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Defence policy of the European Union From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) is the European Union's (EU) course of action in the fields of defence and crisis management, and a main component of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).
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Common Security and Defence Policy (European Defence Union) | |
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Founded | 1999 (as the European Security and Defence Policy) |
Current form | 2009 (Treaty of Lisbon) |
Headquarters | Military (MPCC) and Civilian (CPCC) Planning and Conduct Capabilities, Kortenberg building, Brussels, Belgium |
Website | eeas.europa.eu |
Leadership | |
High Representative | Josep Borrell |
Director General of the Military Staff | LTG Esa Pulkkinen |
Chairman of the Military Committee | GEN Robert Brieger |
Personnel | |
Active personnel | 1,410,626 (2016)[1] |
Reserve personnel | 2,330,803 |
Expenditure | |
Budget | €223.4 billion ($249.3 billion) (2018)[2] |
Percent of GDP | 1.5% (2020)[3] |
Related articles | |
History | History of the Common Security and Defence Policy |
The CSDP involves the deployment of military or civilian missions to preserve peace, prevent conflict and strengthen international security in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter. Military missions are carried out by EU forces established with secondments from the member states' armed forces. The CSDP also entails collective self-defence amongst member states[a] as well as a Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) in which 26 of the 27 national armed forces pursue structural integration. The CSDP structure – headed by the Union's High Representative (HR/VP), Josep Borrell, and sometimes referred to as the European Defence Union (EDU) in relation to its prospective development as the EU's defence arm[4][5][6][b] – comprises:
The EU command and control structures are much smaller than the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) Command Structure (NCS), which has been established for territorial defence. It has been agreed that NATO's Allied Command Operations (ACO) may be used for the conduct of the EU's missions. The MPCC, established in 2017 and to be strengthened in 2020, is the EU's first permanent military OHQ. In parallel, the newly established European Defence Fund (EDF) marks the first time the EU budget is used to finance multinational defence projects.
Decisions relating to the CSDP are proposed by the High Representative, adopted by the Foreign Affairs Council, generally requiring unanimity, to be then implemented by the High Representative.
This section may be very hard to understand. (March 2024) |
The post-war period saw several short-lived or ill-fated initiatives for European defence integration intended to protect against potential Soviet or German aggression: The Western Union (WU, also referred to as the Brussels Treaty Organisation, BTO) and the proposed European Defence Community (EDC) were respectively cannibalised by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and rejected by the French Parliament. The largely dormant Western European Union (WEU) succeeded the WU's remainder in 1955.
In 1970 the European Political Cooperation (EPC) brought about the European Communities' (EC) initial foreign policy coordination. Opposition to the addition of security and defence matters to the EPC led to the reactivation of the WEU in 1984 by its member states, which were also EC member states.
European defence integration gained momentum soon after the end of the Cold War, partly as a result of the EC's failure to prevent the Yugoslav Wars. In 1992, the WEU was given new tasks, and the following year the Treaty of Maastricht founded the EU and replaced the EPC with the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) pillar. In 1996 NATO agreed to let the WEU develop a so-called European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI).[7] The 1998 St. Malo declaration signalled that the traditionally hesitant United Kingdom was prepared to provide the EU with autonomous defence structures.[8] This facilitated the transformation of the ESDI into the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) in 1999, when it was transferred to the EU. In 2003 the EU deployed its first CSDP missions, and adopted the European Security Strategy identifying common threats and objectives. In 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon introduced the present name, CSDP, while establishing the EEAS, the mutual defence clause and enabling a subset of member states to pursue defence integration within PESCO. In 2011 the WEU, whose tasks had been transferred to the EU, was dissolved. In 2016 a new security strategy was introduced, which along with the Russian annexation of Crimea, the British withdrawal from the EU and the election of Trump as US president have given the CSDP a new impetus
The first deployment of European troops under the ESDP, following the 1999 declaration of intent, was in March 2003 in the Republic of Macedonia (now North Macedonia). Operation Concordia used NATO assets and was considered a success and replaced by a smaller police mission, EUPOL Proxima, later that year. Since then, there have been other small police, justice and monitoring missions. As well as in the Republic of Macedonia, the EU has maintained its deployment of peacekeepers in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as part of Operation Althea.[9]
Between May and September 2003 EU troops were deployed to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) during "Operation Artemis" under a mandate given by UN Security Council Resolution 1484 which aimed to prevent further atrocities and violence in the Ituri Conflict and put the DRC's peace process back on track. This laid out the "framework nation" system to be used in future deployments. The EU returned to the DRC during July–November 2006 with EUFOR RD Congo, which supported the UN mission there during the country's elections.
Geographically, EU missions outside the Balkans and the DRC have taken place in Georgia, Indonesia, Sudan, Palestine, and Ukraine–Moldova. There is also a judicial mission in Iraq (EUJUST Lex). On 28 January 2008, the EU deployed its largest and most multi-national mission to Africa, EUFOR Tchad/RCA.[10] The UN-mandated mission involves troops from 25 EU states (19 in the field) deployed in areas of eastern Chad and the north-eastern Central African Republic in order to improve security in those regions. EUFOR Tchad/RCA reached full operation capability in mid-September 2008, and handed over security duties to the UN (MINURCAT mission) in mid-March 2009.[11]
The EU launched its first maritime CSDP operation on 12 December 2008 (Operation Atalanta). The concept of the European Union Naval Force (EU NAVFOR) was created on the back of this operation, which is still successfully combatting piracy off the coast of Somalia almost a decade later. A second such intervention was launched in 2015 to tackle migration problems in the southern Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR Med), working under the name Operation SOPHIA.
Most of the CSDP missions deployed so far are mandated to support security sector reforms (SSR) in host-states. One of the core principles of CSDP support to SSR is local ownership. The EU Council defines ownership as "the appropriation by the local authorities of the commonly agreed objectives and principles".[12] Despite EU's strong rhetorical attachment to the local ownership principle, research shows that CSDP missions continue to be an externally driven, top-down and supply-driven endeavour, resulting often in the low degree of local participation.[13]
The CSDP involves military or civilian missions being deployed to preserve peace, prevent conflict and strengthen international security in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter. Military missions are carried out by EU forces established with contributions from the member states' armed forces. The CSDP also entails collective self-defence amongst member states[a] as well as a Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) in which 26 of the 27 national armed forces pursue structural integration. The CSDP structure, headed by the Union's High Representative (HR/VP), Josep Borrell, comprises:
While the EU has a command and control (C2) structure, it has no standing permanent military structure along the lines of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) Allied Command Operations (ACO), although it has been agreed that ACO resources may be used for the conduct of the EU's CSDP missions. The MPCC, established in 2017 and to be strengthened in 2020, does however represent the EU's first step in developing a permanent military headquarters. In parallel, the newly established European Defence Fund (EDF) marks the first time the EU budget is used to finance multinational defence projects. The CSDP structure is sometimes referred to as the European Defence Union (EDU), especially in relation to its prospective development as the EU's defence arm.[4][5][6][c]
Decisions relating to the CSDP are proposed by the HR/VP, adopted by the FAC, generally requiring unanimity, and then implemented by the HR/VP. The EU command and control (C2) structure is directed by political bodies composed of member states' representatives, and generally requires unanimous decisions. As of April 2019:[14]
Political strategic level:[5] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
ISS | EUCO Pres. (EUCO) | Chain of command | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Coordination/support | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
SatCen | CIVCOM | HR/VP (FAC) | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
INTCEN | HR/VP (PMG) | HR/VP (PSC)[6] | CEUMC (EUMC) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
CMPD | DGEUMS[3] (EUMS) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Military/civilian strategic level: | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Dir MPCC[3] (MPCC) | JSCC | Civ OpCdr CPCC[1] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Operational level: | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
MFCdr[4] (MFHQ) | HoM[1] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Tactical level: | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
CC[2] Land | CC[2] Air | CC[2] Mar | Other CCs[2] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Forces | Forces | Forces | Forces | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) is the updated doctrine of the EU to improve the effectiveness of the CSDP, including the defence and security of the members states, the protection of civilians, cooperation between the member states' armed forces, management of immigration, crises etc. Adopted on 28 June 2016,[15] it replaces the European Security Strategy of 2003. The EUGS is complemented by a document titled "Implementation Plan on Security and Defense" (IPSD).[16] Deterrence theory is applied to deter aggressors as one of the core mandates of Common Security and Defence Policy, yet lacks credibility due to insufficient resources.[17]
A new Action Plan on military mobility and cyber resilience was released 10 November 2022.[18]
Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
The CSDP is implemented using civilian and military contributions from member states' armed forces, which also are obliged to collective self-defence based on Treaty on European Union (TEU).
Five EU states host nuclear weapons: France has its own nuclear programmes, while Belgium, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands host US nuclear weapons as part of NATO's nuclear sharing policy. Combined, the EU possesses 300 warheads, and hosts between 90 and 130 US warheads. Italy hosts 70-90 B61 nuclear bombs, while Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands 10-20 each one.[20] The EU has the third largest arsenal of nuclear weapons, after the United States and Russia.
The following table presents the military expenditures of the members of the European Union in euros (€). The combined military expenditure of the member states amounted to €223.4 billion in 2018.[2] This represents 1.4% of European Union GDP. European military expenditure includes spending on joint projects such as the Eurofighter Typhoon and joint procurement of equipment. The European Union's combined active military forces in 2016 totaled 1,410,626 personnel.[1]
In a speech in 2012, Swedish General Håkan Syrén criticised the spending levels of European Union countries, saying that in the future those countries' military capability will decrease, creating "critical shortfalls".[21]
Guide to table:
Member state | Expenditure (€ mn.) | Per capita (€) | % of GDP | Operations & maintenance expenditure (€ mn.) | Active military personnel | Land troops prepared for deployed and sustained operations | Reserve personnel |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Austria[1] | 2,673 | 301 | 0.74 | 574 | 24,190 | 1,100 | 950,000 |
Belgium[1] | 5,672 | 349 | 1.1 | 680 | 27,789 | 1,293 | 3,300 |
Bulgaria[1] | 1,140 | 109 | 1.56 | 118 | 30,218 | 1,168 | 3,000 |
Croatia[1] | 950 | 149 | 1.5 | 154 | 14,862 | 796 | 18,343 |
Cyprus[1] | 470 | 409 | 1.83 | 63 | 20,000 | 0 | 75,000 |
Czech Republic[1] | 3,310 | 184 | 1.46 | 474 | 23,036 | 672 | 3,236 |
Estonia[1] | 748 | 363 | 2.31 | 158 | 6,178 | 100 | 60,000 |
Finland[1] | 4,873 | 523 | 2.15 | 919 | 7,515 | 1,738 | 900,000 |
France[1] | 49,700 | 609 | 1.79 | 10,201 | 208,251 | 17,000 | 38,550 |
Germany[1] | 57,300 | 489 | 1.53 | 177,608 | 29,200 | ||
Greece[1] | 7,086 | 393 | 3.82 | 504 | 106,624 | 2,432 | |
Hungary[1] | 2,200 | 122 | 1.66 | 492 | 23,846 | 1,000 | 20,000 |
Ireland[1] | 780 | 191 | 0.31 | 103 | 9,500 | 850 | 1,778 |
Italy[1] | 26,310 | 339 | 1.6 | 1,583 | 181,116 | 18,300 | |
Latvia[1] | 758 | 243 | 2.23 | 132 | 5,686 | 75 | 3,000 |
Lithuania[1] | 1,028 | 256 | 2.13 | 145 | 14,350 | 26,000 | |
Luxembourg[1] | 389 | 484 | 0.56 | 30 | 824 | 57 | |
Malta[1] | 54 | 122 | 0.51 | 8 | 1,808 | 30 | |
Netherlands[1] | 12,900 | 507 | 1.5 | 2,144 | 40,196 | 1,500 | 5,046 |
Poland[1] | 11,940 | 226 | 2.2 | 1,918 | 106,500 | 60 | 75,400 |
Portugal[1] | 3,975 | 235 | 1.6 | 142 | 32,726 | 1,698 | |
Romania[1] | 5,590 | 185 | 2.0 | 277 | 69,542 | 2,961 | 50,000 |
Slovakia[1] | 1,520 | 183 | 1.75 | 198 | 13,152 | 846 | |
Slovenia[1] | 548 | 204 | 1.04 | 72 | 6,342 | 707 | 1,000 |
Spain[1] | 15,660 | 231 | 1.2 | 1,891 | 120,812 | 7,410 | 15,150 |
Sweden[1] | 5,620 | 460 | 1.1 | 1,973 | 14,500 | 750 | 34,500 |
EU[1] | 222,194 | 365 | 1.50 | 1,287,171 | 2,330,803 |
This section needs to be updated. (November 2018) |
The combined component strength of the naval forces of member states is some 514 commissioned warships. Of those in service, 4 are fleet carriers. The EU also has 4 amphibious assault ships and 20 amphibious support ships in service. Of the EU's 49 submarines, 10 are nuclear-powered submarines while 39 are conventional attack submarines.
Operation Atalanta (formally European Union Naval Force Somalia) is the first ever (and still ongoing) naval operation of the European Union. It is part of a larger global action by the EU in the Horn of Africa to deal with the Somali crisis. As of January 2011 twenty-three EU nations participate in the operation.
France and Italy have blue-water navies.[22]
Guide to table:
Member state | Fleet carrier | Amphibious assault ship | Amphibious support ship | Destroyer | Frigate | Corvette | Patrol vessel | Anti-mine ship | Missile sub. | Attack sub. | Total | Tonnage |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Austria | 0 | 0 | ||||||||||
Belgium[23] | 2 | 2 | 5 | 9 | 10,009 | |||||||
Bulgaria | 1 | 4 | 3 | 1 | 10 | 18 | 15,160 | |||||
Croatia | 5 | 2 | 7 | 2,869 | ||||||||
Cyprus | 5 | 5 | 0 | |||||||||
Czech Republic | 0 | 0 | ||||||||||
Denmark[24] | 5 | 4 | 9 | 18 | 51,235 | |||||||
Estonia | 3 | 3 | 2,000 | |||||||||
Finland | 4 | 4 | 12 | 20 | 5,429 | |||||||
France[25] | 1[d] | 3 | 13 | 11 | 20 | 18 | 4 | 6 | 76 | 319,195 | ||
Germany[26] | 3 | 7 | 5 | 8 | 15 | 6 | 44 | 82,790 | ||||
Greece[27] | 9 | 13 | 33[28] | 4 | 11[28] | 70 | 138,565 | |||||
Hungary | 0 | 0 | ||||||||||
Ireland[29] | 8 | 8 | 11,219 | |||||||||
Italy[30] | 2[e]+1[f] | (1)[f] | 3[g] | 4 | 16 | 5 | 11 | 10 | 8 | 59 | 303,411 | |
Latvia | 5 | 5 | 3,025 | |||||||||
Lithuania[31] | 4 | 4 | 8 | 5,678 | ||||||||
Luxembourg | 0 | 0 | ||||||||||
Malta[32] | 2 | 2 | 1,419 | |||||||||
Netherlands[33] | 2 | 4 | 2 | 4 | 6 | 4 | 22 | 116,308 | ||||
Poland[34] | 5 | 2 | 1 | 3 | 19 | 3 | 28 | 19,724 | ||||
Portugal[35] | 5 | 7 | 7 | 2 | 23 | 34,686 | ||||||
Romania[36] | 3 | 7 | 6 | 5 | 21 | 23,090 | ||||||
Slovakia | 0 | 0 | ||||||||||
Slovenia[37] | 1 | 1 | 2 | 435 | ||||||||
Spain[38] | 1[h] | (1)[h] | 2[i] | 5[j] | 6[k] | 23 | 6 | 3 | 46 | 148,607 | ||
Sweden[39] | 6 | 11 | 5 | 22 | 14,256 | |||||||
EU | 4 | 4 | 22 | 34 | 75 | 38 | 156 | 136 | 4 | 48 | ~516 | ~1,309,110 |
This section needs to be updated. (November 2018) |
Combined, the member states of the European Union maintain large numbers of various land-based military vehicles and weaponry.
Guide to table:
Member state | Main battle tank | Armoured fighting vehicle | Artillery | Attack helicopter | Military logistics vehicle | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Austria | 56 | 364 | 90 | |||
Belgium[40] | 521 | 155 | 27 | |||
Bulgaria[40] | 362 | 681 | 1,035 | 12 | ||
Croatia[41] | 75 | 283 | 127 | 10 | ||
Cyprus | 134 | 169 | 234 | 15 | 398 | |
Czech Republic[40] | 123 | 501 | 182 | 24 | ||
Denmark[40] | 46 | 229 | 56 | 12 | ||
Estonia[42] | 74 | |||||
Finland | 200 | 1,080 | 722 | 25 | ||
France[40] | 450 | 6,256 | 349 | 283 | 10,746 | |
Germany[40] | 815 | 1,774 | 401 | 158 | ||
Greece[40] | 1,622 | 2,187 | 1,920 | 29 | ||
Hungary[40] | 90 | 634 | 35 | 8 | 471 | |
Ireland[43] | 107 | 36 | ||||
Italy[40] | 1,176 | 3,145 | 1,446 | 107 | 10,921 | |
Latvia | ||||||
Lithuania[44] | 88 | 96 | ||||
Luxembourg | ||||||
Malta | ||||||
Netherlands[40] | 16 | 634 | 135 | 21 | ||
Poland[45] | 1,675 | 3,110 | 1,580 | 83 | ||
Portugal[40] | 220 | 425 | 377 | |||
Romania[40] | 857 | 1,272 | 1,273 | 23 | ||
Slovakia[40] | 30 | 327 | 68 | |||
Slovenia | 76 | 52 | 63 | |||
Spain[40] | 484 | 1,007 | 811 | 27 | ||
Sweden | 120 | 978 | 268 | |||
EU[40] | 8,413 | 25,421 | 11,259 | 822 |
This section needs to be updated. (November 2018) |
The air forces of EU member states operate a wide range of military systems and hardware. This is primarily due to the independent requirements of each member state and also the national defence industries of some member states. However such programmes like the Eurofighter Typhoon and Eurocopter Tiger have seen many European nations design, build and operate a single weapons platform. 60% of overall combat fleet was developed and manufactured by member states, 32% are US-origin, but some of these were assembled in Europe, while remaining 8% are soviet-made aircraft. As of 2014, it is estimated that the European Union had around 2,000 serviceable combat aircraft (fighter aircraft and ground-attack aircraft).[46]
The EUs air-lift capabilities are evolving with the future introduction of the Airbus A400M (another example of EU defence cooperation). The A400M is a tactical airlifter with strategic capabilities.[47] Around 140 are initially expected to be operated by 5 member states (Luxembourg, France, Germany, Spain and Belgium).
Guide to tables:
Member state | Typhoon | Rafale | Mirage 2000 | Gripen | F-16 | F/A-18 | F-35 | Tornado | Other | Total |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Austria[46] | 15 | 15 | ||||||||
Belgium[46] | 52 | (34 ordered) | 52 | |||||||
Bulgaria[46] | (16 ordered) | 13 MiG-29 7 Su-25 | 20 | |||||||
Croatia[46] | (12 ordered) | 12 MiG-21 | 12 | |||||||
Cyprus[46] | ||||||||||
Czech Republic[46] | 12 | (24 ordered) | 16 L-159 | 28 | ||||||
Denmark[46] | 33 | 4 (23 ordered) | 33 | |||||||
Estonia[46] | ||||||||||
Finland[46] | 62 | (64 ordered) | 62 | |||||||
France[46] | 135 (134 ordered) | 97 | 232 | |||||||
Germany[46] | 134 (38) | (35 ordered) | 81 | 30 Tornado ECR | 245 | |||||
Greece[46] | 20 (4 ordered) | 24 | 153[48] | (20 ordered) | 33 F-4 | 234[48] | ||||
Hungary[46] | 14 | 14 | ||||||||
Ireland[46] | ||||||||||
Italy[46] | 94 | 30 (108 ordered) | 71 | 58 AMX, 15 Harrier II, 13 Tornado ECR | 281[49] | |||||
Latvia[46] | ||||||||||
Lithuania[46] | ||||||||||
Luxembourg[46] | ||||||||||
Malta[46] | ||||||||||
Netherlands[46] | 29 | 26 (26 ordered) | 55 | |||||||
Poland[46] | 48 | (32 ordered) | 12 T-50 (36 ordered) 19 MiG-29 18 Su-22 | 97 | ||||||
Portugal[46] | 25 | 25 | ||||||||
Romania[46] | 17 | 16 MiG-21 | 33 | |||||||
Slovakia[46] | 2 (10 ordered) | 2 (12) | ||||||||
Slovenia[46] | ||||||||||
Spain[46] | 68 (20 ordered) | 84 | 12 Harrier II | 164 | ||||||
Sweden[46] | 94 (70 ordered) | 94 | ||||||||
EU[46] | 311 | 141 | 139 | 120 | 357 | 146 | 60 (346) | 152 | 287 | 1,713 |
Member state | A330 MRTT | A310 MRTT | KC-135/707 | C-17 | C-130 | C-160 | C-27J | CN-235/C-295 | An-26 | A400M | C-390 | Other | Total |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Austria[46] | 3 | (4 ordered) | 8 PC-6 | 11 | |||||||||
Belgium[46] | 9 | 7 | 3 ERJ-135/145 | 19 | |||||||||
Bulgaria[46] | 2 | 1 | 1 L-410 & 1 PC-12 | 5 | |||||||||
Croatia[46] | |||||||||||||
Cyprus[46] | 1 BN-2 | 1 | |||||||||||
Czech Republic[46] | 4 | 4 L-410 | 8 | ||||||||||
Denmark[46] | 4 | 4 | |||||||||||
Estonia[46] | 2 An-28/M28 | 2 | |||||||||||
Finland[46] | 3 | 3 Learjet 35 & 6 PC-12NG | 12 | ||||||||||
France[46] | 2 | 14 | 16 | 15 | 27 | 15 | 3 A340 | 92 | |||||
Germany[46] | 4 | 42 | 31 | 2 A319 | 76 | ||||||||
Greece[46] | 13 | 8 | 21 | ||||||||||
Hungary[46] | 4 | 1 (1 ordered) | 5 | ||||||||||
Ireland[46] | 2 | 1 BNT-2 CC2/B | 3 | ||||||||||
Italy[46] | 16 | 12 | 4 KC-767 3 KC-130J 3 A319 | 38 | |||||||||
Latvia[46] | |||||||||||||
Lithuania[46] | 3 | 1 | 4 | ||||||||||
Luxembourg[46] | 1 | 1 | |||||||||||
Malta[46] | 2 BNT-2 CC2/B 2 King Air 200 |
4 | |||||||||||
Netherlands[46] | 4 | (5 ordered) | 2 (K)DC-10 | 6 | |||||||||
Poland[46] | 5 | 16 | 20 | ||||||||||
Portugal[46] | 6 | 7 | 1 (4 ordered) | 14 | |||||||||
Romania[46] | 2 | 7 | 2 | 11 | |||||||||
Slovakia[46] | 2 | 5 Let L-410 Turbolet | 7 | ||||||||||
Slovenia[46] | 1 Let L-410 Turbolet 2 Pilatus PC-6 Porter 1 Dassault Falcon 2000 | 4 | |||||||||||
Spain[46] | 2 | 7 | 21 | 6 | 5 KC-130H 2 A310 | 37 | |||||||
Sweden[46] | 7 | 1 KC-130H | 8 | ||||||||||
Shared within EU | 3 (6) part of MMF | 3 | |||||||||||
EU[46] | 5 | 4 | 16 | 0 | 83 | 107 | 30 | 81 | 16 | 60 | 2 (14) | 41 | 393 |
The Helsinki Headline Goal Catalogue is a listing of rapid reaction forces composed of 60,000 troops managed by the European Union, but under control of the countries who deliver troops for it.
Forces introduced at Union level include:
This section presents an incomplete list of forces and bodies established intergovernmentally amongst a subset of member states. These organisations will deploy forces based on the collective agreement of their member states. They are typically technically listed as being able to be deployed under the auspices of NATO, the United Nations, the European Union (EU) through Article 42.3 of TEU, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, or any other international entity.
However, with the exception of the Eurocorps, very few have actually been deployed for any real military operation, and none under the CSDP at any point in its history.
Land Forces:
Aerial:
Naval:
Out of the 27 EU member states, 23 are also members of NATO. Another four NATO members are EU applicants—Albania, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Turkey. Two others—Iceland and Norway—have opted to remain outside of the EU, however participate in the EU's single market. The memberships of the EU and NATO are distinct, and some EU member states are traditionally neutral on defence issues. Several EU member states were formerly members of the Warsaw Pact. Denmark had an opt-out from the CSDP,[1] however voted in a referendum in 2022 to begin to participate in the policy area.
European Union (in respect of its defence arm, the Common Security and Defence Policy) |
NATO | ||
---|---|---|---|
Mutual defence clause | Article 42.7 of the consolidated version of the Treaty on European Union:
"If a Member State is the victim of armed aggression on its territory, the other Member States shall have towards it an obligation of aid and assistance by all the means in their power, in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. This shall not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States. [...]" |
Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty:
"The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them [on their territory] shall be considered an attack against them all and consequently they agree that, if such an armed attack occurs, each of them, in exercise of the right of individual or collective self-defence recognised by Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, will assist the Party or Parties so attacked by taking forthwith, individually and in concert with the other Parties, such action as it deems necessary, including the use of armed force, to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area. [...]" | |
Political strategic organisation | |||
Highest office | High Representative (HR/VP) | Secretary General | |
Principal decision-making body | Foreign Affairs Council | North Atlantic Council | |
Liaison body | European External Action Service | International Staff | |
Seat | Kortenberg building (Brussels, Belgium) | NATO headquarters (Brussels, Belgium) | |
Military strategic organisation | |||
Supreme commander | Director of the Military Planning and Conduct Capability | Supreme Allied Commander Europe | |
Headquarters | Military Planning and Conduct Capability (Brussels, Belgium) | Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (Mons, Belgium) | |
Chair of chiefs of defence assembly | Chairman of the European Union Military Committee | Chair of the NATO Military Committee | |
Chiefs of defence assembly | European Union Military Committee | NATO Military Committee | |
Advisory body | European Union Military Staff | International Military Staff | |
Membership | Permanent Structured Cooperation | Membership | |
Member states of both the EU and NATO | |||
Belgium | Founder | Founder | Founder |
Bulgaria | 2007 | Founder | 2004 |
Croatia | 2013 | Founder | 2009 |
Czech Republic | 2004 | Founder | 1999 |
Denmark | 1973 | 2023 | Founder |
Estonia | 2004 | Founder | 2004 |
Finland | 1995 | Founder | 2023 |
France | Founder | Founder | Founder |
Germany | Founder | Founder | 1955 |
Greece | 1981 | Founder | 1952 |
Hungary | 2004 | Founder | 1999 |
Italy | Founder | Founder | Founder |
Latvia | 2004 | Founder | 2004 |
Lithuania | 2004 | Founder | 2004 |
Luxembourg | Founder | Founder | Founder |
Netherlands | Founder | Founder | Founder |
Poland | 2004 | Founder | 1999 |
Portugal | 1986 | Founder | Founder |
Romania | 2007 | Founder | 2004 |
Slovakia | 2004 | Founder | 2004 |
Slovenia | 2004 | Founder | 2004 |
Spain | 1986 | Founder | 1982 |
Sweden | 1995 | Founder | 2024 |
Non-NATO EU member states | |||
Austria | 1995 | Founder | Partnership for Peace |
Cyprus | 2004 | Founder | No |
Ireland | 1973 | Founder | Partnership for Peace |
Malta | 2004 | No | Partnership for Peace |
Non-EU NATO member states | |||
Albania | Candidate | — | 2009 |
Iceland | No | — | Founder |
Montenegro | Candidate | — | 2017 |
North Macedonia | Candidate | — | 2020 |
Norway | Defence Agency agreement | — | Founder |
Turkey | Candidate | — | 1952 |
United Kingdom | No | — | Founder |
European countries outside both the EU and NATO | |||
Andorra | No | — | No |
Armenia | No | — | Individual Partnership Action Plan |
Azerbaijan | No | — | Individual Partnership Action Plan |
Belarus | No | — | Partnership for Peace |
Bosnia and Herzegovina | Candidate | — | Membership Action Plan |
Georgia | Candidate | — | Intensified Dialogue |
Kazakhstan | No | — | Individual Partnership Action Plan |
Kosovo | Applicant / Potential candidate | — | No |
Liechtenstein | No | — | No |
Moldova | Candidate | — | Individual Partnership Action Plan |
Monaco | No | — | No |
Russia | No | — | Partnership for Peace |
San Marino | No | — | No |
Serbia | Candidate | — | Individual Partnership Action Plan |
Switzerland | Defence Agency agreement | — | Partnership for Peace |
Ukraine | Candidate | — | Intensified Dialogue |
Vatican City | No | — | No |
NATO member states located in North America, which are therefore ineligible for EU membership | |||
Canada | — | — | Founder |
United States | — | — | Founder |
Members of NATO's Partnership for Peace located outside Europe, which are therefore neither eligible for EU nor NATO membership | |||
Kyrgyzstan | — | — | Partnership for Peace |
Tajikistan | — | — | Partnership for Peace |
Turkmenistan | — | — | Partnership for Peace |
Uzbekistan | — | — | Partnership for Peace |
The Berlin Plus agreement is the short title of a comprehensive package of agreements made between NATO and the EU on 16 December 2002.[66] These agreements were based on conclusions of NATO's 1999 Washington summit, sometimes referred to as the CJTF mechanism,[67] and allowed the EU to draw on some of NATO's military assets in its own peacekeeping operations.
The EUCAP Somalia[68] is an example of a non-executive, civilian Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) Mission aimed at strengthening maritime security capacities, police sector, as well as promoting the Rule of Law in Somalia.[69] It provides strategic level advice, mentoring and training, on issues ranging from coast guard and police functions to police-prosecution cooperation and the drafting of laws. Initially launched as EUCAP Nestor[70] in 2012, the mission was reconfigured to focus on Somalia, thus renamed by the Council of the European Union, EUCAP Somalia in 2016.
The mission was established in response to the persistent challenges posed by maritime insecurity in the Western Indian Ocean, particularly piracy, illegal fishing, human trafficking, and arms smuggling. These issues severely impacted both the security and economic stability of Somalia and the surrounding region. Somalia’s extensive coastline (the longest in mainland Africa) was unprotected for years due to the collapse of the government in the early 1990s.[71] Piracy flourished in the absence of effective maritime governance, leading to international efforts to assist the country in reclaiming control over its waters. EUCAP Somalia emerged as part of these efforts, complementing other international missions such as Operation Atalanta and EUTM Somalia.
EUCAP Nestor's mandate is divided into two objectives: strengthening the maritime capacities of the beneficiary countries (excluding Somalia) and training a coastal police force and judges in Somalia, the primary aim being to get the countries in the region to work together to strengthen action at sea. EUCAP Nestor operates in five countries: Djibouti, Kenya, Seychelles, Somalia (Puntland/Somaliland) and Tanzania. This is why it is relatively large in terms of staff numbers, with almost 200 people spread across the different countries. These experts provide legal, strategic and operational advice on maritime safety.[72]
When the name was changed in December 2016, so too was the mandate. EUCAP Somalia will drop its regional ambitions and focus solely on Somalia, and more specifically on the Coast Guard, with a view to strengthening ‘Somali maritime law enforcement capabilities’. The mandate is not limited to piracy, but covers any criminal activity or offence committed on the coast or in the sea.[73]
In December 2020, the Council of the European Union extended Eucap's mandate until 31 December 20224. From 2021 onwards, the mission will also be helping Somalia to strengthen its police capabilities, in particular by developing the Federal Darwish police force and reinforcing the INTERPOL National Central Bureau in Mogadishu.[74] The EU's budget for the period 2023-2024 allocated is 81 million €.[75]
Since its reconfiguration in 2016, EUCAP Somalia has made significant strides in enhancing Somalia’s maritime security capabilities. Recent achievements include improving the Somali Police Force's (SPF) command, control, and communication capabilities, as well as enhancing their ability to manage security incidents in Mogadishu. EUCAP has deployed a specialized multinational team to support the SPF's Maritime Police Unit and has played a key role in the development of Somaliland’s Coast Guard, conducting joint exercises with EUNAVFOR Operation ATALANTA. The mission also trained and equipped the Puntland Maritime Police Force, enhancing their capacity to enforce maritime law. Additionally, EUCAP has supported the Somali Attorney General’s Maritime Crimes Unit by providing training in internal procedures and investigations and launching an internship program for young lawyers. Despite the progress, Somalia continues to face challenges in maritime governance due to political instability and resource limitations, but EUCAP remains committed to addressing these issues with Somali authorities and international partners.[76]
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