"Milestones: 1961–1968". Office of the Historian. เก็บจากแหล่งเดิมเมื่อ 23 October 2018. สืบค้นเมื่อ 30 November 2018. Between June 5 and June 10, Israel defeated Egypt, Jordan, and Syria and occupied the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights
Weill, Sharon (2007). "The judicial arm of the occupation: the Israeli military courts in the occupied territories". International Review of the Red Cross. 89 (866): 401. doi:10.1017/s1816383107001142. ISSN1816-3831. S2CID55988443. On 7 June 1967, the day the occupation started, Military Proclamation No. 2 was issued, endowing the area commander with full legislative, executive, and judicial authorities over the West Bank and declaring that the law in force prior to the occupation remained in force as long as it did not contradict new military orders.
Gerhard, William D.; Millington, Henry W. (1981). "Attack on a SIGINT Collector, the USS Liberty" (PDF). NSA History Report, U.S. Cryptologic History series. National Security Agency. partially declassified 1999, 2003.
Mutawi (2002), p.183: "It is clear that King Hussein joined forces with Egypt in the knowledge that there was no possibility of overrunning Israel. Instead, he sought to preserve the status quo. He believed that he could not stand aside at a time when Arab co-operation and solidarity were vital and he was convinced that any Arab confrontation with Israel would be greatly enhanced if the Arabs fought as a unified body. The plan of action devised at his meeting with Nasser in Cairo on 30 May was established on this basis. It was envisaged that Jordan would not take an offensive role but would tie down a proportion of Israel's forces and so prevent it from using its full weight against Egypt and Syria. By forcing Israel to fight a war on three fronts simultaneously King Hussein believed that the Arabs stood a chance of preventing it from making any territorial gains while allowing the Arabs a chance of gaining a political victory, which may, eventually, lead to peace. King Hussein was also convinced that even if Jordan did not participate in the war Israel would take the opportunity to seize the West Bank once it had dealt with Syria and Egypt. He decided that for this reason, the wisest course of action was to bring Jordan into the total Arab effort. This would provide his army with two elements that were essential for its efficient operation – additional troops and air cover. When King Hussein met Nasser in Cairo it was agreed that these requirements would be met."
Shemesh, Moshe (2007). Arab Politics, Palestinian Nationalism and the Six Day War: The Crystallization of Arab Strategy and Nasir's Descent to War, 1957–1967. Sussex Academic Press. p.118. ISBN978-1-84519-188-7. เก็บจากแหล่งเดิมเมื่อ 1 January 2016. สืบค้นเมื่อ 27 October 2015. The Jordanian leadership's appraisal of the repercussions of the Samu' raid was a major factor in King Husayn's decision to join Nasir's war chariot by signing a joint defense pact with Egypt on May 30, 1967. This was the determining factor for Jordan's participation in the war that would soon break out.... Convinced after the Samu' raid that Israel's strategic goal was the West Bank, Husayn allied himself to Nasir out of a genuine fear that, in a comprehensive war, Israel would invade the West Bank whether or not Jordan was an active participant.
Tessler (1994), p.378: "Towards the War of June 1967: Growing tensions in the region were clearly visible long before Israel's November attack on Samu and two other West Bank towns. An escalating spiral of raid and retaliation had already been set in motion..."
Mutawi (2002), p.93: "Although Eshkol denounced the Egyptians, his response to this development was a model of moderation. His speech on 21 May demanded that Nasser withdraw his forces from Sinai but made no mention of the removal of UNEF from the Straits nor of what Israel would do if they were closed to Israeli shipping. The next day Nasser announced to an astonished world that henceforth the Straits were, indeed, closed to all Israeli ships"
"Statement to the General Assembly by Foreign Minister Meir, 1 March 1957". Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs – The State of Israel. เก็บจากแหล่งเดิมเมื่อ 13 October 2007. สืบค้นเมื่อ 13 October 2008. Interference, by armed force, with ships of Israeli flag exercising free and innocent passage in the Gulf of Aqaba and through the Straits of Tiran will be regarded by Israel as an attack entitling it to exercise its inherent right of self-defence under Article 51 of the Charter and to take all such measures as are necessary to ensure the free and innocent passage of its ships in the Gulf and in the Straits.
Burrowes, Robert; Muzzio, Douglas (1972). "The Road to the Six Day War: Towards an Enumerative History of Four Arab States and Israel, 1965–67". The Journal of Conflict Resolution. Research Perspectives on the Arab–Israeli Conflict: A Symposium. 16 (2): 211–226. doi:10.1177/002200277201600206. S2CID154242979.
Cohen, Raymond (1988). "Intercultural Communication between Israel and Egypt: Deterrence Failure before the Six-Day war". Review of International Studies. 14 (1): 1–16. doi:10.1017/S0260210500113415. S2CID143951224.
Churchill, Randolph; Churchill, Winston (1967). The Six Day War. Houghton Mifflin Company. ISBN978-0-395-07532-6.
Gawrych, George W. (2000). The Albatross of Decisive Victory: War and Policy Between Egypt and Israel in the 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli Wars. Greenwood Press. ISBN978-0-313-31302-8. Available in multiple PDF files from the Combat Studies Institute and the Combined Arms Research Library, CSI Publications in partsเก็บถาวร 2 ธันวาคม 2010 ที่ เวย์แบ็กแมชชีน.
Hart, Alan (1989). Arafat, A political biography. Indiana University Press. ISBN978-0-253-32711-6.