تصرفات غیرقانونی سرزمینی توسط کشورها از ویکیپدیا، دانشنامه آزاد
این مقاله، فهرستی از اشغالهای نظامی، از زمانیکه قوانین عرفی اشغال نظامی متخاصم برای اولین بار توسط کنوانسیون لاهه در سال ۱۹۰۷ روشن و تکمیل شد، اعم از تاریخی و کنونی را ارائه میکند.[۱]
همانطور که در حال حاضر در حقوق بینالملل فهمیده میشود، اشغال نظامی عبارت است از کنترل نظامی مؤثر توسط یک قدرت بر سرزمینی خارج از قلمروی مستقل شناختهشده آن قدرت. قدرت اشغالگر مورد بحث، ممکن است یک دولت یا یک سازمان فراملی مانند سازمان ملل باشد.
قلمرو | آغاز اشغال | کشور یا قلمروی اشغالشده | کشور اشغالگر | کشور یا قلمروی اعلامشده توسط اشغالگر | وضعیت | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
ترانسنیستریا | ۱۹۹۲ | مولدووا | روسیه | ترانسنیستریا | اشغال توسط گروهی مسلح تحت نفوذ قدرتی خارجی[الف] | |
آبخاز | ۲۰۰۸ | گرجستان | آبخاز | اشغال توسط گروهی مسلح تحت نفوذ قدرتی خارجی[۲][ب] | ||
اوستیای جنوبی | اوستیای جنوبی | |||||
کریمه[۳][۴] | ۲۰۱۴ | اوکراین[پ] | ناحیههای فدرال روسیه | اشغال توسط قدرتی خارجی با الحاق[۲] | ||
بخشهای مهمی از استانهای دونتسک، خرسون، لوهانسک و زاپوریژیا | ۲۰۱۴[ت]
۲۰۲۲[ث] |
ناحیههای فدرال روسیه[ج]
|
استانهای دونتسک، خرسون، لوهانسک، زاپوریژیا:
استان میکولائیف:
استان خارکوف:
| |||
بخشیهایی از استان کورسک | ۲۰۲۴ | روسیه[ر] | اوکراین | استان کورسک تحت اشغال اوکراین | اشغال توسط قدرتی خارجی[۱۲][ز] | |
اورشلیم شرقی[۱۳][۱۴][۱۵][۱۶] | ۱۹۶۷ | سرزمینهای فلسطینی؛ فلسطین (از زمان بیانیه استقلال فلسطین در ۱۹۸۸)[ژ] |
اسرائیل | بخشی از منطقه اورشلیم (ضمیمهشده بهطور مؤثر در ۱۹۸۰) | اشغال توسط قدرتی خارجی با الحاق[۲][۲۱][س] | |
کرانه باختری[۲۲] | منطقه یهودا و سامره | اشغال توسط قدرتی خارجی،[۲۳][ش] با الحاق جزئی دفاکتو در کرانه باختری[۲] | ||||
نوار غزه[ص] | — | |||||
بلندیهای جولان[۲۷][۲۸][۲۹] | سوریه | بخشی از منطقه شمالی (ضمیمهشده بهطور مؤثر در ۱۹۸۱) | ||||
التنف[۳۱] | ۲۰۱۵ | ایالات متحده آمریکا | — | اشغال توسط گروهی مسلح تحت نفوذ قدرتی خارجی[۳۱][ط] | ||
مناطق اعزاز، الباب و جرابلس[۳۲][۳۳] | ۲۰۱۶ | ترکیه | دولت موقت سوریه | اشغال توسط گروهی مسلح تحت نفوذ قدرتی خارجی[ظ] | ||
منطقه عفرین | ۲۰۱۸ | اشغال توسط گروهی مسلح تحت نفوذ قدرتی خارجی[۳۴][ع] | ||||
مناطق تل البیض و راسالعین | ۲۰۱۹ | اشغال توسط گروهی مسلح تحت نفوذ قدرتی خارجی[غ] | ||||
قبرس شمالی[۳۵] | ۱۹۷۴ | قبرس | قبرس شمالی | اشغال توسط گروهی مسلح تحت نفوذ قدرتی خارجی[۲][۵][ف] | ||
سوفولو، برخوردارلی، اسکیپاره بالا و کرک[۳۶] | ۱۹۹۲ | جمهوری آذربایجان | ارمنستان | بخشی از استانهای تاووش و آرارات | اشغال توسط قدرتی خارجی | |
آرتسواشن[۳۷] | ارمنستان | جمهوری آذربایجان | بخشی از شهرستان گدابیگ | |||
بیشتر صحرای غربی[۳۸] | ۱۹۷۵ | جمهوری دموکراتیک عربی صحرا (اعلامشده در ۱۹۷۶) | مراکش | استانهای جنوبی (الحاقشده بین ۱۹۷۶–۱۹۷۹) |
اشغال توسط قدرتی خارجی با الحاق[۲][۲۱][ق] | |
In the West Bank, Israel pays lip service to the notion of a temporary occupation that is to be brought to an end by negotiation but in practice it has de facto annexed large portions of the territory under the pretext of security – as evidenced by the Wall in Palestinian territory – or by the settling of some 400,000 of its own citizens in the territory. In most cases today, however, the occupying power has formally annexed the territory in question. This is illustrated by the cases of Israel's annexations of East Jerusalem and the Golan, Morocco's annexation of Western Sahara and Russia's annexation of the Crimea. Alternatively, the occupying power has established a puppet regime that claims to be the TRNC, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Israel claims it no longer occupies the Gaza Strip, maintaining that it is neither a Stale nor a territory occupied or controlled by Israel, but rather it has 'sui generis' status. Pursuant to the Disengagement Plan, Israel dismantled all military institutions and settlements in Gaza and there is no longer a permanent Israeli military or civilian presence in the territory. However the Plan also provided that Israel will guard and monitor the external land perimeter of the Gaza Strip, will continue to maintain exclusive authority in Gaza air space, and will continue to exercise security activity in the sea off the coast of the Gaza Strip as well as maintaining an Israeli military presence on the Egyptian-Gaza border. and reserving the right to reenter Gaza at will.
Israel continues to control six of Gaza's seven land crossings, its maritime borders and airspace and the movement of goods and persons in and out of the territory. Egypt controls one of Gaza's land crossings. Troops from the Israeli Defence Force regularly enter pans of the territory and/or deploy missile attacks, drones and sonic bombs into Gaza. Israel has declared a no-go buffer zone that stretches deep into Gaza: if Gazans enter this zone they are shot on sight. Gaza is also dependent on Israel for water, electricity, telecommunications and other utilities, currency, issuing IDs, and permits to enter and leave the territory. Israel also has sole control of the Palestinian Population Registry through which the Israeli Army regulates who is classified as a Palestinian and who is a Gazan or West Banker. Since 2000 aside from a limited number of exceptions Israel has refused to add people to the Palestinian Population Registry.
It is this direct external control over Gaza and indirect control over life within Gaza that has led the United Nations, the UN General Assembly, the UN Fact Finding Mission to Gaza, International human rights organisations, US Government websites, the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office and a significant number of legal commentators, to reject the argument that Gaza is no longer occupied.
Even after the accession to power of Hamas, Israel's claim that it no longer occupies Gaza has not been accepted by UN bodies, most States, nor the majority of academic commentators because of its exclusive control of its border with Gaza and crossing points including the effective control it exerted over the Rafah crossing until at least May 2011, its control of Gaza's maritime zones and airspace which constitute what Aronson terms the 'security envelope' around Gaza, as well as its ability to intervene forcibly at will in Gaza.
While Israel withdrew from the immediate territory, Israel still controlled all access to and from Gaza through the border crossings, as well as through the coastline and the airspace. In addition, Gaza was dependent upon Israel for water, electricity, sewage, communication networks, and for its trade (Gisha 2007. Dowty 2008). ln other words, while Israel maintained that its occupation of Gaza ended with its unilateral disengagement, Palestinians—as well as many human right organizations and international bodies—argued that Gaza was by all intents and purposes still occupied.
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(help)OCCUPIED GOLAN.)
The continued occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights is recognized by many states as valid and consistent with the provisions of the United Nations Charter, on a self-defence basis. Israel, on this view, would be entitled to exact as a condition of withdrawal from the territory the imposition of security measures of an indefinite character—such as perpetual demilitarization, or the emplacement of a United Nations force—which would ensure, or tend to ensure, that the territory would not be used against it for aggression on future occasions. But the notion that Israel is entitled to claim any status other than that of belligerent occupant in the territory which it occupies, or to act beyond the strict bounds laid down in the Fourth Geneva Convention, has been universally rejected by the international community—no less by the United States than by any other state.
Turkish occupation "is an existential threat to the Assad government's ability to reclaim the entirety of its territory, which is a key argument that regime loyalists make in their support of Bashar al-Assad's government," Heras said.
You can't mistake the front line between the Syrian army and Turkey's occupation force east of Aleppo.
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