ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်တိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ (DPP) သည် ထိုင်ဝမ်ရှိ အဓိကကျသည့် နိုင်ငံရေးပါတီတစ်ခု ဖြစ်သည်။ ဒီပီပီပါတီသည် ၂၀၀၀ ပြည့်နှစ် သမ္မတရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် အနိုင်ရကာ ထိုင်ဝမ်အား ၈ နှစ်ကြာ အုပ်ချုပ်ခဲ့သည် ဆိုဦးတော့ သမားရိုးကျအားဖြင့် ဒီပီပီသည် တပ်စိမ်း၊ ထိုင်ဝမ်လွတ်လပ်ရေး (ခွဲထွက်ရေး)လှုပ်ရှားမှုနှင့် ဆက်နွှယ်လျက်ရှိသည်။
| မြန်မာဘာသာသို့ ပြန်ဆိုခြင်းနှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ |
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| လက်ရှိစာမျက်နှာကို ဂူဂယ်ဘာသာပြန် (Google Translate) သုံး၍ မြန်မာဘာသာသို့ ပြန်ဆိုကြည့်နိုင်သည်။ သို့သော် ၎င်းဘာသာပြန်များကို အတည်မယူပါနှင့်၊ အမှားများစွာ ပါလေ့ရှိသောကြောင့်ဖြစ်သည်။ သေချာစိစစ်၍ ကြိုးစားပြုပြင်ပြီးမှ ဘာသာပြန်ရေးသားရန် ဖြစ်သည်။ ဘာသာပြန်ပြီးပါက ဤ {{Translation incomplete}} တမ်းပလိတ်ကို ဤစာမျက်နှာမှ ဖျက်ပစ်ရန် မမေ့ပါနှင့်။ |
 | ဤဆောင်းပါးကို မြန်မာဘာသာသို့ ပြန်ဆိုရန် လိုအပ်နေသေးသည်။
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| ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်တိုးတက်ရေးပါတီ 民主進步黨 Democratic Progressive Party | |
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| ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ | စူးကျိန်းချမ်း |
| တည်ထောင်ရက် | စက်တင်ဘာ ၂၈ ၁၉၈၆ |
| ဌာနချုပ် | ထိုင်ပေမြို့၊ ထိုင်ဝမ် |
| ရပ်တည်ချက် | လွတ်လပ်ရေး ထိုင်ဝမ်အမျိုးသားရေး ထိုင်ဝမ်လွတ်လပ်ရေး (ခွဲထွက်ရေး) |
| ပါတီဝင် | ၁,၀၂၃,၅၈၀ ဦး (၂၀၀၈) |
| ပြည်တွင်း မဟာမိတ် |
တပ်စိမ်း |
| ပြည်ပ မဟာမိတ် |
Liberal International |
| ဝက်ဘ်ဆိုက် | www.dpp.org.tw/ |
ဒီပီပီသည် Liberal International အဖွဲ့ဝင်ဖြစ်ပြီး အာရှလစ်ဘရယ်နှင် ဒီမိုကရက်ကောင်စီ (Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats) အား စတင်ဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်ခဲ့သည့် အဖွဲ့ဝင်ဖြစ်သည်။
ဒီပီပီပါတီသည် ကွန်မင်တန်ပါတီ၏ တစ်ပါတီအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးစနစ်အား ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် နိုင်ငံရေးအင်အားစုကို အခြေခံကာ ပေါ်ပေါက်လာသည့် ပါတီတစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်။ "တန်ဝိုက်" (黨外 ပါတီပြင်ပမှ)လှုပ်ရှားမှုသည် ၁၉၈၆ ခုနှစ် ဥပဒေပြုလွှတ်တော် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲတွင် ပါဝင်နိုင်ရန်အတွက် ပါတီဝင် ၁၃၂ ဦးဖြင့် ဒီပီပီပါတီကို ၁၉၈၆ ခုနှစ် စက်တင်ဘာ ၂၈ ရက်နေ့ ထိုင်ပေမြို့ အထင်ကရ အဆောက်အဦးဖြစ်သည့် ဂရင်းဟော်တယ် (圓山大飯店 the Grand Hotel) တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်ခဲ့သည်။ စောစောပိုင်းကာလတွင် ဒီပီပီပါတီဝင်များသည် နိုင်ငံရေးအကျဉ်းသားများ၏ မိသားစုဝင်များနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ တရားခံရှေ့နေများ ဖြစ်ကြသည်။ ကနဦးတွင် ဒီပီပီပါတီသည် ထိုင်ဝမ်ခွဲထွက်ရေးအား တက်တက်ကြွကြွ ထောက်ခံအားပေးခြင်း မရှိခဲ့သောကြောင့် ပါတီဦးဆောင်သူများအတွင်း တရုတ်ပြည်မမှ ပြောင်းရွှေ့လာသူများလည်း ပါဝင်ခဲ့သည်။ ၎င်းတို့သည် ဒီမိုကရေစီနှင့် ပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ထိန်းသိမ်းရေးကို လိုလားသူများ ဖြစ်ကြသည်။
သမ္မတနှင့် ဥပဒေပြုလွှတ်တော် အမတ်များအား တိုက်ရိုက်ရွေးကောက်တင်မြှောက်ရေး အပါအဝင် ဒီပီပီပါတီ၏ တောင်းဆိုချက် အချို့အတွက် တုံ့ပြန်မှုများ ရရှိခဲ့ပြီးနောက် နိုင်ငံရေး ပတ်ဝန်းကျင် ပိုမိုလွတ်လပ်မှုရလာသည့် ၁၉၉၀ ပြည့်လွန်နှစ်များတွင် ဒီပီပီပါတီသည် ထိုင်ဝမ်လွတ်လပ်ရေး (ခွဲထွက်ရေး)ဘက်သို့ ဦးတည်လာသည်။
Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan (LY), the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the government. However, it did not emerge as a formidable force until 1991, when the elderly LY members elected from the mainland provinces in 1948 retired. Fears that the DPP would one day take control of the legislature led then-President Lee Teng-hui to push through a series of amendments to strengthen presidential power (for example, the premier of the Republic of China would no longer have to be confirmed by the Legislative Yuan).
Rise in power
The DPP won the ROC presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in 2000, ending more than half a century of KMT rule in Taiwan. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan.
The DPP became the largest party having reached a plurality in the Legislative Yuan for the first time in 2002 following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People's First Party, and New Party (collectively known as the Pan-Blue Coalition) prevented it from taking control of the chamber.
In 2004, President Chen Shui-bian was re-elected by a narrow margin following a controversial assassination attempt on him only hours before the election. President Chen narrowly won the election over Lien Chan. Lien Chan demanded a recount the following morning. A judicial recount under the jurisdiction of a special panel of the High Court began on 10 May 2004 and ended on May 18 2004. It was conducted by about 460 teams situated in 21 courthouses across the Taiwan area. Each team had seven members – one judge, two members each from the district court and the local government election authorities and two witnesses each representing the plaintiff (Pan-Blue Coalition) and the defendant (Pan-Green Coalition). Disputed votes were sent to High Court in Taipei for verification. After the recount, President Chen was confirmed the winner of the election by a smaller margin (25,563 as opposed to 29,518 originally).
The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005. The pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou.
The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.
Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until January 17, 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with the PRC.
Separate identity
On September 30, 2007, Taiwan's ruling Democratic Progressive Party approved a resolution asserting separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation" . It called also for general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name, without abolishing its formal name, the Republic of China.[1]
Recent history
The DPP won less than 25% of the seats in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate lost to the KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a landslide margin.
Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen, on August 15, 2008 resigned from the Democratic Progressive Party and apologized, thus: “Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party.” DPP Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen also apologized to the public on behalf of the party: “In regard to Chen and his wife’s decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party’s anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it.”[2]
In an August 27, 2008, United Daily News poll, the Democratic Progressive Party enjoyed a mere 11% approval rating from those surveyed. The DPP has vowed to humbly reflect public misgivings towards the party. Chairwoman Tsai has also been steadfast in maintaining confidence amid lowering party poll numbers from the fallout of Chen Shui-bian's admittance to wiring money overseas.[3] [4]
Programs supported by the DPP include social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, labour, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; independent defence and peaceful foreign policy.
The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus Chinese reunification. Although this is often portrayed in binary terms, both the major coalitions have developed positions that aim at a moderate core to the point where the differences between them can be quite subtle.
The current official position of the party is that the Republic of China (Taiwan) is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the Taiwanese citizens living on the Republic of China, based on the "Resolution on Taiwan's Future" in 1999. It considers Taiwan independence to be a current fact making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. The DPP rejects the "one China principle" as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC) and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China, People's Republic of China. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of what its supporters consider "outside" rule.
In contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the People's Republic of China (PRC), but argues that a one China principle can be used as the basis for talks with the PRC. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence, and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. The KMT also asserts that at times these efforts from DPP are radical and becomes "fascist" (to which they later apologised) and "racist". At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.
The first years of the DPP as the ruling party gave rise to questions on whether the DPP as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party was adequately sensitive to the ethnographic character of Taiwanese society, which in addition to arrivals from different eras and different regions of mainland China, also includes aboriginal minorities. It is sometimes accused of practicing Hoklo chauvinism.
The People's Republic of China has traditionally maintained an extremely hostile position toward the DPP, but has moderated its position somewhat since 2003 in order to prevent a backlash. The PRC has stated that regardless of the positions that the DPP has taken in the past that it will talk to the DPP if it accepts the "1992 consensus".
The party was formerly composed of a number of factions such as the New Tide faction (新潮流系), the Formosa faction (美麗島系), the Justice Alliance faction (正義連線系) and Welfare State Alliance faction (福利國系). Each faction advocated slightly different policies, but many of the factions were generational consisting of different groups which entered the party at different times. In 2006, the factions were officially dismissed.
The National Party Congress selects, for two year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee.
On July 23, 2006, at the party's general assembly, the delegates passed a resolution requiring the disbanding of all factions.[5] The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution.
ဥက္ကဋ္ဌများ
| # | ဥက္ကဋ္ဌ | နှစ် | အကြိမ် | မှတ်ချက် |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | ကျန်းဖုန်ကျဲန်း | 1986–1987 | 1 | ရွေးကောက် |
| 2 | ယောင်ကျားဝန် | 1987–1988 | 2 | ရွေးကောက် |
| 3 | ဟွမ်ရှင့်ကျဲ့ | 1988–1991 | 3 | ရွေးကောက် |
| 4 | ရွေးကောက် | |||
| 4 | ရွှီရှင့်လျန် | 1991–1994 | 5 | ရွေးကောက် |
| 5 | စီးမင်တယ် | 1994–1996 | 6 | ရွေးကောက် |
| 6 | ကျန်းကျွင့်ဟုန် | 1996 | ယာယီ | |
| 7 | ရွှီရှင့်လျန် | 1996–1998 | 7 | ရွေးကောက်; ဒုတိယသက်တမ်း |
| 8 | လင်ယိရှုံ | 1998–2000 | 8 | ရွေးကောက် |
| 9 | ရှဲ့ချန်ထိန် | 2000–2002 | 9 | ရွေးကောက် |
| 10 | ချန်ဆွေပြန် | 2002–2004 | 10 | |
| 11 | ခဲကျန့်မင် | 2004-2005 | ယာယီ | |
| 12 | စူးကျိန်းချန်း | 2005 | By-elected | |
| 13 | လွီရှို့လျန် | 2005 | ယာယီ | |
| 14 | ယိုရှီခွန်း | 2006-2007 | ရွေးကောက်]] | |
| 15 | ချန်ဆွေပြန် | 2007–2008 | 11 | ဒုတိယသက်တမ်း |
| 16 | ရှဲ့ချန်ထိန် | 2008 | ဒုတိယသက်တမ်း; ယာယီ | |
| 17 | ချိုက်ရင်းဝန် | 2008- | 12 | ရွေးကောက် |
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