 2022 | 1,172 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 51% | 44% | 2%[lower-alpha 25] | 3% |
UT Tyler | September 7–13, 2022 | 1,268 (RV) | ± 2.9% | 47% | 38% | 9%[lower-alpha 26] | 2% |
Data for Progress (D) | September 2–9, 2022 | 712 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 50% | 45% | 2%[lower-alpha 27] | 3% |
Echelon Insights | August 31 – September 7, 2022 | 813 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 48% | 46% | – | 6% |
YouGov/UT | August 26 – September 6, 2022 | 1,200 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 45% | 40% | 4%[lower-alpha 28] | 11% |
YouGov/UH/TSU | August 11–29, 2022 | 1,312 (LV) | ± 2.7% | 49% | 42% | 2%[lower-alpha 29] | 7% |
UT Tyler Archived October 31, 2022, at the Wayback Machine | August 1–7, 2022 | 1,384 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 46% | 39% | 13%[lower-alpha 30] | 1% |
1,215 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 48% | 42% | 9%[lower-alpha 31] | 1% | ||
YouGov/UH | June 27 – July 7, 2022 | 1,169 (RV) | ± 2.9% | 47% | 42% | 2%[lower-alpha 32] | 9% |
1,006 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 49% | 44% | 2%[lower-alpha 32] | 5% | ||
YouGov/CBS News | June 22–27, 2022 | 548 (LV) | ± 6.6% | 49% | 41% | 4% | 6% |
YouGov/UT | June 16–24, 2022 | 1,200 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 45% | 39% | 6%[lower-alpha 33] | 10% |
YouGov/PerryUndem | June 15–24, 2022 | 2,000 (RV) | ± 2.2% | 47% | 43% | 3% | 5% |
Quinnipiac University | June 9–13, 2022 | 1,257 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 48% | 43% | 2% | 5% |
Blueprint Polling (D) Archived June 13, 2022, at the Wayback Machine | June 8–10, 2022 | 603 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 56% | 37% | – | 7% |
UT Tyler | May 2–10, 2022 | 1,232 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 46% | 39% | 14%[lower-alpha 34] | 2% |
YouGov/UT | April 14–22, 2022 | 1,200 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 48% | 37% | 7% | 9% |
YouGov/TXHPF | March 18–28, 2022 | 1,139 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 50% | 42% | 3%[lower-alpha 35] | 5% |
Texas Lyceum | March 11–20, 2022 | 926 (RV) | ± 3.2% | 42% | 40% | 7% | 11% |
Emerson College | February 21–22, 2022 | 1,000 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 52% | 45% | – | 3% |
UT Tyler | February 8–15, 2022 | 1,188 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 45% | 38% | 16% | 1% |
Climate Nexus | February 1–9, 2022 | 806 (LV) | ± 3.6% | 45% | 40% | 7% | 8% |
YouGov/UT | January 28 – February 7, 2022 | 1,200 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 47% | 37% | 6% | 11% |
UT Tyler | January 18–25, 2022 | 1,072 (RV) | ± 3.5% | 47% | 36% | 16% | 1% |
YouGov/UH | January 14–24, 2022 | – (LV)[lower-alpha 36] | –[lower-alpha 36] | 48% | 43% | 3%[lower-alpha 37] | 6% |
Quinnipiac University | December 2–6, 2021 | 1,224 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 52% | 37% | 4% | 6% |
UT Tyler | November 9–16, 2021 | 1,106 (RV) | ± 3.2% | 45% | 39% | 16% | – |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies | November 9, 2021 | 884 (RV) | ± 3.3% | 40% | 39% | 5% | 7% |
854 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 43% | 44% | 5% | 6% | ||
YouGov/UT/TT | October 22–31, 2021 | 1,200 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 46% | 37% | 7% | 10% |
YouGov/TXHPF | October 14–27, 2021 | 1,402 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 43% | 42% | 3%[lower-alpha 38] | 12% |
UT Tyler | September 7–14, 2021 | 1,148 (RV) | ± 3.7% | 42% | 37% | 21% | – |
UT Tyler | June 22–29, 2021 | 1,090 (RV) | ± 3.0% | 45% | 33% | 22% | – |
Public Opinion Strategies (R)[upper-alpha 6] | June 14–17, 2021 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 52% | 42% | – | 6% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Greg Abbott (R) |
Julián Castro (D) |
Other | Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Redfield & Wilton Strategies | November 9, 2021 | 884 (RV) | ± 3.3% | 43% | 35% | 4% | 9% |
854 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 45% | 39% | 4% | 8% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Greg Abbott (R) |
Beto O'Rourke (D) |
Matthew McConaughey (I) |
Other | Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Echelon Insights | August 31 – September 7, 2022 | 813 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 42% | 39% | 13% | – | 6% |
UT Tyler | November 9–16, 2021 | 1,106 (RV) | ± 3.2% | 37% | 26% | 27% | 10% | – |
YouGov/TXHPF | October 14–27, 2021 | 1,402 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 40% | 37% | 9% | 2%[lower-alpha 39] | 12% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Greg Abbott (R) |
Don Huffines |
Other |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
UT Tyler | June 22–29, 2021 | 1,090 (RV) | ± 3.0% | 46% | 22% | 32% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Greg Abbott (R) |
Matthew McConaughey |
Other |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
UT Tyler | November 9–16, 2021 | 1,106 (RV) | ± 3.2% | 35% | 43% | 22% |
UT Tyler | September 7–14, 2021 | 1,148 (RV) | ± 3.7% | 35% | 44% | 21% |
UT Tyler | June 22–29, 2021 | 1,090 (RV) | ± 3.0% | 39% | 38% | 23% |
UT Tyler | April 6–13, 2021 | 1,124 (RV) | ± 2.9% | 33% | 45% | 22% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Greg Abbott (R) |
Generic Democrat |
Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Data for Progress (D)[upper-alpha 7] | September 15–22, 2020 | 726 (LV) | ± 3.6% | 46% | 34% | 20% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 1] |
Margin of error |
Greg Abbott (R) |
Generic Opponent |
Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Quinnipiac University | September 24–27, 2021 | 863 (RV) | ± 3.3% | 42% | 51% | 7% |
Quinnipiac University | June 15–21, 2021 | 1,099 (RV) | ± 3.0% | 46% | 48% | 6% |
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Republican | Greg Abbott (incumbent) | 4,437,099 | 54.76% | −1.05% | |
Democratic | Beto O'Rourke | 3,553,656 | 43.86% | +1.35% | |
Libertarian | Mark Tippetts | 81,932 | 1.01% | −0.68% | |
Green | Delilah Barrios | 28,584 | 0.35% | N/A | |
American Solidarity | Jacqueline Abernathy | 1,243 | 0.02% | N/A | |
Total votes | 8,102,908 | 100.00% | N/A | ||
Turnout | 8,102,908 | 45.85% | |||
Registered electors | 17,672,143 | ||||
Republican hold |
Abbott won 25 of 38 congressional districts.[153]
Texas Democrats hoped for Beto O'Rourke to achieve an upset over the incumbent Greg Abbott, which did not materialize. Abbott won by 10.9%, down from 13.3% in 2018. Abbott's margin was slightly larger than aggregate polling, but virtually in line with the last poll conducted. He won the vast majority of counties (235 out of 254), mostly rural, and by significantly wide margins. In particular, 34 counties, mainly in West Texas and the Texas panhandle, gave Abbott over 90% of the vote. This was the most by any Texas Republican gubernatorial candidate, and the most for any candidate since Democrat Allan Shivers' 1954 re-election.[155]
Abbott won the three largest metro areas in the state, which include Dallas–Fort Worth–Arlington in North Texas, Houston–The Woodlands–Sugar Land in Southeast Texas, and San Antonio–New Braunfels in South-Central Texas. He also won all of the state's mid-sized metro areas outside of the Rio Grande Valley, which include Corpus Christi along the coastal bend; Waco, Killeen–Temple–Fort Hood, and Bryan–College Station in Central Texas; Beaumont–Port Arthur, Tyler and Longview in East Texas; Lubbock, Abilene, and Midland-Odessa in West Texas; and Amarillo in the Panhandle. Abbott also won an urban county, Tarrant, home to Fort Worth and did well in the suburban counties of the Texas Triangle, winning Brazoria, Galveston, and Montgomery counties around Houston; Comal and Guadalupe around San Antonio; Collin, Denton, Ellis, Kaufman, and Rockwall in the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex; and Williamson in Greater Austin.[156]
In DFW and Austin specifically, Republican strength has declined somewhat in these metros, with Abbott carrying Collin, Denton, Tarrant, and Williamson by 10.07%, 12.81%, 4.11%, and 0.62% respectively, down from his margins of 19.48%, 20.60%, 10.64%, and 10.71% from 2018. Excluding the largest metro areas, Abbott improved on his 2018 margins.
O'Rourke, despite his loss, did best in most of Texas's urban centers. He carried Travis, home to the state capital Austin (72.6% - 25.9%), his best performance in the state; El Paso, his home county, 63.4% - 35%; Dallas (62.8% - 35.9%); Bexar, home to San Antonio (57.5% - 41.1%); and Harris (54% - 44.5%). He also carried Hays, a rapidly growing county south of Austin which contains San Marcos and Texas State University along with fast-growing cities of Kyle, and Buda by 54.5% - 43.7%. Despite improving on 2018 nominee Lupe Valdez's margins in these counties, he did worse in all of them compared to his Senate campaign in 2018, and, excluding Travis and Hays, worse than Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential race. The only county O'Rourke flipped was suburban Fort Bend outside Houston, which voted for Abbott by 0.2% in 2018, but voted for O'Rourke by 4.68% in this election.
Outside the Texas Triangle and Trans Pecos, the only other area O'Rourke won was heavily Hispanic South Texas along the U.S. border with Mexico. His performance was worse than Valdez's and his own from 2018, which continued the trend of rural Hispanic voters away from the Democrats towards Republicans, but he did outperform Biden from 2020. Counties that voted for Biden by single digits like Duval (2.61%), Starr (5%), and Maverick (9.45%); voted for O'Rourke 11.02%, 17.85%, and 17.68% respectively. Despite this improvement from the 2020 presidential race, Abbott flipped two heavily Hispanic counties, Zapata and Culberson (in the Trans Pecos).
Exit polls according to NBC News showed Abbott winning male (58% - 41%) and female voters (51% - 48%), whites (66% - 33%), and other races (67% - 31%), voters over 45 (60% - 39%), college graduates (52% - 47%) and non-college graduates (56% - 43%), and voters who denied the results of the 2020 presidential election (94% - 5%). O'Rourke won black voters (84% - 15%), Latinos (57% - 40%), Asians (52% - 48%), voters between 18 and 44 (54% - 44%), Independents (49%-47%) and moderates (60% - 38%).[157][158][159]
Fox News Voter Analysis exit polls showed Abbott winning male (59%-39%) and female voters (51%-48%); whites (68%-30%) and other races and ethnicities (53%-42%); voters over 45 (61%-37%); college graduates (54%-44%), non-college graduates (56%-43%); white men (70%-28%); white women (67%-32%). O'Rourke won African Americans (81%-18%), Latinos (56%-42%); African American men (76%-24%); African American women (85%-13%) and Latina women (61%-37%). O'Rourke also won Latino men (55%-45%).[160]
Seamless Wikipedia browsing. On steroids.
Every time you click a link to Wikipedia, Wiktionary or Wikiquote in your browser's search results, it will show the modern Wikiwand interface.
Wikiwand extension is a five stars, simple, with minimum permission required to keep your browsing private, safe and transparent.