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Nazi analogies or Nazi comparisons are any comparisons or parallels which are related to 纳粹主义 or 納粹德國, which often reference 阿道夫·希特勒, 約瑟夫·戈培爾, the 党卫队, or 猶太人大屠殺.[1] Despite criticism, such comparisons have been employed for a wide variety of reasons since Hitler's rise to power. Some Nazi comparisons are 形式謬誤, such as 希特勒歸謬法. 高德温法则 asserts that a Nazi analogy is increasingly likely the longer an internet discussion continues, though Mike Godwin also noted that not all Nazi comparisons are invalid.
During the Nazi era, 阿道夫·希特勒 was frequently compared to previous leaders including 拿破仑一世, 腓力二世 (马其顿), and 尼布甲尼撒二世. The comparers wanted to make Hitler understandable to their audiences by comparing him to known leaders, but according to historian Gavriel Rosenfeld the comparisons obscured Hitler's radical evil. When Hitler became 德国总理 on 30 January 1933, Hitler was compared to Napoleon by The Brooklyn Eagle and Middletown Times. The 长刀之夜 was compared at the time to such events as the 圣巴多罗买大屠杀, a 1572 massacre of 胡格諾派 by 天主教會. The comparison between Hitler and Philip of Macedon was used by some American journalists who advocated the United States's entry into World War II. Others felt that this did not go far enough and used other metaphors such as Nebuchadnezzar and 帖木儿: Harold Denny of 纽约时报 visited 布痕瓦尔德集中营 and later stated that "Tamerlane built his mountain of skulls ... Hitler’s horrors … dwarf all previous crimes".[2] In a public radio broadcast of 24 August 1941, 温斯顿·丘吉尔 compared Nazi war crimes in the Soviet Union to the 长子西征, saying "There has never [since] been methodical, merciless butchery on such a scale, or approaching such a scale."[3]
Nazism has come to be a metaphor for evil, according to academic Brian Johnson, leading to Nazi comparisons.[4] The 反誹謗聯盟 suggested that the Nazi era had become the "most available historical event illustrating right versus wrong."[5] Rosenfeld noted that Hitler "gained immortality as a historical analogy" and that he became:[2]
... a hegemonic historical analogy. He did not so much join the ranks of earlier historical symbols of evil as render them unusable. Indeed, perhaps because Western observers became convinced that wartime analogies had underestimated the Nazi dictator’s radicalism, they began to employ Hitler as the baseline for evaluating all new threats.
According to the 美國公民自由聯盟, calling someone a Nazi is protected 言論自由 under the 美国宪法第一修正案 to the 美国宪法.[6] In 2008, British radio presenter Jon Gaunt called a guest a Nazi, for which he was fired. An 英國通訊管理局 complaint against TalkSport, his employer, was upheld by the United Kingdom 英格蘭及威爾斯高等法院 in 2010.[7][8] In 2019, the Ukrainian S14 group won a 诽谤 suit against Hromadske, a newspaper which had labeled them neo-Nazi, despite such a characterization having being used by 路透社 and 华盛顿邮报.[9] In Israel, a law was proposed in 2014 that would make it illegal to call someone a Nazi or use symbols associated with the Holocaust (such as striped clothing or 犹太星), in order to respect Holocaust survivors.[10]
Reductio ad Hitlerum, first coined in 1951 by 列奥·施特劳斯, is a logical fallacy which discounts an idea because it was promoted by Hitler or Nazis.[11] 高德温法则, coined in 1990 by 迈克·戈德温, asserts that "as an online discussion grows longer, the probability of a comparison involving Nazis or Hitler approaches 1".[12] A related convention is "Whoever mentions Hitler first, loses the argument."[5][13][14] However, Godwin has said that not all Nazi comparisons are invalid.[15][16]
Public health measures adopted since World War II in order to reduce smoking have been compared with 納粹德國禁煙運動, which is considered by proponents of anti-smoking measures to be a fallacious reductio ad Hitlerum which often exaggerates how much the Nazis actually opposed smoking.[17][18] Historian of science Robert N. Proctor speculates that Nazi associations "forestall[ed] the development of effective anti-tobacco measures by several decades".[19]
According to an editorial by 亚瑟·卡普兰 in 科学 (期刊), 生物倫理學 questions including "stem cell research, end-of-life care, the conduct of clinical trials in poor nations, abortion, embryo research, animal experimentation, genetic testing, or human experimentation involving vulnerable populations" are often compared to Nazi eugenics and 納粹人體實驗. According to Caplan, the Nazi analogy has the potential to shut down debate and its capricious use is unethical.[20] Similar arguments were made by Nat Hentoff in 1988, writing for The Hastings Center Report.[21]
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Analogies between China and Nazi Germany have also been drawn by Australian politician 安德魯·哈斯提.[22] However, China–Nazi comparisons are considered by Edward Luce to be a form of 反華 and potentially a 自证预言.[23]
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While qualified comparisons between Hitler's rise to power and the victory of 唐納·川普 in the 2016年美國總統選舉 have been made by some historians,[24][25] NeverTrump Republicans, and Democrats,[26] the comparison is opposed by other scholars and commentators who cite reasons such as Trump lacking a coherent ideology, not supporting a dictatorship or political violence, and his rejection of interventionist foreign policy.[27] According to Rosenfeld's research, the frequency of comparisons between Trump and Hitler in the media peaked in 2017 and the number of internet searches for "Trump and Hitler" has also decreased from a high point between mid-2015 and mid-2017.[28]
Some 歐洲懷疑主義 politicians, including 英國獨立黨's Gerard Batten[29] and 正统芬兰人党 MP Ville Tavio, have compared the 欧洲联盟 to Nazi Germany.[30] Ukrainian politician Viktor Medvedchuk of the pro-Russia party Ukrainian Choice argues that "objectively" the European Union is the heir of Nazi Germany.[31] In many Greek newspapers during the 希臘國債危機, caricatures appeared depicting the European troika and 安格拉·默克爾 as Nazis preparing to reenact the 軸心國佔領希臘時期.[32] Merkel was also depicted as Hitler during demonstrations against her 2016 visit to the Czech Republic; the demonstrators objected to her approach to the 歐洲移民危機.[33] Opponents argue that the Nazi empire was formed by conquest and that joining the EU is voluntary, among other differences.[34]
The Nazi war of annihilation on the 苏德战争 has been compared to the 美国陆军's conduct in the 北美印第安战争.[35][36] However, Native American demographic collapse was mostly caused by 全球化與疾病, rather than warfare, and historians disagree as to whether the Indian Wars, or parts thereof, can be considered a form of 种族灭绝.[37]
Some historians, including Matthias Küntzel, Wolfgang G. Schwanitz and Barry Rubin, argue that there is a high degree of similarity between the ideologies of Nazism and 伊斯兰主义, especially in their radical antisemitisim.[38][39]
The comparison between Nazi Germany and the 以色列 is considered inaccurate and antisemitic by the 反誹謗聯盟[40] and is part of the Working Definition of Antisemitism.[41]
The AIDS–Holocaust metaphor, used by some activists, is controversial.[42] 苏珊·桑塔格 said that "It’s wrong to compare a situation in which there was real culpability to one in which there is none".[43]
In 2017, 基里尔 (莫斯科大牧首), the highest authority in the 俄罗斯正教会, compared 同性婚姻 to Nazism because in his opinion both were a threat to traditional family.[44] In 2019, 方濟各 (教宗) criticized politicians who lash out at homosexuals, 罗姆人, and Jews, saying that it reminded him of Adolf Hitler's speeches in the 1930s.[45]
The term "second Holocaust" is used for perceived threats to the State of Israel, Jews, and Jewish life.[46] In 2018, Israeli Prime Minister 本雅明·内塔尼亚胡 said "Iran wants a second Holocaust" and to "destroy another six million plus Jews", after his Iranian counterpart described Israel as a "malignant cancerous tumor".[47] In 2019, Israeli education minister Rafi Peretz compared Jewish intermarriage to a "second Holocaust".[48]
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According to a press release of the 美国大屠杀纪念博物馆, "Careless Holocaust analogies may demonize, demean, and intimidate their targets."[49] Jonathan Greenblatt, director of the Anti-Defamation League, said that "misplaced comparisons trivialise this unique tragedy in human history... particularly when public figures invoke the Holocaust in an effort to score political points."[5]
In 2017, the German journalist Pieke Biermann argued that Nazi comparisons were undergoing a process akin to 通货膨胀 due to their increased and inappropriate use.[50]
Amanda Moorghen, a researcher for the English Speaking Union, said that Nazi comparisons were not often persuasive: "Wielding accusations of fascism as an insult doesn't help to get your audience on side - instead, you raise the stakes of the debate, forcing a polarisation between 'good' and 'evil' into a discussion that may have reasonable positions on both sides." Instead, she recommended criticizing the opponent's argument directly.[5]
- 猶太人大屠殺
- Holocaust trivialization
- Never again
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