Multi-Vector Policy
Foreign policy doctrine of Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Foreign policy doctrine of Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Multi-Vector Policy or Multi-Vector Doctrine (Russian: многовекторность, romanized: mnogovektornost) was the foreign policy doctrine of Ukraine during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma from 1994 to 2005. The Multi-Vector Policy's primary concerns were balancing Ukrainian relations with the United States and European Union, as well as with Russia, in an effort to preserve Ukraine's neutral status between Russia and the Western world. Controversial both within Ukraine and internationally, the Multi-Vector Policy has been accused by its critics of being used to stall processes advancing the accession of Ukraine to the European Union, while supporters have claimed that it is both pragmatic and economically beneficial to Ukraine.
The Multi-Vector Policy was outlined by Kuchma during the 1994 Ukrainian presidential election, in which Kuchma cast himself as a pro-Russian candidate.[1] It was preceded by the Pavlychko Doctrine of President Leonid Kravchuk and Dmytro Pavlychko, which argued for Ukraine to be a neutral, non-aligned,[2] and non-nuclear[3] state. This doctrine has been criticised in hindsight within Ukraine for perceived naivety on behalf of the government at the time.[4] However, during the 1990s, demilitarisation and denuclearisation remained popular political positions in Ukraine owing to the 1986 Chernobyl disaster.[3]
Following his election to the presidency, Kuchma's foreign policy changed directions towards the "Multi-Vector Policy". This shift from a pro-Russian to non-aligned politician was unexpected to foreign observers,[1] but nonetheless was met with positive results; in regards to western relations, the Gore-Kuchma Commission, which sought to improve the relations between the United States and Ukraine, was established in 1996. A year later, Kuchma also successfully negotiated with the government of Russia to end a diplomatic crisis over the status of Crimea, granting basing rights for the Russian Navy in Sevastopol in return for recognition of Ukraine's territorial integrity by Russia.[5]
After Kuchma's re-election in 1999, he proclaimed that Ukraine would pursue a course of integration with the European Union, and the term "Multi-Vector Policy" was formally retired by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the summer of 2001.[6] Despite this, Kuchma's second term would be marked by Ukraine moving closer to Russia and distancing itself from the West. This change primarily began after the 2000 Cassette Scandal,[6] in which alleged recordings of Kuchma were revealed which purportedly indicated him ordering the killing of journalist Georgiy Gongadze and authorising the sale of the Kolchuga passive sensor to Ba'athist Iraq.[7]
The Multi-Vector Policy has also been controversial, with opponents such as historian and politician Petro Kuzyk arguing that it increased Ukraine's reliance on Russia and being used as justification to stall efforts to accede to the European Union.[8] Leaders of the Orange Revolution such as Viktor Yushchenko also sought to shift away from the Multi-Vector Policy towards a pro-Western policy that retained ties with Russia.[9] These claims have been countered by supporters of the Multi-Vector Policy such as Serhiy Tihipko, who have argued that the Multi-Vector Policy is pragmatic and improves Ukraine's economic development.[10]
The Multi-Vector Policy has become one of Kuchma's signature efforts, and marked a significant era in the development of Ukrainian diplomacy. After the Orange Revolution, Ukrainian political leaders were reluctant to abandon the Multi-Vector Policy, and similar (though more pro-European) doctrines, such as Andrii Derkach's campaign of "To Europe with Russia", were given prominence.[9] President Viktor Yanukovych's "balanced policy" has also been compared to the Multi-Vector Policy both by supporters and critics, with opponents arguing that Kuchma was more able to adequately balance pro-Russian and pro-Western policies than Yanukovych.[5]
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