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Period of the history of Peru, 1919–1930 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The history of Peru between 1919 and 1930 corresponds to the second presidency of Augusto B. Leguía, who won the elections of 1919 but soon after took power through a coup d'état as president-elect on July 4 of the same year. The period's name in Spanish comes from the 11-year length of Leguía's presidency (Spanish: Oncenio de Leguía), with Leguía himself calling his government the New Motherland (Spanish: Patria Nueva).
This article may require copy editing for grammar, style, cohesion, tone, or spelling. (June 2024) |
Peruvian Republic República Peruana | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1919–1930 | |||||||||
Motto: "Firme y feliz por la unión" (Spanish) "Firm and Happy for the Union" | |||||||||
Anthem: "Himno Nacional del Perú" (Spanish) "National Anthem of Peru" | |||||||||
Capital | Lima | ||||||||
Common languages | Spanish | ||||||||
Religion | Roman Catholicism | ||||||||
Demonym(s) | Peruvian | ||||||||
Government | Unitary presidential republic under a dictatorship | ||||||||
President | |||||||||
• 1919–1930 | Augusto B. Leguía | ||||||||
Legislature | National Congress | ||||||||
Historical era | Interwar period | ||||||||
18–19 May 1919 | |||||||||
4 July 1919 | |||||||||
28 July 1921 | |||||||||
• General elections | 6–7 July 1924 | ||||||||
19 March 1928 | |||||||||
3 June 1929 | |||||||||
• General elections | 4–5 August 1929 | ||||||||
28 August 1929 | |||||||||
25 August 1930 | |||||||||
• Death of Leguía | 6 February 1932 | ||||||||
Currency | Libra de oro | ||||||||
|
Second presidency of Augusto B. Leguía 4 July 1919 – 25 August 1930 | |
Cabinet | See list |
---|---|
Party | Reformist Democratic Party |
Election | 1919 |
It was characterised by the displacement of civilism as the predominant political force, the cult of personality surrounding Leguía, and a dictatorial and populist style of government. Economically, there was a great opening to foreign capital, especially that of the United States. Leguía strengthened the Peruvian State, began the modernisation of the country, and undertook a vast plan of public works, financed by loans, whose immediate purpose was to grandly celebrate the Centennial of the Independence of Peru in 1921. In the ideological aspect, there was the collapse of the traditional parties and the emergence of new currents, such as aprismo and socialism.
Leguía, who had already been constitutional president between 1908 and 1912, extended his government to a total of 11 years after two constitutional reforms, where he was re-elected in 1924 and 1929. It is divided into the following periods:
His last period was interrupted by a coup d'état perpetrated by the Peruvian Army, led by commander Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro. The overthrown Leguía was initially exiled to Panama, but his voyage was interrupted and he was ultimately imprisoned at the Panopticon, where his son voluntarily accompanied him. Inside, his health severely deteriorated, leading to his hospitalisation at the Naval Hospital of Callao, where he died in 1932.
In the 1919 elections, called by the then president José Pardo, Ántero Aspíllaga (president of the Civilista Party) and Augusto B. Leguía presented themselves as the official and opposition candidates, respectively.[1] The elections were held in a calm atmosphere, and the trend was that Leguía would be the winner. But there were complaints of vices and defects on the part of both candidates, and the matter went to the Supreme Court, which annulled thousands of votes for Leguía. There was a risk that the elections would be annulled by Congress, which would then be in charge of electing the new president. The outlook was not very encouraging for Leguía, since his political adversaries dominated Congress. Another concern of Leguía was facing an opposition majority in parliament, as had happened during his first government.[2]
All of this pushed Leguía to carry out a coup d'état, which was carried out in the early hours of July 4, 1919. With the support of the gendarmerie and the passivity of the Army, Leguía's forces attacked the Government Palace, arrested President Pardo, and took him to the Penitentiary before his deportation to the United States. Immediately afterward, Leguía proclaimed himself provisional president. Congress was dissolved.[1] Leguía immediately called a plebiscite to submit to the vote of the citizens a series of constitutional reforms that he considered necessary. Among them, it was contemplated to elect at the same time the President of the Republic and the Congress, both with five-year terms (until then, the presidential term was four years and the parliament was renewed by thirds every two years). He simultaneously called elections to elect the representatives of a National Assembly, which during its first 30 days would be in charge of ratifying the constitutional reforms, that is, it would act as a Constituent Congress, and then assume the function of an ordinary Congress.[3]
The National Assembly was installed on September 24, 1919, and was chaired by the sociologist and jurist Mariano H. Cornejo . One of the first tasks of said assembly was to count the votes in the presidential elections, after which it ratified Leguía as the winner, who was proclaimed constitutional president on October 12, 1919.[4]
The new Constitution was approved in the National Assembly, which replaced that of 1860. It established a presidential term of five years (although at the moment it did not contemplate immediate re-election); the comprehensive renewal of parliament parallel to the presidential renewal; the regional congresses in the north, centre, and south; the semi-parliamentary regime; the responsibility of the cabinet before each of the chambers; the recognition of indigenous communities; the impossibility of suspending individual guarantees, among other things.[5]
One of the most important features of the Constitution was the protection of indigenous peoples and communities. Thus, article 58 established that:
The state protects the indigenous state and will dictate special laws for its development and culture in harmony with its needs. The nation recognises the legal existence of Indigenous communities and the law declared the rights that correspond to them.
— Constitution of 1920, Article 58.
In turn, article 41 stated that the assets of indigenous communities are imprescriptible, thus protecting communally owned lands.[6] Nevertheless, many of the progressive constitutional innovations were not implemented and remained only on paper.
Although, in theory, Leguía, wanted to adhere to the Constitution and run a government with respect for democratic principles, in practice, his government restricted public liberties. In September 1919, the printing presses of the newspapers El Comercio and La Prensa were attacked by mobs with obvious government leadership.[7] La Prensa, where the opposition had taken refuge, was confiscated. In this way, freedom of expression was practically subjugated.[8] The opposition in Congress was also swept away, which was subject to the Executive. The deputies Jorge and Manuel Prado Ugarteche, the first for the province of Dos de Mayo, and the second for that of Huamachuco, were arrested and exiled.[9]
On the other hand, it ended the Municipalities elected by popular vote to replace them with personnel appointed by the government (the so-called Juntas de Notables).[10]
Opponents of the government were persecuted, imprisoned, deported, and even shot. Prominent among the exiles was the then young student leader Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, who led the leftist mass protest against the consecration of the Sacred Heart of Jesus to the government on May 23, 1923, in which a worker and a student died.[11]
In exile, Haya founded APRA, a party with continental projection initially with anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic ideology. Other opponents of the government, such as the young journalists José Carlos Mariátegui and César Falcón, were sent to Europe on scholarships. Mariátegui, upon returning to Peru, founded the Peruvian Socialist Party.[12]
Other exiles were former President and Colonel Óscar R. Benavides, Arturo Osores ,[13] Luis Fernán Cisneros and Víctor Andrés Belaúnde.[14] The island of San Lorenzo, in front of Callao, was enabled as a public prison where opponents were confined, whether they were civil professionals, military personnel, or students. The island of Taquile, in Lake Titicaca, served the same purpose.[15]
The modernisation of the country had already been tested by previous governments, but under Leguía, it received its definitive impetus. The main bases of this modernising leap were the following:
The most resonant event of this period was the apotheotic celebration of the Centennial of Independence on July 28, 1921. Twenty-nine foreign delegations arrived from countries in the Americas, Europe, and Asia, with notable absences from Venezuela (whose government mistakenly believed that Simón Bolívar had been excluded from the tributes) and Chile (which was not invited because of its territorial conflict with Peru). Authorities spared no effort to magnificently celebrate the Centennial, despite the fire that devastated the Government Palace, among other difficulties. This fire occurred on July 3, 1921, destroying the ground floor of the Palace, although, by order of Leguía, it was rebuilt in the following weeks, leaving the premises ready to receive the delegations and special guests to the celebrations.[16]
Alongside the palace, citywide renovation works also took place. Consequently, the city that had once been called the "most Spanish in the world" by writer Felipe Sassone during the early 1920s instead adopted a French appearance in its architecture.[17] During this period, French architect Claude Sahut designed many of the construction projects of the era, including that of the new Government Palace.[18]
Each friendly nation made a gift to Peru, among the main ones, the National Stadium (United Kingdom); the Museum of Italian Art (Italy); the clock tower of the University Park (Germany); the water fountain in the Park of the Exhibition (China); the monument to Labour (Belgium); the Moorish Arch, which was built at the beginning of Avenida Leguía, a gift from the Spanish colony; the monument to Manco Cápac, in the Plaza Leguía, a gift from the Japanese colony; and others.[19][20]
There were sumptuous parties at the Government Palace, in the clubs, gala horse races, popular festivals, the great military parade, school parades, float parades, and a series of inaugurations.[21] One of the main events was the inauguration of the monument to José de San Martín, in the square that has since carried his name.[19]
In December 1924, lavish celebrations were held again in Lima and Ayacucho, this time on the occasion of the first centennial of the battle of Ayacucho, the same one that had sealed the independence of Peru and continental America. On that occasion, the Gran Hotel Bolívar (in front of San Martín Square) and the monuments to Abel-Nicolas Bergasse du Petit-Thouars and Antonio José de Sucre were inaugurated, the latter in a square next to the Parque de la Reserva.[20]
Leguía faced the issue of La Brea y Pariñas. This was a lawsuit that consisted of the International Petroleum Company exploiting the oil fields of La Brea y Pariñas in northern Peru without contributing the real amount of taxes to the treasury, to which it was obliged according to Peruvian law, taking advantage of an old administrative error. Congress in 1918 had agreed that the matter be submitted to international arbitration,[22] but Leguía, under pressure from the U.S. government, preferred to reach a transactional agreement.
This was signed on March 2, 1922, between the Peruvian Foreign Minister Alberto Salomón and the English representative A. C. Grant Duff. This transactional agreement was presented to the Arbitration Court, which met in Paris and was made up of the president of the Swiss Federal Court and the representatives of the Peruvian and English governments. On April 24 of that year, 1922, without further discussion, they approved the Transactional Agreement, which they granted the status of Award, the conditions of which were binding on the high contracting parties as a solution to the controversy.[23][24]
The agreements of the so-called Paris Award were as follows:[25]
This arbitration award was adverse to Peruvian interests since it established a tax exception regime for the owners and exploiters of La Brea y Pariñas. The Treasury thus stopped receiving substantial amounts of money as taxes. The Leguía government thus set a precedent of submission to U.S. interests that would give rise to nationalist protests for several decades.[26]
Another controversial agreement was the agreement signed with the Peruvian Corporation. Since 1890, this English company had been in charge of operating the national railways, which had to be for a specific period, as stipulated in the Grace Contract. In 1907, this period was extended until 1973. However, in 1928, the Leguía government signed a new exchange contract with the corporation, by which it transferred the national railways in perpetuity in exchange for some compensation. In the 1970s, under the so-called revolutionary government, this situation came to an end with the nationalisation of the railways and their exploitation through the state company Enafer Perú.[27]
As the end of his term approached in 1924, Leguía had the article of the Constitution that prohibited immediate presidential re-election reformed, with the support of a submissive Congress. Even Germán Leguía y Martínez , his cousin and Minister of Government, opposed said re-election plan, for which he suffered prison and exile.[28] All opposition swept aside, Leguía was re-elected in elections that had no guarantees and was sworn in for a new five-year presidential term.[29]
In 1929, as the end of his second consecutive government approached, Leguía proposed to reform the Constitution again, to allow his indefinite re-election. Congress made the amendment and Leguía was re-elected in another fraudulent election, for a third consecutive five-year period, but which would only last until 1930.[30]
The opposition against the regime gradually increased as rebellions broke out in several provinces, including Cuzco, Puno, Loreto, Apurímac, Huacho, Chicama, and especially in Cajamarca.
Although Leguía founded the Patronato de la Raza Indígena and showed his interest in legalising the communities,[34] during his government there were many Indigenous rebellions, which were severely suppressed. One of the reasons for the discontent was the Road Conscription Law, which forced the population to work as labourers in road works.[35] Another reason was the abuse of gamonalism , a system of exploitation of the peasants of the haciendas, characterised by its productivity and profitability, the waste of labour force and the cultural exclusion of its agricultural labourers. The gamonales held considerable local power and were the firmest propagators of the thesis of the racial inferiority of the Indians, accusing the race of vices that they themselves tried to maintain, such as ignorance and the consumption of alcohol and coca. The indigenous communities continued, however, to subsist despite the fact that the gamonales made every effort to take away their lands and reduce the Indian to the status of serf.[36]
In 1921 there were massacres of indigenous people in Layo and Tocroyoc, Cuzco. Between 1922 and 1927 there were a series of uprisings in Ayacucho, La Mar, Tayacaja, Huancané, Azángaro and Quispicanchis.[37]
A consequence of this discontent was the banditry that proliferated in the provinces. There was no province that did not have its famous bandit. Many of them even confronted each other, when they were not fleeing from law enforcement. A bandit was, properly speaking, a highway robber, but he could also have a political ideology and be a kind of Montonero who supported a leader or a political tendency. Famous bandits were Luis Pardo , who acted in Huaylas; and Eleodoro Benel, who had his radius of action in Cajamarca. The actions of the bandits have generally been marginalised by historians, with writers having been in charge of preserving their memory, as can be seen in the works of Enrique López Albújar and Ciro Alegría.[38]
During this period, the first modern political parties in Peru emerged, replacing the old or traditional ones that were already extinct or in decline (such as the Civil, the Democratic, the Constitutional and the Liberal parties). The two main ones were:
The world crisis of 1929 had very serious effects on the national economy of Peru. The working sectors, directly affected by the rise in the cost of living and the scarcity of subsistence, were the first to raise their protest. The army also showed its discontent. The evident administrative corruption, from which close associates or friends of the president benefited throughout the regime, as well as the signing of treaties with Colombia and Chile with territorial transfer, further accentuated opposition to the government. Subversive actions and assassination attempts on the president were rumoured.
On August 22, 1930, Commander Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro, in command of the Arequipa garrison, carried out a revolt against the government. The revolutionary movement spread quickly through the south of the country, while the atmosphere in Lima toward it was favourable. To dominate the situation, Leguía attempted to form a military cabinet, but in the early hours of the morning of August 25, the Lima garrison requested his resignation.[41]
Leguía accepted and resigned command, which remained in the hands of a Military Government Junta chaired by General Manuel María Ponce Brousset.[42] Two days later he would hand over power to Sánchez Cerro, who arrived in the capital by plane.[43]
Notable support was given to the development of agriculture and livestock.[68]
Various measures were taken to improve mining activity in the country.[69]
Special attention was given to the development of communications, the maintenance of public order and the improvement of police services.[71]
Following the trend of the advancement of the rights of workers and employees worldwide, Leguía was concerned with promoting laws in this regard.
In this field, war material was acquired, administration services were improved and the armed force was modernised in line with advances in military technology worldwide.[78]
Leguía, continuing his policy of defining international borders initiated in his first government (1908–1912), promoted the definitive border treaties with Colombia and Chile. These treaties proved controversial, as Leguía was accused of gratuitously handing over territory.
Leguía began talks with Colombia to definitively resolve the border issue, which was reaching a 100-year mark, since it dated back to the time of independence. Colombia aspired to legitimise its border from the Caquetá River to the Putumayo River (a territorial strip that Peru actually occupied thanks to the actions of the Peruvian rubber tappers), as well as obtain access to the Amazon River.[86]
Previous Peruvian governments had refused to give in to Colombian claims, but Leguía, in his obsession to resolve the dispute once and for all, promoted the Salomón–Lozano Treaty, which was signed in Lima by the Peruvian Foreign Minister Alberto Salomón and the Colombian Minister Fabio Lozano Torrijos on March 24, 1922. This meant ceding to Colombia an extensive territorial portion between the Caquetá and Putumayo rivers (a disputed area) and the so-called Amazon Trapeze, where the Peruvian population of Leticia was located, along the Amazon River. In this way, Colombia gained access to this river, which until then was only shared by Peru and Brazil. In compensation, Peru received the so-called Sucumbíos Triangle,[87][88] which in practice it did not occupy and which would eventually cede to Ecuador through the Rio Protocol, signed in 1942.[89]
The treaty was approved by the Congress submissive to Leguía in 1927 and was put into execution on August 17, 1930, a few days before Leguía's downfall.[90] When the treaty was made public, it provoked great resistance among the Peruvians who lived in the affected areas, thus arising a conflictive state between both nations that would worsen in 1932.[91]
It was said that Leguía signed this treaty with Colombia under pressure from the United States, which wanted to somehow compensate Colombia for Panama's independence. But geopolitical calculations must also have taken precedence in Leguía: with the treaty, Colombia was gained as an ally, which until then had been close to Ecuador in its claim to the Peruvian Amazon. In fact, upon learning of the signing of the treaty, Ecuador broke relations with Colombia. And a Colombian–Ecuadorian alliance against Peru would have had disastrous consequences for the latter, without a doubt.[92]
Peruvian historians such as Jorge Basadre and Gustavo Pons Muzzo agree that the treaty was a mistake, considering that Colombia came out with a greater advantage in the territorial cession and that Peru renounced a policy of defense of its territory that had remained unchanged until then.[93][91] This interpretation is the one that has been perpetuated in Peruvian teaching and the one that has originated the black legend of Leguía. On the other hand, in Colombia it is considered that it was a transactional agreement, that is, that both parties renounced their maximum claims, made mutual concessions and reached a balanced agreement.
Leguía also proposed to definitively resolve the problem regarding the question of Tacna and Arica, controlled by Chile since the War of the Pacific. As the years passed, the plebiscite initially agreed upon in the 1883 Treaty of Ancón to decide the fate of the Peruvian provinces, became unattainable.[94]
When the dispute was submitted to the arbitration of U.S. President Calvin Coolidge, he gave his ruling (award) on March 4, 1925, resolving to hold the plebiscite. This award was not well received by Peruvian public opinion, too aware of Chile's behaviour towards these provinces, subjected to a policy of "Chileanisation" for many years. In fact, the American commissioners who came to supervise the plebiscite, Generals John J. Pershing and William Lassiter, verified that it was impracticable due to the lack of minimum conditions for a fair and objective popular consultation.[95][96]
The plebiscite did not take place and both parties returned to direct negotiations, which culminated in the treaty signed on June 3, 1929, in Lima, between the Peruvian chancellor Pedro José Rada y Gamio and the Chilean representative Emiliano Figueroa Larraín. Both parties definitively renounced the holding of the plebiscite with the following arrangement: Tacna would return to Peru, but Chile would keep Arica. In addition, other concessions were granted to Peru in Arica, such as a dock and its customs infrastructure, possession of the Casa Bolognesi, possession of the Tacna–Arica railway station and the route of its line, the water sources of the Uchusuma and Maure, among other easements.[97][98]
On August 28, 1929, Tacna was reincorporated into Peru.
Ministry | Ministers | Period | |
---|---|---|---|
Term start | Term end | ||
Presidency of the Council of Ministers | Mariano H. Cornejo | July 4, 1919 | August 24, 1919 |
Melitón Porras Osores | August 25, 1919 | December 6, 1919 | |
Germán Leguía y Martínez | December 6, 1919 | October 7, 1922 | |
Julio Ego-Aguirre Dongo | October 7, 1922 | October 12, 1924 | |
Alejandrino Maguiña | October 12, 1924 | December 7, 1926 | |
Pedro José Rada y Gamio | December 7, 1926 | October 12, 1929 | |
Benjamín Huamán de los Heros | October 12, 1929 | August 24, 1930 | |
Foreign Affairs | Melitón Porras Osores | July 4, 1919 | August 30, 1920 |
Germán Leguía y Martínez | August 31, 1920 | October 1, 1920 | |
Alberto Salomón Osorio | October 1, 1920 | March 18, 1921 | |
Germán Leguía y Martínez | March 18, 1921 | April 4, 1921 | |
Alberto Salomón Osorio | April 4, 1921 | February 27, 1924 | |
Julio Ego-Aguirre Dongo | February 27, 1924 | April 29, 1924 | |
Alberto Salomón Osorio | April 29, 1924 | May 4, 1924 | |
César Elguera | May 4, 1924 | October 12, 1924 | |
Alberto Salomón Osorio | October 12, 1924 | June 19, 1925 | |
César Elguera | June 19, 1925 | September 25, 1926 | |
Pedro José Rada y Gamio | September 25, 1926 | March 6, 1930 | |
Pedro M. Oliveira | March 6, 1930 | August 24, 1930 | |
Julio Goicochea Álvarez | August 24, 1930 | August 25, 1930 | |
Finance and Commerce | Ismael de Idiáquez | July 4, 1919 | August 12, 1919 |
Fernando Fuchs | August 12, 1919 | March 7, 1919 | |
Abraham Rodríguez Dulanto | March 7, 1919 | May 5, 1924 | |
Marcial Pastor | May 5, 1924 | October 12, 1924 | |
Enrique de la Piedra | October 12, 1924 | June 19, 1925 | |
Benjamín Huamán de los Heros | June 19, 1925 | September 24, 1925 | |
Manuel G. Masías | September 24, 1925 | August 1, 1930 | |
Fernando Fuchs | August 1, 1930 | August 25, 1930 | |
Justice, Instruction, Worship and Charity | Arturo Osores | July 4, 1919 | December 6, 1919 |
Alberto Salomón Osorio | December 6, 1919 | October 1, 1920 | |
Óscar Barrós | October 1, 1920 | July 28, 1922 | |
Julio Ego-Aguirre Dongo | July 28, 1922 | May 10, 1924 | |
Alejandrino Maguiña | May 10, 1924 | December 9, 1926 | |
Pedro M. Oliveira | December 9, 1926 | March 6, 1929 | |
Matías León Carrera | March 6, 1929 | March 5, 1930 | |
José Ángel Escalante Fuentes | March 5, 1930 | August 25, 1930 | |
Government and Police | Mariano H. Cornejo | July 4, 1919 | August 24, 1919 |
Alejandrino Maguiña | August 24, 1919 | December 6, 1919 | |
Germán Leguía y Martínez | December 6, 1919 | October 8, 1922 | |
Pedro José Rada y Gamio | October 8, 1922 | October 12, 1924 | |
Jesús Salazar | October 12, 1924 | August 2, 1926 | |
José Manuel García Córdova | August 2, 1926 | December 26, 1926 | |
Celestino Manchego Muñoz | December 26, 1926 | December 24, 1927 | |
Arturo Rubio | December 24, 1927 | October 12, 1929 | |
Benjamín Huamán de los Heros | October 12, 1929 | August 24, 1930 | |
Roberto López | August 24, 1930 | August 25, 1930 | |
Development and Public Works | Salvador Gutiérrez | July 4, 1919 | August 1919 |
Matías León | August 1919 | December 6, 1919 | |
Salvador Olivares | December 6, 1919 | April 27, 1920 | |
Julio Ego-Aguirre Dongo | April 27, 1920 | March 8, 1921 | |
Pedro José Rada y Gamio | March 8, 1921 | August 14, 1921 | |
Lauro Curletti | August 15, 1921 | February 16, 1923 | |
Pío Max Medina | March 1, 1923 | May 5, 1924 | |
Manuel G. Masías | October 12, 1924 | July 20, 1925 | |
Pedro José Rada y Gamio | July 20, 1925 | September 26, 1926 | |
Celestino Manchego Muñoz | September 26, 1926 | December 1926 | |
Ernesto Sousa Matute | December 1926 | November 25, 1927 | |
Celestino Manchego Muñoz | November 25, 1927 | October 12, 1929 | |
Alfredo Mendiola | October 12, 1929 | August 25, 1930 | |
War and Navy | Carlos Isaac Abril Galindo | July 4, 1919 | August 24, 1919 |
José R. Pizarro | August 24, 1919 | 1919 | |
Gerardo Álvarez | 1919 | December 1919 | |
War | Gerardo Álvarez | December 1919 | March 1920 |
Gabriel Velarde Álvarez | March 1920 | 1921 | |
Germán Luna Iglesias | 1921 | 1922 | |
Óscar Barrós | 1922 | 1922 | |
Benjamín Huamán de los Heros | 1922 | 1924 | |
Alfredo Piedra y Salcedo | October 12, 1924 | November 1924 | |
Juan Manuel de la Torre | November 1924 | 1925 | |
Fermín Málaga | 1925 | 1928 | |
José Luis Salmón | 1928 | 1930 | |
Navy | Juan Manuel Ontaneda | December 1919 | January 1921 |
Juan Manuel Ontaneda | 1921 | 1921 | |
Augusto Loayza | ? | ? | |
Fermín Málaga | 1925 | 1928 | |
Carlos Rotalde | August 28, 1930 | March 1, 1931 | |
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