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Child sexual abuse in the United Kingdom includes the proliferation of indecent images, online exploitation, transnational abuse, and contact abuse. Efforts to prevent child sexual abuse include providing information to children and parents, and disrupting abusive situations. Perpetrators may act alone or as part of a group or street gang, and may either exploit vulnerabilities in children and young people or have long-standing sexual attraction to children. Underreporting of child sexual abuse and low conviction rates remain barriers to justice, among other factors. In the UK, high profile media coverage of child sexual abuse has often focused on cases of institutional and celebrity abuse, as well as offences committed by groups, also known informally as grooming gangs.
Child sexual abuse has been reported in the country throughout its history.[1] In about 90% of cases the abuser is a person known to the child.[2] From the second half of the twentieth century, cases involving religious institutions,[3] schools,[4] popular entertainers,[5][6] politicians,[7] military personnel, and other officials have been widely publicised. Since the start of the 21st century, media coverage and political discourse has also increasingly covered child abuse rings or grooming gangs operating in towns and cities across the UK.[8] Efforts to protect children from sexual abuse were recorded as early as the 11th century.[9] Investigation and prevention of child sex abuse were impaired in the 21st century due to the impact of the government austerity programme.[10]
In 2012, celebrity Jimmy Savile was posthumously identified as a prolific child sexual abuser over the previous six decades. Subsequent investigations, including those of Operation Yewtree, led to the conviction of several prominent "household names" in the media, allegations against prominent politicians, and calls for a public inquiry to establish what had been known by those responsible for the institutions where abuse had taken place. In July 2014, an Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse was announced by Theresa May, then British Home Secretary, to examine how the country's institutions have handled their duty of care to protect children from sexual abuse.[11]
In the UK, a 2010 study estimated prevalence at about 5% for boys and 18% for girls[12] (not dissimilar to a 1985 study that estimated about 8% for boys and 12% for girls).[13] Figures from 2009–10 suggest girls are six times more likely to be assaulted than boys with 86% of attacks taking place against them.[14][15] In 2014, the charity Barnardo's published a report that estimated that during 2008-2013, two thirds of victims were girls and one third were boys. Barnardo's were concerned that male victims may be overlooked.[16][17]
Reports of child sex abuse have increased in the UK. This may, in part, be due to greater willingness to report – between October 2013 and December 2017, reports to child protection experts had increased by 700%. The NSPCC reported a 31% increase between 2016 and 2017 alone.[18] Between 2009 and 2010, more than 23,000 offences were recorded by the UK police.[15][14] This number had almost doubled by 2016–17.[19] The true number of offences remains doubtful, and is generally assumed to be larger, due to expected underreporting.[20] Some 90% of the sexually abused children were abused by people who they knew, and about one out of every three abused children did not tell anyone else about it.[2]
The vast majority of child sex offenders in England and Wales are male, with men representing 98% of all defendants in 2015/16. A 2020 report by the Centre of Expertise on Child Sexual Abuse stated that "In the records of defendants prosecuted for child sexual abuse offences" among those in which ethnic background was recorded "the vast majority were white (89%); 6% were Asian, 3% were Black, 1% were from mixed ethnic backgrounds and 1% were from "other" ethnic backgrounds.[21] The Ministry of Justices prison population statistics (2020) show the total number of convicted sexual offence prisoners with an associated child sexual abuse offence to be 8,345. Of this number 43 did not have their ethnicity recorded or stated. Of those with recorded ethnicity, white prisoners were the majority with a total of 7,353. 464 were Asian, 310 were black and 175 were mixed and "other".[22] A 2020 report on child sexual exploitation published by the Home Office warns of a "potential for bias and inaccuracies in the way that ethnicity data is collected" with the possibility of "greater attention being paid to certain types of offenders".[23]
This section needs to be updated. The reason given is: Needs update to cover time between 11th century and 2023, as well as 2023 to present. (January 2024) |
In the 11th century, surviving ordinances of Canterbury Cathedral revealed that a process was in place to minimise opportunities for clergy guilty of past abuses to engage in further illicit sexual activities with minors.[9] Several organisations in the United Kingdom work towards the goal of preventing sexual abuse, such as the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) and the Lucy Faithfull Foundation. Prevention initiatives have traditionally involved providing information to children and parents about sexual abuse and how to prevent it. Other forms of prevention involve disruption activities where the children can be removed from the family home or area in which they are living, or work can be done to make it more difficult for people to sexually abuse children.[citation needed]
Austerity led to cuts in policing so that the police no longer have the resources to investigate possible offences satisfactorily, or to safeguard potential victims. Nazir Afzal (formerly the Crown Prosecution Service lead on child sexual abuse and violence against women and girls) said, "Austerity has come at the wrong time. When finally voices are being heard, finally authorities are beginning to do their job properly and finally the NGO sector are being listened to, there isn't any money to go around. They are doing this with one hand behind their back. As a consequence, clearly people will not get justice".[10] Nazir Afzal has also expressed concern that there are few prosecutions of grooming gangs in the south of England, fearing people in the south are not looking hard enough. Afzal said,
The perceptions is that northern towns and the Midlands have got a better handle on it, but London, the south-east, the south-west really are not focusing on it and claiming they don't have any problems. ... There have been hardly any cases south of Birmingham. What the hell is going on? Is it because there is no problem? I don't accept that at all. Is it because it's not a priority? I hope that's not true. I do think it's that thing about not turning over a stone.[10]
In 2019, a BBC investigation reported that some privately-run sexual assault referral centres (SARCs) were failing to examine young people who had experienced sexual assault in a timely fashion, jeopardising their ability to record forensic evidence. Victims' Commissioner Baroness Newlove said the failures were "shocking".[24]
In 2023 Stephen Cottrell, archbishop of York, said that there was a crisis of safeguarding within the Church of England, due to church-related abuse. He said: "I imagine Jesus weeps over this situation ... And I know many of us are not far from those tears as well."[3]
In November 2024, the U.K. government published the National review into child sexual abuse within the family environment, which sought to look at the "identification, assessment, and response to child sexual abuse within the family environment". It examined local child safeguarding practice reviews (LCSPRs), as well as 136 serious child safeguarding incidents and 41 serious case reviews (SCRs) related to these incidents to set out guidelines for local and national governments, as well as safeguarding partners across the country. The review said that there were "significant and long-standing issues" in reporting child sexual abuse within families, with children affected "frequently not being identified by practitioners" and not "receiving the response needed for their ongoing safety and recovery".[25]
The United Kingdom rewrote its criminal code in the Sexual Offences Act 2003. This Act includes definitions and penalties for child sexual abuse offences, and (so far as relating to offences) applies to England and Wales and Northern Ireland. The Scottish Law Commission published its review of rape and sexual offences in December 2007, which includes a similar consolidation and codification of child sexual abuse offences in Scotland.[citation needed]
In 2021, the government published its Tackling Child Sexual Abuse Strategy, which focussed on new technologies and legislation to prevent and police abuse.[26][27]
The Child Exploitation and Online Protection Command identify four broad categories of child sexual abuse in the United Kingdom, which they describe as the four "key threats" to children.
Firstly, contact child sexual abuse by lone offenders. Secondly, contact child sexual abuse by group offenders and offending associated with street gangs, of which there are two types.[29]
Group-based child sexual exploitation and localised grooming are terms used to describe the sexual exploitation or grooming of children and adolescents by groups. This abuse tends to target girls who are particularly vulnerable, such as those who are in local care.[31][32] The youngest recorded victim was 12 and the oldest was 18.[33] A 2013 report by the House of Commons Home Affairs Select Committee describes a group first making contact with the child in a public place. After the group's initial contact with the child, offers of treats (takeaway food, cigarettes, drugs) persuade the child to maintain the relationship. Sometimes a boy similar in age presents himself as a "boyfriend"; this person arranges for the child to be raped by other members of the group. Children may end up being raped by dozens of these group members, and may be trafficked to connected groups in other towns.[34][32]
In August 2003, a television documentary reported details of an 18-month police and social services investigation into allegations that young British Asian men were targeting under-age girls for sex, drugs and prostitution in the West Yorkshire town of Keighley.[35] The Leeds-based Coalition for the Removal of Pimping (Crop) sought to bring this behaviour to national attention from at least 2010.[36] In November 2010, the Rotherham child sexual exploitation scandal saw several convictions of child sexual abusers. In 2012, members of the Rochdale child sex abuse ring were convicted on various counts, and in 2016, following the largest child sexual exploitation investigation in the UK,[37] 18 men in the Halifax child sex abuse ring case were sentenced to a combined total of over 175 years in prison.[38]
Following further child sex abuse rings in Aylesbury, Banbury, Bristol, Derby, Huddersfield, Manchester, Newcastle, Oxford, Peterborough, Rochdale, Telford, and others, several investigations considered how prevalent British Asian backgrounds were in localised grooming. In 2013, the National Crime Agency's Child Exploitation and Online Protection (CEOP) branch collected data on group-based child sexual abuse from most police forces in England and Wales. It reported that 75% of offenders in grooming-gang cases were South Asian.[39] In December 2017, Quilliam, a think tank, released a report which said 84% of offenders were of South Asian heritage.[40] This report was criticised by child sexual exploitation experts Ella Cockbain and Waqas Tufail, who said it was unscientific and had poor methodology, in a paper published in January 2020.[41][42]
A further investigation was carried out by the British government in December 2020, which concluded most offenders were white and that there was insufficient data in this area to suggest South Asians, or any other ethnic group, were disproportionately represented among perpetrators.[39][43] The British government originally refused to release the report but eventually did so after public pressure.[44] In response to the report, then Home Secretary Priti Patel said: "This paper demonstrates how difficult it has been to draw conclusions about the characteristics of offenders."[43] Reviews of the Rotherham, Rochdale, and Telford cases identified several common factors, with offenders often working in night-time industries like takeaways and taxis, providing access to vulnerable children.[45]
In 2011, Jack Straw, the former Labour Home Secretary told Newsnight that while most sex offenders were white there was a "specific problem" of men of Pakistani origin targeting white girls who they viewed as "easy meat" and urged the Pakistani community to be "more open" about the problem. His comments were criticised by the criminologist Helen Brayley who said that racial stereotyping could lead to only looking for cases where Asians were responsible, and by the MP Keith Vaz who said he did not think there was evidence of a cultural problem and that it was not possible to stereotype entire communities.[46][47]
Several Conservative and Reform UK politicians have alleged that race was a factor in "grooming gangs" (a term which has been described by academics and child protection professionals as racially charged)[41][48] and that concerns were not dealt with because of political correctness.[49][50][51] After a 2017 case in Newcastle, former Conservative policing and justice minister Mike Penning urged Attorney General Jeremy Wright to consider the offences as racially motivated.[52] The judge presiding over the case in question had ruled that the girls were not targeted for their race.[53][54]
In 2023, then Prime Minister Rishi Sunak stated that victims had been failed due to political correctness.[55][49][56] In 2023, then Home Secretary Suella Braverman said in an opinion piece that "grooming gang" members in the United Kingdom were "groups of men, almost all British-Pakistani, who hold cultural attitudes completely incompatible with British values". In response, the Independent Press Standards Organisation issued a correction stating that Braverman's article was "misleading", since it did not make it explicit that she was talking about the Rotherham, Rochdale and Telford child sexual abuse scandals in particular.[50] Many experts and organisations called on her to withdraw her comments, saying she was amplifying far-right ideologies and making it harder to address the issue.[57][55][58] The National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) said that by focusing primarily on South Asian men, Braverman was fuelling "misinformation, racism and division".[58][48] The charity said that "a singular focus on groups of male abusers of British-Pakistani origin draws attention away from so many other sources of harm".[48][57]
In 2025, former Home Office minister Robert Jenrick said group-based child sexual exploitation was "perhaps the greatest racially motivated crime in modern Britain",[59] and said it was covered up by the British state to protect community relations.[51] Journalist Nick Robinson said Jenrick did not raise the issue when he was a minister.[60] Labour MP Nadia Whittome said the Conservatives and Reform were "weaponising the trauma of victims" for their own game. Prime Minister Keir Starmer said the Conservatives were "playing politics with the safety of vulnerable children" by using the issue to fundraise for the party.[61]
Professor Alexis Jay, a retired social worker who led the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation in Rotherham (or Jay Report),[62] had previously said in 2015 that such cases were not overlooked because of a conspiracy or political correctness, instead attributing the authorities' inaction to "their desire to accommodate a community that would be expected to vote Labour, to not rock the boat, to keep a lid on it, to hope it would go away".[63] In 2024, Jay said she was "frustrated" that the government had still not taken action two years after her report was published.[64] Sabah Kaiser, ethnic minority ambassador for the Jay Report, said it was "very, very dangerous for the government to turn child sexual abuse into a matter of colour".[65]
British media has been criticised by academics,[66][67][68] journalists,[69] politicians,[70][71] the police,[71][72] and community groups[58][48][58] for its coverage of group-based child sexual abuse, including that it is sensationalist, misleading, and perpetuates Islamophobia.[41][73][74] According to Miqdaad Versi, director for media monitoring at the Muslim Council of Britain, the media does this by "conflating the faith of Islam with criminality, such as the headlines 'Muslim sex grooming'".[69]
A number of academics – including Shamim Miah,[67] Muzammil Quraishi,[75] Ella Cockbain,[76] Aisha K. Gill, Karen Harrison,[77] Vasil Karastanchev,[78] Aviah Sarah Day, and others – have described the controversy as a moral panic.[68] In one academic paper, Gill and Harrison describe media outlets including The Times, The Daily Mail's Mail Online, The Guardian and The Telegraph of boosting the moral panic by portraying young South Asian men as "folk devils".[77] Cockbain, a scholar of crime science at University College London,[55] suggests that "sweeping, ill-founded generalisations" in the discourse around group-based child sexual exploitation serves to "further a political agendum and legitimise thinly veiled racism, ultimately doing victims a disservice".[76] The Muslim Council of Britain has called on investigations to "adhere to the facts of the matter, rather than deploying deeply divisive, racially charged rhetoric that amplifies far-right narratives and demonises an entire community".[58]
In 2013, BBC Inside Out London investigated allegations made by members of the Sikh community that British Sikh girls living inside Britain were being targeted by men who pretended to be Sikhs.[79] An investigation by the Sikh scholar Katy Sian of the University of York found no truth to the allegations and instead found it was an allegation being pushed by extremist Sikh groups.[80][81] Further reports compiled by the British government and child sex exploitation scholars also confirmed there was no evidence to this.[41][82]
In 1987, a wave of suspected child sexual abuse cases were reported in Cleveland, England, many of which were later discredited.[83] From February to July 1987, many children living in Cleveland were removed from their homes by social service agencies and diagnosed as sexually abused. The 121 diagnoses were made by two paediatricians at a Middlesbrough hospital, Marietta Higgs and Geoffrey Wyatt, using reflex anal dilation for diagnosis (later discredited).[84] When there were not enough foster homes in which to place the children, social services began to house the children in a ward at the local hospital. Later, the test used to establish child abuse was contested by the area police surgeon, and cooperation between the social workers, police and hospital doctors involved in diagnosis began to disintegrate. There was public concern regarding the practices being used by the local social service agency, such as the removal of children from their homes in the middle of the night. In May 1987, parents marched from the hospital where their children were being held to the local newspaper. The resulting media coverage caused the social service agency's practices to receive public scrutiny and criticism. Controversy increased when Mr Justice Hollis ruled that 19 of 20 children who had been made wards of the court should be returned to their parents due to the weakness of the medical evidence.[83]
In response, the Butler-Sloss report was commissioned by the Secretary of State for Social Services in July 1987 and published in 1988. The report, led by Dame Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, concluded that most of the diagnoses were incorrect.[84] Ninety-four of the 121 children were returned to their homes.[84][85] An editorial in The Lancet concluded: "By their bull-headed approach, Dr Higgs and Dr Wyatt ... have set back the cause they sought to promote". In July 1988, six MPs tabled a House of Commons motion for charges of indecent assault and conspiracy to be brought against Higgs and Wyatt.[86]
On 14 October 1991, the Children Act 1989 was implemented in full as a result of the Cleveland child abuse scandal and other child related events that preceded it.[87][83]
The 2014–2016 Northern Ireland Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry, often referred to as the HIA Inquiry,[88] is the largest inquiry into historical institutional sexual and physical abuse of children in Northern Ireland legal history. Its remit covered institutions in Northern Ireland that provided residential care for children from 1922 to 1995,[89] but excluded most church-run schools.[90]
The inquiry concluded its hearings on 8 July 2016 and released its report on 20 January 2017.[91][92] In October 2019 the House of Lords passed the Historical Institutional Abuse (Northern Ireland) Bill[93] "to establish the Historical Institutional Abuse Redress Board and confer an entitlement to compensation...", and it was passed by the House of Commons as one of its last acts before the 2019 United Kingdom general election.[94][95]
On 11 March 2022 ministers from the five main political parties in Northern Ireland and six abusing institutions made statements of apology in the Northern Ireland Assembly. A typical apology was "Today we, as representatives of the state, say that we are sorry ... that the state's systems failed to protect you from abuse".[96] BBC News reported that Jon McCourt from Survivors North West said "If what happened today was the best that the church could offer by way of an apology they failed miserably. There was no emotion, there was no ownership. ... I don't believe that the church and institutions atoned today." He called on the intuitions to "do the right thing" and contribute to the redress fund for survivors, saying that institutions have done similar for people in Scotland.[97] A board was set to represent all six institutions with a view to paying compensation to abuse victims. January 2025[update], four of the six institutions had taken no action towards making payments.[98]
The Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA)[99] in England and Wales was an inquiry examining how the country's institutions handled their duty of care to protect children from sexual abuse. It was announced by the British Home Secretary, Theresa May, on 7 July 2014.[11] It was set up after investigations in 2012 and 2013 into the Jimmy Savile sexual abuse scandal revealed widespread abuse, including historic claims (spanning several decades) against prominent media and political figures, and inadequate safeguarding by institutions and organisations. Originally the inquiry was intended to be a Panel Inquiry supported by experts, similar to the Hillsborough Independent Panel.[100][101][102] After numerous objections related to the panel's scope and its independence from those being investigated, and the resignation of its first two intended chairs, the inquiry was reconstituted in February 2015 as a statutory inquiry under the Inquiries Act 2005, giving it greatly increased powers to compel sworn testimony and to examine classified information.[103]
The first two chairs appointed to the original panel inquiry were Baroness Butler-Sloss (appointed 8 July 2014, stepped down 14 July 2014)[104][105][106] and Fiona Woolf (appointed 5 September 2014, stepped down 31 October 2014).[107][108][109] The reasons for their withdrawal in each case were objections related to their perceived closeness to individuals and establishments which would be investigated. On 4 February 2015, May announced that the inquiry would be chaired by Dame Lowell Goddard, a New Zealand High Court judge who had no ties to the UK bodies and persons likely to be investigated, and the existing panel was disbanded.[110][111] Lowell Goddard resigned as chair in August 2016 and was replaced by Professor Alexis Jay, who had previously led the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation in Rotherham (or Jay Report).[112]
The IICSA published 19 reports in all, with the last one coming on 20 October 2022, with many urgent recommendations.[113][114] Home Secretary Suella Braverman said the Government of the United Kingdom "accepted the need to act on all but one of the Inquiry’s recommendations".[115] As of December 2024[update], none of these recommendations had been implemented; the Ministry of Justice had closed a further consultation but published no response to the report.[64][116]
The 20 key recommendations from the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) include:[62][117]
In November 2020, the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse published its 144-page report, Safeguarding in the Roman Catholic Church in England and Wales.[118] The report said the Catholic Church of England and Wales "swept under the carpet" allegations of sex abuse by many individuals, including priests, monks and volunteers, in England and Wales. The report said that Vincent Nichols, a cardinal since 2014 and the leader of the Catholic church in England and Wales, made "no acknowledgement of any personal responsibility",[119] protected the reputation of the Church rather than protecting victims, and lacked compassion towards victims.[120]
On 2 September 2021, the inquiry published Child protection in religious organisations and settings - Investigation Report, after examining evidence from 38 groups, including sects from Christianity, Orthodox Judaism, and Islam.[121] The report said there were "shocking failings" and "blatant hypocrisy" in the way major UK religious groups handled child sex abuse allegationsd. It also said that some religious organisations were "morally failing" children, discouraging the reporting of abuse to protect reputations, blaming victims for their abuse, and responding to allegations using religious dogma.[122]
The Scottish Child Abuse Inquiry was established in October 2015 to inquire into cases of child abuse in care in Scotland.[123][124] Retired judge Lady Anne Smith was appointed as chairwoman of the inquiry in July 2016. She is supported by a secretariat team, a legal team and legal council.[125] Prior to the appointment of Smith, the inquiry had a chair, Susan O'Brien, and two panel members, Michael Lamb and Glen Houston. Lamb resigned because of the Scottish government continued interference.[126] The inquiry investigated over 100 locations of over 50 residential care establishments for children where there were child abuse claims.[127][128] Between 2018 and 2021 the inquiry issued several reports including four case reports on care homes in Scotland.[129][130][131]
Abuse survivors have called on the Scottish Child Abuse Inquiry remit to be widened out to include victims who were targeted outwith residential care, including sports and leisure clubs or faith based organisations attended on a day-to-day basis.[132][133] Lady Smith rejected this request.[132] Those affected by childhood sexual abuse have called for new laws of mandatory reporting to be implemented in Scotland. This would be a legal requirement for those who work with children or in law enforcement to report child sexual abuse, and is already law in many other countries in the world. The Scottish Child Abuse Inquiry has given no indication if they will support this law reform.[134]
The inquiry was to report and make recommendations by 2019.[135][136] This deadline was later changed to "as soon as reasonably practicable".[124] A transcript contract extension indicates the inquiry hearings could run until February 2025, with a possible extension to February 2026. Then the report would need to be written.[137] Concerns have been raised about mounting costs and delays in the inquiry.[138][139] In September 2021, Lady Smith released a report which was critical of the previous Scottish government for the 'woeful and avoidable' delay in setting up the inquiry.[140] As of January 2025[update], after nearly 8 years of the inquiry, the inquiry still has not published its recommendations.[134]
This is an incomplete list of notable British personalities who have been convicted of child sexual abuse. It does not include notable people, such as Jimmy Savile and Cyril Smith, who were publicly accused of abuse after their deaths, but never prosecuted.
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