ナクバ

ナクバ（アラビア語: النكبة‎、al-Nakbah ないしは an-Nakbah、アン＝ナクバ、英語: Nakba）は、委任統治領パレスチナにおける1948年のイスラエル建国に前後して、故郷や居住地を追われた約75万人のパレスチナ人が難民化した出来事^[1]^[2]^[3]^[4]。原義は「惨事」「厄災」を意味するアラビア語^[5]^{[注釈 1]}であるが、パレスチナ問題のナクバはアラビア語では冠詞を付けることにより固有名詞として、大規模な悲劇であるという特定の出来事として使用されており、イスラエル建国宣言（1948年5月14日）グレゴリオ暦における翌日の5月15日は^{[注釈 2]}、パレスチナ自治区では「ナクバの日」と定められている^[1]。

日本語では「大災厄^[6]」「大惨事^[7]」「大破局^[1]」などと訳される。

第一次中東戦争（イスラエル独立戦争）中、イギリス委任統治領パレスチナのパレスチナ人を暴力的に追放（英語版）し、土地、財産、所有物を剥奪し、そして彼らの社会、文化（英語版）、アイデンティティ（英語版）、政治的権利、民族的願望（英語版）を破壊することによって行われた民族浄化^[8]のことである^[9]^[10]^[8]。この用語は、1948年の出来事とともに、パレスチナ領域（ヨルダン川西岸地区およびガザ地区）においてパレスチナ人が継続的に占領されていること、さらには同領域や難民キャンプでのイスラエルによる進行中の迫害と強制退去（英語版）を指しても用いられる^[11]^[12]^[13]^[14]^[15]。

さらに2023年10月7日のハマスのイスラエル南部襲撃直後に始まったイスラエルのガザ地区侵攻によって約170万人の民間人が強制移動をさせられると、「新たなナクバ^[16]^[17]^[18]」「第二のナクバ^[7]」と呼ばれた。

全体として、パレスチナ社会の粉砕と、パレスチナ難民とその子孫の帰還権の長期にわたる拒絶を対象としている^[19]^[20]^[21]^[22]^[23]。

1948年のナクバの基礎を成す出来事の間に、アラブ人を標的にした数十件の虐殺（英語版）が行われ、アラブ人が大多数を占める500以上の町や村が無人化（英語版）され^[24]^[25]、その多くは完全に破壊されるか、ユダヤ人によって再定住されヘブライ語の新しい地名が与えられた（英語版）。アラブ系が大部分を占めるパレスチナの人口の約半数、若しくは約75万人は^[26]、最初はシオニストの準軍事組織のさまざまな暴力的手段（英語版）によって、そしてイスラエル建国後はイスラエル国防軍によって、自宅から追放されるか避難させられた（英語版）。戦争終結までに、旧イギリス委任統治領パレスチナの総面積の78％がイスラエルによって支配された。

パレスチナの民族的ナラティブは、ナクバを彼らの民族的アイデンティティと政治的願望を定義する集団的トラウマと見なしているのに対し、イスラエルの民族的ナラティブは、同じ出来事を国家と主権への願望を確立した独立戦争の観点からとらえている^[27]^[28]^[29]。この目的のために、パレスチナ人はイスラエルの独立記念日（英語版）の翌日にこの戦争の出来事を記念し、5月15日をナクバの日としている^[30]^[31]。1998年、ヤーセル・アラファートはパレスチナ人はナクバの50周年を記念すべきであるとし、1948年のイスラエル建国宣言の翌日である5月15日をナクバの日と宣言し、1949年頃から非公式に使用されていた記念日を公式化した^[32]^[33]。第三次中東戦争後の1967年には、別の一連のパレスチナ人の脱出（英語版）が相次ぎ、これは「ナクサ」(直訳: 挫折)として知られるようになり、6月5日という独自の日が設けられている。

ナクバはパレスチナ文化（英語版）に大きな影響を与え、風刺漫画家ナージー・アル＝アリー（英語版、アラビア語版）^{[注釈 3]}による政治漫画のキャラクターであるハンダラ、パレスチナのクーフィーヤ（英語版）^{[注釈 4]}、パレスチナの1948年の鍵^{[注釈 5]}、スイカとともに、現在のパレスチナのアイデンティティ（英語版）の基礎的な象徴となっている。ナクバについては、多数の本、歌、詩が書かれている^[34]。パレスチナの詩人マフムード・ダルウィーシュは、ナクバを「未来に続くことが約束された、拡張された現在」と表現した^[35]^[36]。ナクバの否認論（英語版）は、イスラエルの新しい歴史家たちによる研究などナクバに関する学問が発展しているにもかかわらず、依然として蔓延している。

パレスチナ社会ではナクバによって史料が散逸し、地域の分断が起きたため、ナクバの公的記録をまとめることが困難となっている。そのためオーラル・ヒストリーの手法がとられている^[37]。1970年代にパレスチナのオーラル・ヒストリーの発表が始まり、ナクバによる追放や難民化について記述した^{[注釈 6]}^[38]。ヨルダン川西岸地区のビルゼイト大学にはパレスチナ社会研究・記録センター（CRDPS）が設立された。同研究所では「破壊されたパレスチナ人村」というシリーズが出版され、イスラエル建国によって破壊された22村落の証言を集めた^[37]^[39]。かつてのパレスチナの村落の記録として歴史的パレスチナの地図を使い、難民との共同執筆をおこなった。証言を集める過程で、村ごとの話し方が異なるという多様性も明らかになった。また、パレスチナとイスラエルの間で1948年の解釈をめぐる論争が起きており、論争での対抗戦略としても研究がなされた^{[注釈 7]}^[41]。同研究所の活動は、ビルゼイト大学のパレスチナ史料集積プロジェクトに引き継がれた^[42]。

ロシャル・デイヴィス（Rochalle Davis）はガザ地区、西岸地区、イスラエル領、ヨルダン、シリア、レバノンの難民によって書かれた村落の歴史を120冊以上収集して内容を論じている^[43]。インターネットの普及でパレスチナ難民のコミュニケーションが増え、アメリカではWebサイト「記憶されるパレスチナ」が設立され、305村落についての証言を公開した^{[注釈 8]}。レバノンではWebサイト「ナクバ・アーカイヴ」がレバノンの難民キャンプの証言を公開している^{[注釈 9]}^[44]。シリアではダール・シャジェラ（本の出版社）がパレスチナ人のオーラル・ヒストリー収集事業を行なっていたが、シリア政府軍によるヤムルーク難民キャンプ（英語版）への攻撃で代表のガッサン・シハービーが死亡した^[45]。

→「ナクバの否定」も参照

イスラエルの主流歴史家たちは、アラブ人（パレスチナ人）^{[注釈 10]}は、戦闘が終われば自宅に戻れるというアラブ人指導者の言葉を聞き自主的に自宅と故郷を離れたと主張していた^[46]。また、イスラエル国防省は、地域に存在するナクバの証明となりうる歴史的記録文献を組織的に密かに取り除し隠匿する作業を行っていた^[47]。

イスラエルでは、ナクバを学校では教えおらず、「『アラブ人はイスラエル軍を恐れて逃げただけ。私たちが追い出したんじゃない』と教わった」というイスラエル人の証言も存在する^[48]。

イスラエルには、約2百万人の「イスラエルのアラブ市民」と呼ばれるパレスチナ人が暮らしているが^[49]、2009年、ネタニヤフ内閣は、アラビア語のナクバという言葉をアラブ系学校の教科書での使用を禁止した^[50]。それに先立って、ベンヤミン・ネタニヤフ首相は、アラブ系の学校での「ナクバ」という言葉の使用は、イスラエルに対するプロパガンダの拡散と同等であると述べていた^[50]。

バルフォア宣言
ハイファ宣言（英語版）
ナクバの日
ナクバ否定論
ナクバ法（英語版）
ホロコーストとナクバ（英語版）
ハスバラ
ナクサ
ジェノサイドの10段階

[脚注の使い方]

注釈

[注 1]
نكبة（nakbah ないしは nakba, ナクバ）はアラビア語で مصيبة（muṣībah ないしは muṣība, ムスィーバ）の同義語。「災難、災害」の意味で一般の単語としては個人やその財産・身近な人物を襲う不幸・厄難を単に指すといった辞書的定義になっているため、必ずしも"大（規模）、重度"という含みを持っている訳ではない。
[注 2]
イスラエルではユダヤ暦を使用しているので、毎年の建国記念日はグレゴリオ暦上では変動する。
[注 3]
（ناجي العلي, Nājī al-ʿAlī）日本語カタカナ表記としてはナージー・アル・アリー、ナージーアル・アリー、ナジ・アル・アリなど。1937年生まれでクウェートで働いている時期にハンダラ（ハンザラ）を創り出した。英国在住中に暗殺死を遂げたが、彼の風刺・批判はパレスチナ指導部にも向けられていたためイスラエルの諜報機関によるものだったのか、PLO側の刺客によるものだったのか判明せず真相究明はならなかった。
[注 4]
白地に黒の模様をほどこしたアラブの頭巾
[注 5]
元々住んでいた家の鍵
[注 6]
先駆的な記録として、ベイルート在住のイギリス人ローズマリー・サーイグ（英語版）やイスラエルのパレスチナ系市民のナーフェズ・ナッザール（Nāfiz Nazzāl）の活動がある^[38]。
[注 7]
証言の収集によって、シオニストによるパレスチナ人の虐殺が予想以上の規模であることが判明した。デイル・ヤーシーンやダワーイマに限らず、アブー・シューシャ、ティーレット・ハイファー、ザルヌーカでの虐殺の証言も収集された^[40]。
[注 8]
「記憶されるパレスチナ」の公式サイトはPalestine Remembered, al-Nakba 1948-
[注 9]
ナクバ・アーカイブは、ベイルート・アメリカン大学や、大衆芸術のためのアラブ資料センター（Arab Resource Center for Popular Arts（ARCPA） / Al-Jana）の協力を得ている。公式サイトはNakba Archive أرشيف النكبة^[44]。
[注 10]
「パレスチナは存在しない」「パレスチナ人という特有の民族集団は存在しない」という認識のもと、パレスチナ人は「アラブ人」と呼ばれる。

出典

[1]
「ナクバの日」パレスチナ大規模デモ／ガザ戦闘悲劇の記憶重ね『読売新聞』朝刊2024年5月16日（国際面）
[2]
“ORDER: APPLICATION OF THE CONVENTION ON THE PREVENTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE IN THE GAZA STRIP (SOUTH AFRICA v. ISRAEL)” (PDF) (英語). 国際司法裁判所. p. 15 (2024年1月26日). 2024年5月16日閲覧。
[3]
Webman 2009, p. 29: "The Nakba represented the defeat, displacement, dispossession, exile, dependence, insecurity, lack of statehood, and fight for survival of the Palestinians."
[4]
Sa'di 2002, p. 175: "for Palestinians, Al-Nakbah represents, among many other things, the loss of the homeland, the disintegration of society, the frustration of national aspirations, and the beginning of a hasty process of destruction of their culture."
[5]
Ghanim, Honaida (2009). “Poetics of Disaster: Nationalism, gender, and social change among Palestinian poets in Israel after Nakba”. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 22 (1): 23–39. ISSN 0891-4486. JSTOR 40608203.
[6]
11月29日は「パレスチナ人民連帯国際デー」です国際連合広報センター（2011年11月28日）
[7]
「第二のナクバだ」パレスチナで抗議デモ大惨事の日、76年『毎日新聞』夕刊2024年5月16日
[8]
Sabbagh-Khoury 2023, pp. 30, 65, 71, 81, 182, 193–194; Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511; Manna 2022; Pappe 2022, pp. 33, 120–122, 126–132, 137, 239; Hasian Jr. 2020, pp. 77–109; Khalidi 2020, pp. 12, 73, 76, 231; Slater 2020, pp. 81–85; Shenhav 2019, pp. 49–50, 54, and 61; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 20 and 32 n.2; Confino 2018, p. 138; Masalha 2018, pp. 44, 52–54, 64, 319, 324, 376, 383; Nashef 2018, pp. 5–6, 52, 76; Auron 2017; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 393; Al-Hardan 2016, pp. 47–48; Natour 2016, p. 82; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 3–4, 8–18; Masalha 2012; Wolfe 2012, pp. 153–154, 160–161; Khoury 2012, pp. 258, 263–265; Knopf-Newman 2011, pp. 4–5, 25–32, 109, 180–182; Lentin 2010, ch. 2; Milshtein 2009, p. 50; Ram 2009, p. 388; Shlaim 2009, pp. 55, 288; Esmeir 2007, pp. 249–250; Sa'di 2007, pp. 291–293, 298, 308; Pappe 2006; Schulz 2003, pp. 24, 31–32
[9]
Webman 2009, p. 29: "The Nakba represented the defeat, displacement, dispossession, exile, dependence, insecurity, lack of statehood, and fight for survival of the Palestinians."
[10]
Sa'di 2002, p. 175: "for Palestinians, Al-Nakbah represents, among many other things, the loss of the homeland, the disintegration of society, the frustration of national aspirations, and the beginning of a hasty process of destruction of their culture."
[11]
Sayigh 2023, pp. 285 ("Nakba entailed a continuing state of rightlessness"), 288 n. 12 ("the Nakba was not limited to 1948") and 288 n. 13 ("Palestinians were attacked in Jordan in ‘Black September’, 1970, with heavy casualties; in Lebanon during the civil war of 1975–1990, including the massacre of Tal al-Zaater [1976]; during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, with the massacre of Sabra/ Shatila; during the Battle of the Camps 1985–1988; and again in 2007 with the Lebanese Army’s attack on Nahr al-Bared camp. Palestinians were evicted from Kuwait in 1990, and again in 2003; expelled from Libya in 1994–1995; evicted by landlords in Iraq in 2003. In Syria, 4,027 have been killed and 120,00 displaced so far in the current civil war. Israeli attacks against Gaza have been continuous: 2008–2009, 2012, 2014, 2018, 2019 ... In the Occupied West Bank, attacks by armed Israeli settlers are frequent [Amnesty 2017]."); Pappe 2021, pp. 70-71 ("[p. 70] The incremental colonization, ethnic cleansing, and oppression occurring daily in historical Palestine is usually ignored by the world media.") and 80 ("The Palestinians refer to their current situation quite often as al-Nakba al-Mustamera, the ongoing Nakba. The original Nakba or catastrophe occurred in 1948, when Israel ethnically cleansed half of the Palestinian population and demolished half of their villages and most of their towns. The world ignored that crime and absolved Israel from any responsibility. Since then, the settler-colonial state of Israel has attempted to complete the ethnic cleansing of 1948."); Khalidi 2020, p. 75, "None were allowed to return, and most of their homes and villages were destroyed to prevent them from doing so.38 Still more were expelled from the new state of Israel even after the armistice agreements of 1949 were signed, while further numbers have been forced out since then. In this sense the Nakba can be understood as an ongoing process."; Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "To be sure, the ethnic cleansing of Palestine did not begin or end in 1948. It started back in the 1920s, with an aggressive acquisition and takeover of lands that reached a peak in 1948 and again in 1967. The ethnic cleansing continues in the present day by other means: the silent transfer in Jerusalem; the settlements and the expropriation of land in the West Bank; the communal settlements in the Galilee for Jews only; the new Citizenship decree (which bans Palestinian citizens from bringing their Palestinian spouses into Israel, thanks to the emergency laws); the “unrecognized Palestinian villages” constantly under the threat of destruction; the incessant demolition of Bedouin houses in the south; the omission of Arabic on road signs; the prohibition on importing literature from Arab countries, and many others. One telling example is the fact that not one Arab town or village has been established in Israel since 1948."; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 7 ("The Nakba is an explicitly continuing present. Its consequences as well as the eliminatory colonial ideas and practices that informed it are still unfolding, being deployed, and affecting contemporary Palestinian life. Its aftermath of suffering and political weakness affects almost every Palestinian and Palestinian family, along with the Palestinian collective, on a near-daily basis.") and 33 n. 4 ("In Palestinian writings the signifier “Nakba” came to designate two central meanings, which will be used in this volume interchangeably: (1) the 1948 disaster and (2) the ongoing occupation and colonization of Palestine that reached its peak in the catastrophe of 1948."); Khoury 2018, pp. xiii–xv, "[p. xiii] The Nakba’s initial bloody chapters were written with the forceful ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948 ... This proves the error of some Arab historians who considered the Nakba a historic event whose place is set firmly in the past. The everyday reality of life in Palestine clearly indicates that the 1948 war was merely the beginning of the catastrophic event. It did not end when the cease-fire agreements of 1949 were signed. In fact, 1948 was the beginning of a phenomenon that continues to this day ... [p. xiv] The Nakba continues to this day even for those Israeli Palestinians who were denied their label of national identity as “Palestinians” and are now referred to as “Israeli Arabs.” ... While the continuing Nakba is obscured from view in Israel by the laws and legislation approved by the Israeli parliament, the Nakba is very conspicuous in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza. Those lands occupied in 1967 are subject to military laws, while settlements proliferate in every corner: from Jerusalem, which is being suffocated by Jewish settlements, to the West Bank, through to the Jordan Valley. Repression, administrative detentions, and outright killing have become daily institutionalized practices. Israel, in fact, has built a comprehensive apartheid system shored up by settler-only roads that circumvent Palestinian cities, the wall of separation that tears up and confiscates Palestinian cities and villages, and the many checkpoints that have made moving from one Palestinian Bantustan to the next a daily ordeal. The consequences of the continuing Nakba are nowhere clearer than in Jerusalem and Hebron, where settlers plant their communities among Palestinians, closing roads and turning ordinary chores into a daily nightmare. They reach the peak of inhumanity by transforming Gaza into the biggest open-air prison in the world."; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, pp. 393 ("We use “Nakba” to refer to an event and a process. The event refers to the dismantlement of Palestine and Palestinian society in 1948 as a result of the establishment of Israel and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from the part of Palestine on which Israel was established. The process refers to the continuation of what started in 1948 until today in the forms of dispossession, exile, colonization, and occupation."), 405 ("the Palestinian catastrophe that has been continuing for close to seven decades"), 407 ("Israel continued the ethnic cleansing well into the early 1950s"), and 422-423 ("This emerging differentiation between the Nakba as a traumatic and rapturous event and the Nakba as an ongoing process is of utmost importance ... Support for the increasing awareness of the Nakba as an ongoing structural process rather than a memory of a discrete historical event with a beginning and an end, and support for the realization that the Nakba also includes the Palestinians in Israel, can be found in the gradual emergence of certain sentiments ... the continued Nakba is the other side of the colonial project of the Jewish state."); Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 1 ([Abstract] "The paper suggests that the ‘Nakba’ of 1948, which was based on appropriation of the land of Palestine without its people, comprising massacres, physical destruction of villages, appropriation of land, property and culture, can be seen as an ongoing process and not merely a historical event.") and 12-18 ("[p. 12] The concept of an ‘ongoing’ Nakba is not a new one for Palestinians ..."); Masalha 2012, pp. 5 ("The clearing out and displacement of the Palestinians did not end with the 1948 war, the Israeli authorities continued to ‘transfer’ (a euphemism for the removal of Palestinians from the land), dispossess and colonise Palestinians during the 1950s"), 12-14 ("[p. 12] The Nakba as a continuing trauma occupies a central place in the Palestinian psyche ... [p. 13] With millions still living under Israeli colonialism, occupation or in exile, the Nakba remains at the heart of both Palestinian national identity and political resistance ... [p. 14] the Nakba and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem and other parts of the West Bank are continuing"), 75 ("The pattern of Israeli massacres of Palestinian civilians established in 1948 has been maintained: for example, the massacres at Qibya in October 1953, the al-Azazme tribes in March 1955, Kafr Qasim on 29 October 1956, Samo‘a in the 1960s, the villages of the Galilee during Land Day on 30 March 1976, Sabra and Shatila on 16–18 September 1982, al-Khalil (Hebron) on 25 February 1994, Kfar Qana in 1999, Wadi Ara in 2000, the Jenin refugee camp on 13 April 2002, the mass killing during the popular Palestinian uprisings (intifadas) against Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza (1987–1993 and 2000–2002), Gaza (December 2008–January 2009), the Gaza flotilla raid on 31 May 2010."), 251 ("The processes of ethnic cleansing and transfer in Palestine continue."), and 254 ("While the Holocaust is an event in the past, the Nakba did not end in 1948. For Palestinians, mourning sixty-three years of al-Nakba is not just about remembering the ‘ethnic cleansing’ of 1948, it is also about marking the ongoing dispossession and dislocation. Today the trauma of the Nakba continues: the ongoing forced displacement of Palestinians caused by Israeli colonisation of the West Bank, land confiscation, continued closures and invasions, de facto annexation facilitated by Israel’s 730-kilometre ‘apartheid wall’ in the occupied West Bank, and the ongoing horrific siege of Gaza. Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are denied access to land, water and other basic resources. Today the Nakba continues through the ‘politics of denial’. There are millions of Palestinian refugees around the world, all of whom are denied their internationally recognised ‘right of return’ to their homes and land. The memory, history, rights and needs of Palestinian refugees have been excluded not only from recent Middle East peacemaking efforts but also from Palestinian top-down and elite approaches to the refugee issue (Boqai’ and Rempel 2003). The ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Naqab, and the failure of both the Israeli state and the international community to acknowledge 1948 as such, continue to underpin the Palestine–Israel conflict ..."); Lentin 2010, p. 111, "Non-Zionist scholars operate a different timescale and highlight the continuities between wartime policies and post-1948 ethnic cleansing. They treat the Nakba as the beginning of an ongoing policy of expulsion and expropriation, rather than a fait accompli which ended a long time ago."; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, pp. 10 ("For Palestinians, still living their dispossession, still struggling or hoping for return, many under military occupation, many still immersed in matters of survival, the past is neither distant nor over ... the Nakba is not over yet; after almost sixty years neither the Palestinians nor Israelis have yet achieved a state of normality; the violence and uprooting of Palestinians continues.") and 18-19 ("One of the most important is that the past represented by the cataclysmic Nakba is not past. What happened in 1948 is not over, either because Palestinians are still living the consequences or because similar processes are at work in the present ... . Their dispersion has continued, their status remains unresolved, and their conditions, especially in the refugee camps, can be miserable. For those with the class backgrounds or good fortune to have rebuilt decent lives elsewhere, whether in the United States, Kuwait, or Lebanon, the pain may be blunted. But for those in the vicinity of Israel, the assaults by the Zionist forces that culminated in the expulsions of the Nakba have not actually ceased. The Palestinians who remained within the borders of the new state were subjected to military rule for the first twenty years. Then in 1967, with the military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, there was another dislocating assault. In 1982 Israel bombarded and invaded Lebanon, causing mass destruction, the routing of the PLO, and then a massacre in the refugee camps. With Palestinian resistance in the occupied territories (the two intifadas), the violence escalated. Hardly a week goes by now when Palestinians are not shelled, shot, “assassinated,” arrested, taken to prison, or tortured. Not a day goes by when they are not humiliated at checkpoints or prevented from moving about by the Israeli army. The confrontation continues and with it the funerals, the house demolitions, the deportations, and the exodus. The usurping of water, the confiscation of land, the denial of legal rights, and the harassment also continue."); Jayyusi 2007, pp. 109-110 ("The unfolding trajectory of continuous dispossession and upheaval experienced at the hands of the Israeli state was to reshape the space of the collective narrative over time. It was to become obvious that the Nakba was not the last collective site of trauma, but what came later to be seen, through the prism of repeated dispossessions and upheavals, as the foundational station in an unfolding and continuing saga of dispossession, negations, and erasure.") and 114-116
[12]
Ashrawi, Hanan (28 August 2001). “Address by Ms. Hanan Ashrawi”. www.i-p-o.org. World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerances. 4 March 2021時点のオリジナルよりアーカイブ。2023年10月11日閲覧。 “a nation in captivity held hostage to an ongoing Nakba, as the most intricate and pervasive expression of persistent colonialism, 'apartheid, racism, and victimization'”
[13]
Erekat, Saeb (15 May 2016). “Israel Must Recognize Its Responsibility for the Nakba, the Palestinian Tragedy”. Haaretz. オリジナルの26 February 2021時点におけるアーカイブ。 2023年10月10日閲覧。
[14]
Sa'di & Abu-Lughod 2007, p. 10: "For Palestinians, still living their dispossession, still struggling or hoping for return, many under military occupation, many still immersed in matters of survival, the past is neither distant nor over. Unlike many historical experiences discussed in the literature on trauma, such as the Blitz, the merciless bombing of Hamburg and Dresden by the Allies at the closing stage of World War II, the Holocaust, the Algerian War of Independence, or the World Trade Center attack, which lasted for a limited period of time (the longest being the Algerian war of independence, lasting eight years), the Nakba is not over yet; after almost sixty years neither the Palestinians nor Israelis have yet achieved a state of normality; the violence and uprooting of Palestinians continues."
[15]
Manna' 2013, p. 87: "Contrary to what many think, particularly in Israel, the Nakba was not a one-time event connected to the war in Palestine and its immediate catastrophic repercussions on the Palestinians. Rather, and more correctly, it refers to the accumulated Palestinian experience since the 1948 war up to the present. After the Oslo agreements in 1993, there were hopes that the stateless Palestinian people would soon earn freedom and independence. However, the failure of the peace process to end the Israeli occupation and allow the birth of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel pushed the Palestinians back to square one. Furthermore, the erup- tion of a new cycle of violence which began in September 2000 added new dimensions to the disintegration of Palestinian society. For many Palestinians, these more recent events are adding new chapters and new meanings to the long-lived catastrophe since 1948."
[16]
「【解説】イスラエルとハマスの戦争、他とは何が違うのか＝BBC国際編集長」『BBCニュース』。2024年3月28日閲覧。
[17]
INC, SANKEI DIGITAL (2023年10月14日). “【フォト＆動画】「新たな惨事」ガザ住民疲弊大規模攻撃が迫り南部へ”. 産経ニュース. 2024年3月28日閲覧。
[18]
“Hostilities in the Gaza Strip and Israel - reported humanitarian impact, 25 March 2024 at 15:00 | OCHA” (英語). www.unocha.org (2024年3月25日). 2024年3月28日閲覧。
[19]
Masalha 2012, p. 3.
[20]
Dajani 2005, p. 42: "The nakba is the experience that has perhaps most defined Palestinian history. For the Palestinian, it is not merely a political event — the establishment of the state of Israel on 78 percent of the territory of the Palestine Mandate, or even, primarily a humanitarian one — the creation of the modern world's most enduring refugee problem. The nakba is of existential significance to Palestinians, representing both the shattering of the Palestinian community in Palestine and the consolidation of a shared national consciousness."
[21]
Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3: "For Palestinians, the 1948 War led indeed to a "catastrophe." A society disintegrated, a people dispersed, and a complex and historically changing but taken for granted communal life was ended violently. The Nakba has thus become, both in Palestinian memory and history, the demarcation line between two qualitatively opposing periods. After 1948, the lives of the Palestinians at the individual, community, and national level were dramatically and irreversibly changed."
[22]
Khalidi, Rashid I. (1992). “Observations on the Right of Return”. Journal of Palestine Studies 21 (2): 29–40. doi:10.2307/2537217. JSTOR 2537217. "Only by understanding the centrality of the catastrophe of politicide and expulsion that befell the Palestinian people – al-nakba in Arabic – is it possible to understand the Palestinians' sense of the right of return"
[23]
Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 33, footnote 4: "In Palestinian writings the signifier “Nakba" came to designate two central meanings, which will be used in this volume interchangeably: (1) the 1948 disaster and (2) the ongoing occupation and colonization of Palestine that reached its peak in the catastrophe of 1948"
[24]
Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511; Manna 2022, p. 17; Pappe 2022, pp. 121 and 128 ("Half of the villages had been destroyed, flattened by Israeli bulldozers ..."); Khalidi 2020, p. 73, "conquest and depopulation ... of scores of Arab cities, towns, and villages"; Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "abolition of hundreds of Palestinian towns and villages"; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 1, "destruction of hundreds of villages and urban neighborhoods ... evacuation of villages"; Cohen 2017, p. 80; Pappe 2017, p. 66, "In a matter of seven months, 531 villages were destroyed and eleven urban neighborhoods emptied." Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 400, "Palestinian cities whose inhabitants were almost completely forced out ... hundreds of evacuated and destroyed towns"; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, p. 10 (quoting Mark Levene) "With at least 5,000 men, women, and children slaughtered in the massacres, 531 villages and 11 major towns destroyed and up to 800,000 folk uprooted, mostly into exile, the point of Pappe’s effort can only be affirmed."; Manna 2013, p. 91; Khoury 2012, p. 259; Masalha 2012, pp. 3 ("over 500 villages and towns and a whole country and its people disappeared from international maps and dictionaries ... Walid Khalidi ... listed 418 depopulated and destroyed villages. However, Salman Abu-Sitta's figure of 531 includes 77 destroyed Bedouin villages in the south"), 7 ("coastal cities of Palestine — Jaffa, Haifa and Acre — were largely depopulated"), 74 ("hundreds of villages had been completely depopulated and their houses blown up or bulldozed"), 90-91 ("Of the 418 depopulated villages documented by Khalidi, 293 (70 per cent) were totally destroyed and 90 (22 per cent) were largely destroyed."), 107 ("nearly 500 destroyed and depopulated villages"), and 115 ("towns and villages of southern Palestine, including the cities of Beer Sheba and al-Majdal, were completely depopulated"); Wolfe 2012, p. 161 n.1, "According to official Israeli estimates, over 85% of Palestinian villages were ‘abandoned’ in the Nakba, 218 villages being listed as destroyed."; Davis 2011, pp. 7 ("destruction of more than four hundred villages ... depopulation of Palestinians from cities"), 9 ("418 villages that were emptied"), and 237 n. 20 ("The total number of depopulated villages, hamlets, settlements, and towns is estimated to be between 290 and 472. The most comprehensive study and the clearest on its methods for including and eliminating population settlements is the massive All That Remains (W. Khalidi 1992), which estimates the number of villages to be 418. According to this study, Israeli topographical maps chart 290 villages, Benny Morris’s 1987 study lists 369, and the Palestinian encyclopedia published by Hay’at al-Mawsu‘a al-Filastiniyya gives 391 (among other sources on the subject)."); Ghanim 2009, p. 25, "about 531 villages were deliberately destroyed"; Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, "Most of their villages, towns, and neighborhoods were destroyed or repopulated by Jewish residents"; Sa'di 2007, pp. 293-297 ("[p. 297] destruction of some 420 Palestinian towns and villages")
[25]
Slater, Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press. pp. 406. ISBN 0190459085
[26]
Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511, "over 80 per cent"; Pappe 2022, p. 128, "Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent"; Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ..."; Slater 2020, pp. 81 ("about 750,000"), 83 ("over 80 percent"), and 350 ("It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces."); Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "750,000"; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7, "some 750,000"; Bishara 2017, pp. 138 ("expelled close to 750,000") and 148 n. 21 ("number of the refugees displaced ranged between 700,000 and 900,000"; Bäuml 2017, p. 105, "approximately 750,000"; Cohen 2017, p. 87, "approximately 700,000 ... between half a million and a million"; Manna 2013, pp. 93 ("approximately 750,000") and 99 n. 12 ("Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees."); Masalha 2012, pp. 2, "about 90 per cent ... 750,000 refugees"; Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "some three quarters of a million"; Davis 2011, pp. 7 ("more than 750,000") and 237 n. 21 ("Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000"); Lentin 2010, pp. 6 ("at least 80 per cent") and 7 ("more than 700,000"); Ghanim 2009, p. 25, "Around 750,000-900,000"; Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, "700,000 to 900,000"; Morris 2008, p. 407, "some seven hundred thousand"; Sa'di 2007, pp. 297, "at least 780,000 ... more than 80 percent"
[27]
Golani, Motti; Manna, Adel (2011). Two sides of the coin: independence and Nakba, 1948: two narratives of the 1948 War and its outcome. Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation. p. 14. ISBN 978-90-8979-080-4 14 November 2023閲覧. "The Palestinians regard the Nakba and its repercussions as a formative trauma defining their identity and their national, moral, and political aspirations. As a result of the 1948 war, the Palestinian people, which to a large degree lost their country to the establishment of a Jewish state for the survivors of the Holocaust, developed a victimized national identity. From their perspective, the Palestinians have been forced to pay for the Jewish Holocaust with their bodies, their property, and their freedom instead of those who were truly responsible. Jewish Israelis, in contrast, see the war and its outcome not merely as an act of historical justice that changed the historical course of the Jewish people, which until that point had been filled with suffering and hardship, but also as a birth – the birth of Israel as an independent Jewish state after two thousand years of exile. As such, it must be pure and untainted, because if a person, a nation, or a state is born in sin, its entire essence is tainted. In this sense, discourse on the war is not at all historical but rather current and extremely sensitive. Its power and intensity is directly influenced by present day events. In the Israeli and the Palestinian cases, therefore, the 1948 war plays a pivotal role in two simple, clear, unequivocal, and harmonious narratives, with both peoples continuing to see the war as a formative event in their respective histories."
[28]
Partner, Nancy (2008). “The Linguistic Turn along Post-Postmodern Borders: Israeli/Palestinian Narrative Conflict”. New Literary History 39 (4): 823–845. doi:10.1353/nlh.0.0065. JSTOR 20533118.
[29]
Mori 2009.
[30]
Schmemann, Serge (15 May 1998). “MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE OVERVIEW; 9 Palestinians Die in Protests Marking Israel's Anniversary”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. オリジナルの5 March 2022時点におけるアーカイブ。 7 April 2021閲覧. "We are not asking for a lot. We are not asking for the moon. We are asking to close the chapter of nakba once and for all, for the refugees to return and to build an independent Palestinian state on our land, our land, our land, just like other peoples. We want to celebrate in our capital, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem."
[31]
Gladstone, Rick (15 May 2021). “An annual day of Palestinian grievance comes amid the upheaval.”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. オリジナルの15 May 2021時点におけるアーカイブ。 15 May 2021閲覧。
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Schmemann, Serge (15 May 1998). “MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE OVERVIEW; 9 Palestinians Die in Protests Marking Israel's Anniversary”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. オリジナルの5 March 2022時点におけるアーカイブ。 7 April 2021閲覧. "We are not asking for a lot. We are not asking for the moon. We are asking to close the chapter of nakba once and for all, for the refugees to return and to build an independent Palestinian state on our land, our land, our land, just like other peoples. We want to celebrate in our capital, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem."
[33]
Gladstone, Rick (15 May 2021). “An annual day of Palestinian grievance comes amid the upheaval.”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. オリジナルの15 May 2021時点におけるアーカイブ。 15 May 2021閲覧。
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Masalha 2012, p. 11.
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Darwish 2001.
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Williams 2009, p. 89.
[37]
金城 2014, p. 131.
[38]
金城 2014, pp. 132–133.
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金城 2017, p. 188.
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金城 2014, p. 140.
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金城 2014, pp. 137–139, 143.
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金城 2014, p. 141.
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金城 2014, p. 133.
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金城 2014, p. 135.
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岡崎 2021, p. 96.
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Vidal, Dominique (1997年12月). “Ten years of research into the 1947-49 war: The expulsion of the Palestinians re-examined” (英語). Le Monde diplomatique. 2024年4月29日閲覧。
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Shezaf, Hagar (2019年7月5日). “Burying the Nakba: How Israel systematically hides evidence of 1948 expulsion of Arabs” (英語). Haaretz 2024年4月29日閲覧。
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47NEWS (2024年4月29日). “ガザ3万人犠牲でも「仕方がない」？イスラエルの洗脳教育は〝成功〟なのか日本在住40年、非戦論のイスラエル人が同胞の思考回路を分析した”. 47NEWS. 2024年4月29日閲覧。
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[6] [注 1]
نكبة（nakbah ないしは nakba, ナクバ）はアラビア語で مصيبة（muṣībah ないしは muṣība, ムスィーバ）の同義語。「災難、災害」の意味で一般の単語としては個人やその財産・身近な人物を襲う不幸・厄難を単に指すといった辞書的定義になっているため、必ずしも"大（規模）、重度"という含みを持っている訳ではない。

[7] [注 2]
イスラエルではユダヤ暦を使用しているので、毎年の建国記念日はグレゴリオ暦上では変動する。

[36] [注 3]
（ناجي العلي, Nājī al-ʿAlī）日本語カタカナ表記としてはナージー・アル・アリー、ナージーアル・アリー、ナジ・アル・アリなど。1937年生まれでクウェートで働いている時期にハンダラ（ハンザラ）を創り出した。英国在住中に暗殺死を遂げたが、彼の風刺・批判はパレスチナ指導部にも向けられていたためイスラエルの諜報機関によるものだったのか、PLO側の刺客によるものだったのか判明せず真相究明はならなかった。

[37] [注 4]
白地に黒の模様をほどこしたアラブの頭巾

[38] [注 5]
元々住んでいた家の鍵

[44] [注 6]
先駆的な記録として、ベイルート在住のイギリス人ローズマリー・サーイグ（英語版）やイスラエルのパレスチナ系市民のナーフェズ・ナッザール（Nāfiz Nazzāl）の活動がある^[38]。

[47] [注 7]
証言の収集によって、シオニストによるパレスチナ人の虐殺が予想以上の規模であることが判明した。デイル・ヤーシーンやダワーイマに限らず、アブー・シューシャ、ティーレット・ハイファー、ザルヌーカでの虐殺の証言も収集された^[40]。

[51] [注 8]
「記憶されるパレスチナ」の公式サイトはPalestine Remembered, al-Nakba 1948-

[53] [注 9]
ナクバ・アーカイブは、ベイルート・アメリカン大学や、大衆芸術のためのアラブ資料センター（Arab Resource Center for Popular Arts（ARCPA） / Al-Jana）の協力を得ている。公式サイトはNakba Archive أرشيف النكبة^[44]。

[55] [注 10]
「パレスチナは存在しない」「パレスチナ人という特有の民族集団は存在しない」という認識のもと、パレスチナ人は「アラブ人」と呼ばれる。

[読売20240516-1] [1]
「ナクバの日」パレスチナ大規模デモ／ガザ戦闘悲劇の記憶重ね『読売新聞』朝刊2024年5月16日（国際面）

[2] [2]
“ORDER: APPLICATION OF THE CONVENTION ON THE PREVENTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE IN THE GAZA STRIP (SOUTH AFRICA v. ISRAEL)” (PDF) (英語). 国際司法裁判所. p. 15 (2024年1月26日). 2024年5月16日閲覧。

[Webman292-3] [3]
Webman 2009, p. 29: "The Nakba represented the defeat, displacement, dispossession, exile, dependence, insecurity, lack of statehood, and fight for survival of the Palestinians."

[Sadi1752-4] [4]
Sa'di 2002, p. 175: "for Palestinians, Al-Nakbah represents, among many other things, the loss of the homeland, the disintegration of society, the frustration of national aspirations, and the beginning of a hasty process of destruction of their culture."

[Ghanim-5] [5]
Ghanim, Honaida (2009). “Poetics of Disaster: Nationalism, gender, and social change among Palestinian poets in Israel after Nakba”. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 22 (1): 23–39. ISSN 0891-4486. JSTOR 40608203.

[8] [6]
11月29日は「パレスチナ人民連帯国際デー」です国際連合広報センター（2011年11月28日）

[毎日新聞20240516-9] [7]
「第二のナクバだ」パレスチナで抗議デモ大惨事の日、76年『毎日新聞』夕刊2024年5月16日

[EC-10] [8]
Sabbagh-Khoury 2023, pp. 30, 65, 71, 81, 182, 193–194; Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511; Manna 2022; Pappe 2022, pp. 33, 120–122, 126–132, 137, 239; Hasian Jr. 2020, pp. 77–109; Khalidi 2020, pp. 12, 73, 76, 231; Slater 2020, pp. 81–85; Shenhav 2019, pp. 49–50, 54, and 61; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 20 and 32 n.2; Confino 2018, p. 138; Masalha 2018, pp. 44, 52–54, 64, 319, 324, 376, 383; Nashef 2018, pp. 5–6, 52, 76; Auron 2017; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 393; Al-Hardan 2016, pp. 47–48; Natour 2016, p. 82; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 3–4, 8–18; Masalha 2012; Wolfe 2012, pp. 153–154, 160–161; Khoury 2012, pp. 258, 263–265; Knopf-Newman 2011, pp. 4–5, 25–32, 109, 180–182; Lentin 2010, ch. 2; Milshtein 2009, p. 50; Ram 2009, p. 388; Shlaim 2009, pp. 55, 288; Esmeir 2007, pp. 249–250; Sa'di 2007, pp. 291–293, 298, 308; Pappe 2006; Schulz 2003, pp. 24, 31–32

[Webman29-11] [9]
Webman 2009, p. 29: "The Nakba represented the defeat, displacement, dispossession, exile, dependence, insecurity, lack of statehood, and fight for survival of the Palestinians."

[Sadi175-12] [10]
Sa'di 2002, p. 175: "for Palestinians, Al-Nakbah represents, among many other things, the loss of the homeland, the disintegration of society, the frustration of national aspirations, and the beginning of a hasty process of destruction of their culture."

[Ongoing-13] [11]
Sayigh 2023, pp. 285 ("Nakba entailed a continuing state of rightlessness"), 288 n. 12 ("the Nakba was not limited to 1948") and 288 n. 13 ("Palestinians were attacked in Jordan in ‘Black September’, 1970, with heavy casualties; in Lebanon during the civil war of 1975–1990, including the massacre of Tal al-Zaater [1976]; during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, with the massacre of Sabra/ Shatila; during the Battle of the Camps 1985–1988; and again in 2007 with the Lebanese Army’s attack on Nahr al-Bared camp. Palestinians were evicted from Kuwait in 1990, and again in 2003; expelled from Libya in 1994–1995; evicted by landlords in Iraq in 2003. In Syria, 4,027 have been killed and 120,00 displaced so far in the current civil war. Israeli attacks against Gaza have been continuous: 2008–2009, 2012, 2014, 2018, 2019 ... In the Occupied West Bank, attacks by armed Israeli settlers are frequent [Amnesty 2017]."); Pappe 2021, pp. 70-71 ("[p. 70] The incremental colonization, ethnic cleansing, and oppression occurring daily in historical Palestine is usually ignored by the world media.") and 80 ("The Palestinians refer to their current situation quite often as al-Nakba al-Mustamera, the ongoing Nakba. The original Nakba or catastrophe occurred in 1948, when Israel ethnically cleansed half of the Palestinian population and demolished half of their villages and most of their towns. The world ignored that crime and absolved Israel from any responsibility. Since then, the settler-colonial state of Israel has attempted to complete the ethnic cleansing of 1948."); Khalidi 2020, p. 75, "None were allowed to return, and most of their homes and villages were destroyed to prevent them from doing so.38 Still more were expelled from the new state of Israel even after the armistice agreements of 1949 were signed, while further numbers have been forced out since then. In this sense the Nakba can be understood as an ongoing process."; Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "To be sure, the ethnic cleansing of Palestine did not begin or end in 1948. It started back in the 1920s, with an aggressive acquisition and takeover of lands that reached a peak in 1948 and again in 1967. The ethnic cleansing continues in the present day by other means: the silent transfer in Jerusalem; the settlements and the expropriation of land in the West Bank; the communal settlements in the Galilee for Jews only; the new Citizenship decree (which bans Palestinian citizens from bringing their Palestinian spouses into Israel, thanks to the emergency laws); the “unrecognized Palestinian villages” constantly under the threat of destruction; the incessant demolition of Bedouin houses in the south; the omission of Arabic on road signs; the prohibition on importing literature from Arab countries, and many others. One telling example is the fact that not one Arab town or village has been established in Israel since 1948."; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 7 ("The Nakba is an explicitly continuing present. Its consequences as well as the eliminatory colonial ideas and practices that informed it are still unfolding, being deployed, and affecting contemporary Palestinian life. Its aftermath of suffering and political weakness affects almost every Palestinian and Palestinian family, along with the Palestinian collective, on a near-daily basis.") and 33 n. 4 ("In Palestinian writings the signifier “Nakba” came to designate two central meanings, which will be used in this volume interchangeably: (1) the 1948 disaster and (2) the ongoing occupation and colonization of Palestine that reached its peak in the catastrophe of 1948."); Khoury 2018, pp. xiii–xv, "[p. xiii] The Nakba’s initial bloody chapters were written with the forceful ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948 ... This proves the error of some Arab historians who considered the Nakba a historic event whose place is set firmly in the past. The everyday reality of life in Palestine clearly indicates that the 1948 war was merely the beginning of the catastrophic event. It did not end when the cease-fire agreements of 1949 were signed. In fact, 1948 was the beginning of a phenomenon that continues to this day ... [p. xiv] The Nakba continues to this day even for those Israeli Palestinians who were denied their label of national identity as “Palestinians” and are now referred to as “Israeli Arabs.” ... While the continuing Nakba is obscured from view in Israel by the laws and legislation approved by the Israeli parliament, the Nakba is very conspicuous in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza. Those lands occupied in 1967 are subject to military laws, while settlements proliferate in every corner: from Jerusalem, which is being suffocated by Jewish settlements, to the West Bank, through to the Jordan Valley. Repression, administrative detentions, and outright killing have become daily institutionalized practices. Israel, in fact, has built a comprehensive apartheid system shored up by settler-only roads that circumvent Palestinian cities, the wall of separation that tears up and confiscates Palestinian cities and villages, and the many checkpoints that have made moving from one Palestinian Bantustan to the next a daily ordeal. The consequences of the continuing Nakba are nowhere clearer than in Jerusalem and Hebron, where settlers plant their communities among Palestinians, closing roads and turning ordinary chores into a daily nightmare. They reach the peak of inhumanity by transforming Gaza into the biggest open-air prison in the world."; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, pp. 393 ("We use “Nakba” to refer to an event and a process. The event refers to the dismantlement of Palestine and Palestinian society in 1948 as a result of the establishment of Israel and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from the part of Palestine on which Israel was established. The process refers to the continuation of what started in 1948 until today in the forms of dispossession, exile, colonization, and occupation."), 405 ("the Palestinian catastrophe that has been continuing for close to seven decades"), 407 ("Israel continued the ethnic cleansing well into the early 1950s"), and 422-423 ("This emerging differentiation between the Nakba as a traumatic and rapturous event and the Nakba as an ongoing process is of utmost importance ... Support for the increasing awareness of the Nakba as an ongoing structural process rather than a memory of a discrete historical event with a beginning and an end, and support for the realization that the Nakba also includes the Palestinians in Israel, can be found in the gradual emergence of certain sentiments ... the continued Nakba is the other side of the colonial project of the Jewish state."); Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 1 ([Abstract] "The paper suggests that the ‘Nakba’ of 1948, which was based on appropriation of the land of Palestine without its people, comprising massacres, physical destruction of villages, appropriation of land, property and culture, can be seen as an ongoing process and not merely a historical event.") and 12-18 ("[p. 12] The concept of an ‘ongoing’ Nakba is not a new one for Palestinians ..."); Masalha 2012, pp. 5 ("The clearing out and displacement of the Palestinians did not end with the 1948 war, the Israeli authorities continued to ‘transfer’ (a euphemism for the removal of Palestinians from the land), dispossess and colonise Palestinians during the 1950s"), 12-14 ("[p. 12] The Nakba as a continuing trauma occupies a central place in the Palestinian psyche ... [p. 13] With millions still living under Israeli colonialism, occupation or in exile, the Nakba remains at the heart of both Palestinian national identity and political resistance ... [p. 14] the Nakba and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem and other parts of the West Bank are continuing"), 75 ("The pattern of Israeli massacres of Palestinian civilians established in 1948 has been maintained: for example, the massacres at Qibya in October 1953, the al-Azazme tribes in March 1955, Kafr Qasim on 29 October 1956, Samo‘a in the 1960s, the villages of the Galilee during Land Day on 30 March 1976, Sabra and Shatila on 16–18 September 1982, al-Khalil (Hebron) on 25 February 1994, Kfar Qana in 1999, Wadi Ara in 2000, the Jenin refugee camp on 13 April 2002, the mass killing during the popular Palestinian uprisings (intifadas) against Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza (1987–1993 and 2000–2002), Gaza (December 2008–January 2009), the Gaza flotilla raid on 31 May 2010."), 251 ("The processes of ethnic cleansing and transfer in Palestine continue."), and 254 ("While the Holocaust is an event in the past, the Nakba did not end in 1948. For Palestinians, mourning sixty-three years of al-Nakba is not just about remembering the ‘ethnic cleansing’ of 1948, it is also about marking the ongoing dispossession and dislocation. Today the trauma of the Nakba continues: the ongoing forced displacement of Palestinians caused by Israeli colonisation of the West Bank, land confiscation, continued closures and invasions, de facto annexation facilitated by Israel’s 730-kilometre ‘apartheid wall’ in the occupied West Bank, and the ongoing horrific siege of Gaza. Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are denied access to land, water and other basic resources. Today the Nakba continues through the ‘politics of denial’. There are millions of Palestinian refugees around the world, all of whom are denied their internationally recognised ‘right of return’ to their homes and land. The memory, history, rights and needs of Palestinian refugees have been excluded not only from recent Middle East peacemaking efforts but also from Palestinian top-down and elite approaches to the refugee issue (Boqai’ and Rempel 2003). The ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Naqab, and the failure of both the Israeli state and the international community to acknowledge 1948 as such, continue to underpin the Palestine–Israel conflict ..."); Lentin 2010, p. 111, "Non-Zionist scholars operate a different timescale and highlight the continuities between wartime policies and post-1948 ethnic cleansing. They treat the Nakba as the beginning of an ongoing policy of expulsion and expropriation, rather than a fait accompli which ended a long time ago."; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, pp. 10 ("For Palestinians, still living their dispossession, still struggling or hoping for return, many under military occupation, many still immersed in matters of survival, the past is neither distant nor over ... the Nakba is not over yet; after almost sixty years neither the Palestinians nor Israelis have yet achieved a state of normality; the violence and uprooting of Palestinians continues.") and 18-19 ("One of the most important is that the past represented by the cataclysmic Nakba is not past. What happened in 1948 is not over, either because Palestinians are still living the consequences or because similar processes are at work in the present ... . Their dispersion has continued, their status remains unresolved, and their conditions, especially in the refugee camps, can be miserable. For those with the class backgrounds or good fortune to have rebuilt decent lives elsewhere, whether in the United States, Kuwait, or Lebanon, the pain may be blunted. But for those in the vicinity of Israel, the assaults by the Zionist forces that culminated in the expulsions of the Nakba have not actually ceased. The Palestinians who remained within the borders of the new state were subjected to military rule for the first twenty years. Then in 1967, with the military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, there was another dislocating assault. In 1982 Israel bombarded and invaded Lebanon, causing mass destruction, the routing of the PLO, and then a massacre in the refugee camps. With Palestinian resistance in the occupied territories (the two intifadas), the violence escalated. Hardly a week goes by now when Palestinians are not shelled, shot, “assassinated,” arrested, taken to prison, or tortured. Not a day goes by when they are not humiliated at checkpoints or prevented from moving about by the Israeli army. The confrontation continues and with it the funerals, the house demolitions, the deportations, and the exodus. The usurping of water, the confiscation of land, the denial of legal rights, and the harassment also continue."); Jayyusi 2007, pp. 109-110 ("The unfolding trajectory of continuous dispossession and upheaval experienced at the hands of the Israeli state was to reshape the space of the collective narrative over time. It was to become obvious that the Nakba was not the last collective site of trauma, but what came later to be seen, through the prism of repeated dispossessions and upheavals, as the foundational station in an unfolding and continuing saga of dispossession, negations, and erasure.") and 114-116

[14] [12]
Ashrawi, Hanan (28 August 2001). “Address by Ms. Hanan Ashrawi”. www.i-p-o.org. World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerances. 4 March 2021時点のオリジナルよりアーカイブ。2023年10月11日閲覧。 “a nation in captivity held hostage to an ongoing Nakba, as the most intricate and pervasive expression of persistent colonialism, 'apartheid, racism, and victimization'”

[15] [13]
Erekat, Saeb (15 May 2016). “Israel Must Recognize Its Responsibility for the Nakba, the Palestinian Tragedy”. Haaretz. オリジナルの26 February 2021時点におけるアーカイブ。 2023年10月10日閲覧。

[SadiAbuL10-16] [14]
Sa'di & Abu-Lughod 2007, p. 10: "For Palestinians, still living their dispossession, still struggling or hoping for return, many under military occupation, many still immersed in matters of survival, the past is neither distant nor over. Unlike many historical experiences discussed in the literature on trauma, such as the Blitz, the merciless bombing of Hamburg and Dresden by the Allies at the closing stage of World War II, the Holocaust, the Algerian War of Independence, or the World Trade Center attack, which lasted for a limited period of time (the longest being the Algerian war of independence, lasting eight years), the Nakba is not over yet; after almost sixty years neither the Palestinians nor Israelis have yet achieved a state of normality; the violence and uprooting of Palestinians continues."

[Manna87-17] [15]
Manna' 2013, p. 87: "Contrary to what many think, particularly in Israel, the Nakba was not a one-time event connected to the war in Palestine and its immediate catastrophic repercussions on the Palestinians. Rather, and more correctly, it refers to the accumulated Palestinian experience since the 1948 war up to the present. After the Oslo agreements in 1993, there were hopes that the stateless Palestinian people would soon earn freedom and independence. However, the failure of the peace process to end the Israeli occupation and allow the birth of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel pushed the Palestinians back to square one. Furthermore, the erup- tion of a new cycle of violence which began in September 2000 added new dimensions to the disintegration of Palestinian society. For many Palestinians, these more recent events are adding new chapters and new meanings to the long-lived catastrophe since 1948."

[18] [16]
「【解説】イスラエルとハマスの戦争、他とは何が違うのか＝BBC国際編集長」『BBCニュース』。2024年3月28日閲覧。

[19] [17]
INC, SANKEI DIGITAL (2023年10月14日). “【フォト＆動画】「新たな惨事」ガザ住民疲弊大規模攻撃が迫り南部へ”. 産経ニュース. 2024年3月28日閲覧。

[20] [18]
“Hostilities in the Gaza Strip and Israel - reported humanitarian impact, 25 March 2024 at 15:00 | OCHA” (英語). www.unocha.org (2024年3月25日). 2024年3月28日閲覧。

[FOOTNOTEMasalha20123-21] [19]
Masalha 2012, p. 3.

[FOOTNOTEDajani200542-22] [20]
Dajani 2005, p. 42: "The nakba is the experience that has perhaps most defined Palestinian history. For the Palestinian, it is not merely a political event — the establishment of the state of Israel on 78 percent of the territory of the Palestine Mandate, or even, primarily a humanitarian one — the creation of the modern world's most enduring refugee problem. The nakba is of existential significance to Palestinians, representing both the shattering of the Palestinian community in Palestine and the consolidation of a shared national consciousness."

[FOOTNOTEAbu-LughodSa&#039;di20073-23] [21]
Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3: "For Palestinians, the 1948 War led indeed to a "catastrophe." A society disintegrated, a people dispersed, and a complex and historically changing but taken for granted communal life was ended violently. The Nakba has thus become, both in Palestinian memory and history, the demarcation line between two qualitatively opposing periods. After 1948, the lives of the Palestinians at the individual, community, and national level were dramatically and irreversibly changed."

[24] [22]
Khalidi, Rashid I. (1992). “Observations on the Right of Return”. Journal of Palestine Studies 21 (2): 29–40. doi:10.2307/2537217. JSTOR 2537217. "Only by understanding the centrality of the catastrophe of politicide and expulsion that befell the Palestinian people – al-nakba in Arabic – is it possible to understand the Palestinians' sense of the right of return"

[FOOTNOTEBashirGoldberg201833,_footnote_4-25] [23]
Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 33, footnote 4: "In Palestinian writings the signifier “Nakba" came to designate two central meanings, which will be used in this volume interchangeably: (1) the 1948 disaster and (2) the ongoing occupation and colonization of Palestine that reached its peak in the catastrophe of 1948"

[500_villages-26] [24]
Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511; Manna 2022, p. 17; Pappe 2022, pp. 121 and 128 ("Half of the villages had been destroyed, flattened by Israeli bulldozers ..."); Khalidi 2020, p. 73, "conquest and depopulation ... of scores of Arab cities, towns, and villages"; Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "abolition of hundreds of Palestinian towns and villages"; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 1, "destruction of hundreds of villages and urban neighborhoods ... evacuation of villages"; Cohen 2017, p. 80; Pappe 2017, p. 66, "In a matter of seven months, 531 villages were destroyed and eleven urban neighborhoods emptied." Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 400, "Palestinian cities whose inhabitants were almost completely forced out ... hundreds of evacuated and destroyed towns"; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, p. 10 (quoting Mark Levene) "With at least 5,000 men, women, and children slaughtered in the massacres, 531 villages and 11 major towns destroyed and up to 800,000 folk uprooted, mostly into exile, the point of Pappe’s effort can only be affirmed."; Manna 2013, p. 91; Khoury 2012, p. 259; Masalha 2012, pp. 3 ("over 500 villages and towns and a whole country and its people disappeared from international maps and dictionaries ... Walid Khalidi ... listed 418 depopulated and destroyed villages. However, Salman Abu-Sitta's figure of 531 includes 77 destroyed Bedouin villages in the south"), 7 ("coastal cities of Palestine — Jaffa, Haifa and Acre — were largely depopulated"), 74 ("hundreds of villages had been completely depopulated and their houses blown up or bulldozed"), 90-91 ("Of the 418 depopulated villages documented by Khalidi, 293 (70 per cent) were totally destroyed and 90 (22 per cent) were largely destroyed."), 107 ("nearly 500 destroyed and depopulated villages"), and 115 ("towns and villages of southern Palestine, including the cities of Beer Sheba and al-Majdal, were completely depopulated"); Wolfe 2012, p. 161 n.1, "According to official Israeli estimates, over 85% of Palestinian villages were ‘abandoned’ in the Nakba, 218 villages being listed as destroyed."; Davis 2011, pp. 7 ("destruction of more than four hundred villages ... depopulation of Palestinians from cities"), 9 ("418 villages that were emptied"), and 237 n. 20 ("The total number of depopulated villages, hamlets, settlements, and towns is estimated to be between 290 and 472. The most comprehensive study and the clearest on its methods for including and eliminating population settlements is the massive All That Remains (W. Khalidi 1992), which estimates the number of villages to be 418. According to this study, Israeli topographical maps chart 290 villages, Benny Morris’s 1987 study lists 369, and the Palestinian encyclopedia published by Hay’at al-Mawsu‘a al-Filastiniyya gives 391 (among other sources on the subject)."); Ghanim 2009, p. 25, "about 531 villages were deliberately destroyed"; Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, "Most of their villages, towns, and neighborhoods were destroyed or repopulated by Jewish residents"; Sa'di 2007, pp. 293-297 ("[p. 297] destruction of some 420 Palestinian towns and villages")

[27] [25]
Slater, Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press. pp. 406. ISBN 0190459085

[750k-28] [26]
Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511, "over 80 per cent"; Pappe 2022, p. 128, "Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent"; Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ..."; Slater 2020, pp. 81 ("about 750,000"), 83 ("over 80 percent"), and 350 ("It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces."); Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "750,000"; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7, "some 750,000"; Bishara 2017, pp. 138 ("expelled close to 750,000") and 148 n. 21 ("number of the refugees displaced ranged between 700,000 and 900,000"; Bäuml 2017, p. 105, "approximately 750,000"; Cohen 2017, p. 87, "approximately 700,000 ... between half a million and a million"; Manna 2013, pp. 93 ("approximately 750,000") and 99 n. 12 ("Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees."); Masalha 2012, pp. 2, "about 90 per cent ... 750,000 refugees"; Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "some three quarters of a million"; Davis 2011, pp. 7 ("more than 750,000") and 237 n. 21 ("Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000"); Lentin 2010, pp. 6 ("at least 80 per cent") and 7 ("more than 700,000"); Ghanim 2009, p. 25, "Around 750,000-900,000"; Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, "700,000 to 900,000"; Morris 2008, p. 407, "some seven hundred thousand"; Sa'di 2007, pp. 297, "at least 780,000 ... more than 80 percent"

[coin-29] [27]
Golani, Motti; Manna, Adel (2011). Two sides of the coin: independence and Nakba, 1948: two narratives of the 1948 War and its outcome. Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation. p. 14. ISBN 978-90-8979-080-4 14 November 2023閲覧. "The Palestinians regard the Nakba and its repercussions as a formative trauma defining their identity and their national, moral, and political aspirations. As a result of the 1948 war, the Palestinian people, which to a large degree lost their country to the establishment of a Jewish state for the survivors of the Holocaust, developed a victimized national identity. From their perspective, the Palestinians have been forced to pay for the Jewish Holocaust with their bodies, their property, and their freedom instead of those who were truly responsible. Jewish Israelis, in contrast, see the war and its outcome not merely as an act of historical justice that changed the historical course of the Jewish people, which until that point had been filled with suffering and hardship, but also as a birth – the birth of Israel as an independent Jewish state after two thousand years of exile. As such, it must be pure and untainted, because if a person, a nation, or a state is born in sin, its entire essence is tainted. In this sense, discourse on the war is not at all historical but rather current and extremely sensitive. Its power and intensity is directly influenced by present day events. In the Israeli and the Palestinian cases, therefore, the 1948 war plays a pivotal role in two simple, clear, unequivocal, and harmonious narratives, with both peoples continuing to see the war as a formative event in their respective histories."

[partner-30] [28]
Partner, Nancy (2008). “The Linguistic Turn along Post-Postmodern Borders: Israeli/Palestinian Narrative Conflict”. New Literary History 39 (4): 823–845. doi:10.1353/nlh.0.0065. JSTOR 20533118.

[FOOTNOTEMori2009-31] [29]
Mori 2009.

[32] [30]
Schmemann, Serge (15 May 1998). “MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE OVERVIEW; 9 Palestinians Die in Protests Marking Israel's Anniversary”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. オリジナルの5 March 2022時点におけるアーカイブ。 7 April 2021閲覧. "We are not asking for a lot. We are not asking for the moon. We are asking to close the chapter of nakba once and for all, for the refugees to return and to build an independent Palestinian state on our land, our land, our land, just like other peoples. We want to celebrate in our capital, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem."

[33] [31]
Gladstone, Rick (15 May 2021). “An annual day of Palestinian grievance comes amid the upheaval.”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. オリジナルの15 May 2021時点におけるアーカイブ。 15 May 2021閲覧。

[34] [32]
Schmemann, Serge (15 May 1998). “MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE OVERVIEW; 9 Palestinians Die in Protests Marking Israel's Anniversary”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. オリジナルの5 March 2022時点におけるアーカイブ。 7 April 2021閲覧. "We are not asking for a lot. We are not asking for the moon. We are asking to close the chapter of nakba once and for all, for the refugees to return and to build an independent Palestinian state on our land, our land, our land, just like other peoples. We want to celebrate in our capital, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem."

[35] [33]
Gladstone, Rick (15 May 2021). “An annual day of Palestinian grievance comes amid the upheaval.”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. オリジナルの15 May 2021時点におけるアーカイブ。 15 May 2021閲覧。

[FOOTNOTEMasalha201211-39] [34]
Masalha 2012, p. 11.

[FOOTNOTEDarwish2001-40] [35]
Darwish 2001.

[FOOTNOTEWilliams200989-41] [36]
Williams 2009, p. 89.

[FOOTNOTE金城2014131-42] [37]
金城 2014, p. 131.

[FOOTNOTE金城2014132–133-43] [38]
金城 2014, pp. 132–133.

[FOOTNOTE金城2017188-45] [39]
金城 2017, p. 188.

[FOOTNOTE金城2014140-46] [40]
金城 2014, p. 140.

[FOOTNOTE金城2014137–139,_143-48] [41]
金城 2014, pp. 137–139, 143.

[FOOTNOTE金城2014141-49] [42]
金城 2014, p. 141.

[FOOTNOTE金城2014133-50] [43]
金城 2014, p. 133.

[FOOTNOTE金城2014135-52] [44]
金城 2014, p. 135.

[FOOTNOTE岡崎202196-54] [45]
岡崎 2021, p. 96.

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Black, Ian; editor, Middle East (2009年7月22日). “1948 no catastrophe says Israel, as term nakba banned from Arab children's textbooks” (英語). The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077 2024年4月29日閲覧。

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