political party in Brazil From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Brazilian Social Democracy Party (Portuguese: Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira; abbreviated PSDB) is a Brazilian centre to centre-right political party. Founded in 1988 and registered in 1989, it emerged from a centre to centre-left split in the Brazilian Democratic Movement that sought to mix social democracy and Christian democracy with economic liberalism.[4][5] It was the historical rival of the Workers' Party until the rise of more right-leaning Jair Bolsonaro. Currently, the party follows Third Way principles, seeking to be seen as a centrist party.[6]
Brazilian Social Democracy Party Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira | |
|---|---|
| |
| Abbreviation | PSDB |
| Founded | 25 June 1988 |
| Legalised | 24 August 1989 |
| Split from | MDB |
| Headquarters | Brasília, Brazil |
| Think tank | Instituto Teotônio Vilela |
| Youth wing | Juventude PSDB |
| Women's wing | PSDB Mulher |
| Black wing | TucanAFRO |
| LGBT wing | Diversidade Tucana |
| Membership (2024) | 1,326,233[1] |
| Ideology | Third Way Factions: Social liberalism[2] Liberal conservatism[3] |
| Political position | Centre to centre-right |
| Regional affiliation | Christian Democrat Organization of America (observer) |
| International affiliation | Centrist Democrat International |
| Colors | Blue Yellow |
| TSE identification number | 45 |
| Website | |
| psdb | |
In addition to being the party of former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (better known as FHC), throughout history, PSDB supported former Presidents Itamar Franco and Michel Temer, and opposed former Presidents Fernando Collor, Lula, and Dilma Rousseff. At first, provided support and participated in the base of Bolsonaro's government, but joined the opposition in September 2021.[7]
The Brazilian Social Democracy Party was founded in 1988, shortly before the promulgation of the Federal Constitution that year, which marked Brazil's return to democracy after more than two decades of military dictatorship.
Prominent figures in the founding of the PSDB include intellectuals and politicians such as Mário Covas, FHC, José Serra, among others. These founders came from different political currents, but initially shared a centre-left vision, committed to balanced economic policies, garnering support from social-democrats while the then more left-leaning Workers' Party garnered support from democratic socialists and trade unions.
The name "Brazilian Social Democracy Party" was chosen to represent a Brazilian version of social democracy, with the choice of a toucan as the party's symbol as a way of creating a unique visual identity that differentiates it from European social-democratic parties.[8] Due to the logo, its members and sympathizers are called tucanos.
The party's peak was the presidency of FHC, who governed Brazil for two consecutive terms, between 1995 and 2002. His government was marked by economic reforms, such as the Plano Real, which stabilized the Brazilian economy and controlled hyperinflation, and also through social programs to help poor families, such as the Programa de Saúde da Família and Bolsa Escola. During his second government, FHC adopted neoliberal policies and saw his unpopularity grow.
Since the end of FHC's government, the party has alternated between governing and opposing the federal government. It run in several presidential elections, with José Serra, Geraldo Alckmin, and Aécio Neves as the main candidates from 2002 to 2018. Although it won important state governments, such as São Paulo and Minas Gerais, the party has not managed to regain the presidency since 2002.
In recent decades, the party has faced internal and external challenges, including corruption scandals,[9][10] leadership disputes and changes in the national political landscape. There's also a growing ideological polarization in Brazil between the leftist Workers' Party supporters and rightist Bolsonaro supporters, leaving PSDB without a broad support.
Today, although a relevant force in Brazilian politics, PSDB faces the challenge of reinventing itself and attracting voters in an increasingly fragmented and polarized political scenario. Its ideological position has been the subject of internal debate, with some members defending a more centre-right turn and others maintaining a more centrist stance.
| Year | Candidate | First round | Second round | Role | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | Vote % | Votes | Vote % | |||
| 1989 | Mário Covas | 7,786,939 | 11.5% (4th) | In opposition | ||
| 1994 | Fernando Henrique Cardoso | 34,362,726 | 54.3 (1st) | In government coalition | ||
| 1998 | 35,922,692 | 53.1 (1st) | In government coalition | |||
| 2002 | José Serra | 19,694,843 | 23.2 (2nd) | 33,356,860 | 38.7 (2nd) | In opposition |
| 2006 | Geraldo Alckmin | 39,968,369 | 41.6 (2nd) | 37,543,178 | 39.2 (2nd) | In opposition |
| 2010 | José Serra | 33,132,283 | 32.6 (2nd) | 43,711,388 | 44.0 (2nd) | In opposition |
| 2014 | Aécio Neves | 34,897,211 | 33.6 (2nd) | 51,041,155 | 48.4 (2nd) | In opposition |
| 2018 | Geraldo Alckmin | 5,096,277 | 4.8 (4th) | In government coalition | ||
| Election | Chamber of Deputies | Federal Senate | Role in government | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | ||
| 1990 | 3,515,809 | 8.68% | 38 / 513 |
New | N/A | N/A | 1 / 32 |
New | Independent |
| 1994 | 6,350,941 | 13.90% | 62 / 513 |
 24 |
15,652,182 | 16.34% | 9 / 54 |
8 |
Coalition |
| 1998 | 11,684,900 | 17.54% | 99 / 513 |
37 |
6,366,681 | 10.30% | 16 / 81 |
5 |
Coalition |
| 2002 | 12,473,743 | 14.26% | 70 / 513 |
 29 |
21,360,291 | 13.90% | 11 / 81 |
5 |
Opposition |
| 2006 | 12,691,043 | 13.62% | 65 / 513 |
6 |
10,547,778 | 12.50% | 14 / 81 |
3 |
Opposition |
| 2010 | 11,477,380 | 11.88% | 53 / 513 |
12 |
30,903,736 | 18.13% | 11 / 81 |
3 |
Opposition |
| 2014 | 11,073,631 | 11.39% | 54 / 513 |
1 |
23,880,078 | 26.73% | 10 / 81 |
1 |
Opposition (2014-2016) |
| Coalition (2016-2018) | |||||||||
| 2018 | 5,905,541 | 6.01% | 29 / 513 |
25 |
20,310,558 | 11.85% | 8 / 81 |
2 |
Independent |
| 2022 | 3,309,061 | 3.02% | 13 / 513 |
16 |
1,394,547 | 1.37% | 4 / 81 |
4 |
Independent |
| Year | Votes | % Votes | +/– | No. of overall seats won |
+/– |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2008 | 14,537,570 | N/A | New | 791 / 5,568 |
New |
| 2012 | 13,950,000 | 13.57 (2nd) | N/A | 693 / 5,568 |
94 |
| 2016 | 17,633,653 | N/A | 803 / 5,568 |
110 | |
| 2020 | 10,332,139 | N/A | 520 / 5,568 |
283 |
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