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Resistance group at Buchenwald concentration camp From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Buchenwald Resistance was a resistance group of prisoners at Buchenwald concentration camp. It involved Communists, Social Democrats, and people affiliated with other political parties, unaffiliated people, Christians, Jews, and Muslims. Because Buchenwald prisoners came from a number of countries, the Resistance was also international. Members tried to sabotage Nazi efforts where they could, worked to save the lives of child inmates, and in the last days of the camp, with many Nazis fleeing the approaching allied troops, tried to gain control of the camp itself. After liberation, the prisoners documented their experiences on paper and formed an international committee to look after the welfare of survivors.
Certain administrative duties in the concentration camps were given by the SS to "prisoner functionaries". Originally, these tasks were assigned to criminal prisoners, but after 1939, political prisoners began to displace the criminal prisoners,[1] though criminals were preferred by the SS. Political prisoners took over important positions as "prisoner functionaries" until liberation. The criminal functionaries were known for their brutality, which they used in order to impress the SS guards and improve their own lot. They were hated by other prisoners, who were eventually able to bring them down by uncovering evidence of theft from camp warehouses.[2]
After the German–Soviet non-aggression treaty of August 1939, the ideological antagonism between the Nazis and the Communists was temporarily mollified. The SS knew that Communists were able to organize people and that they had an international network, which, from the point of view of the concentration camp direction, was useful because after the start of the war, Buchenwald had a multilingual prisoner population. When Germany later invaded the Soviet Union in 1941, the Communist prisoners at first lost these positions, but later managed to win them back. To strengthen camp cohesion, the Communist kapos made sure that prisoner functionaries were from every country. They also worked with Social Democrats and middle class politicians to set up the People's Front policy of the Comintern.
The scope of the "red" (Communist) kapos was narrow. They were always under threat of being stripped of their responsibilities and of being killed. Nonetheless, as prisoner functionaries, they had a certain mobility and freedom of action, which they used, in whatever means possible, to preserve the lives of other prisoners. The main area of the red kapos' work was in the "office of the labor statistics", the camp infirmary and as camp guard surrogates.
In the office of labor statistics, the prisoner work details were planned and lists were made as to which prisoners were in which outside work detail. They could, for example, place specific Resistance fighters on work details to infiltrate the notorious Dora-Mittelbau camp. A prisoner could hardly survive longer than 6 weeks in the camp's tunnels. Nonetheless, prisoners like Albert Kuntz managed to build a resistance organization that committed sabotage of the V-2 rockets.
In the camp infirmary, kapos were able to briefly "hide" other prisoners from the SS. On occasion, they were able to send a prisoner there whose life was under immediate threat and have the records show the person as having died, then secretly give that prisoner the identity of another prisoner who had, in fact, recently died.
One kapo, Robert Siewert, himself a bricklayer, was able to convince the SS to allow Polish children to be trained as bricklayers, which the Nazis needed for their many construction projects, thus saving a number of boys from certain death.[3]
The Committee began as an underground conspiracy of prisoners from the concentration camp, but still exists today.[4]
With the arrival of political prisoners from the various countries under Nazi occupation, the German political prisoners found contacts with members of the respective national organizations.[1] The International Camp Committee (ICC) was organized under the leadership of the German Communist, Walter Bartel[5] and it became the conspiratorial center of political anti-Nazi resistance at the camp in July 1943. The founding and meeting place of the ICC was a screened room in the infirmary.
Under its leadership, an International Military Organization of Buchenwald was also formed.[5][6] At the end of the war, as American troops were closing in on the camp, most of the guards and higher Nazi officers of the camp fled. The prisoners were able to mount a camp-wide rebellion and liberate the camp just prior to the Americans' arrival.[2][7]
Two American intelligence officers, Egon W. Fleck and First Lieutenant Edward A. Tenenbaum reported coming across a unit of thousands of armed prisoners, marching in formation outside the camp on April 11, 1945.[6]
The lives of hundreds of child and teenage Buchenwald prisoners[1] were saved. The film The Boys of Buchenwald examines their efforts to re-join society after their experience as Nazi prisoners. The French film La Maison de Nina also examines the topic of children survivors. A few of those saved were:
The Buchenwald Resistance is referred to in the last chapter of Elie Wiesel's memoir, Night, with specific description of the moment in which Wiesel is saved:
The resistance movement decided at that point to act. Armed men appeared from everywhere. Bursts of gunshots. Grenades exploding. We, the children, remained flat on the floor of the block. The battle did not last long. Around noon, everything was calm again. The SS had fled and the resistance had taken charge of the camp. (115, emphasis added)[12]
Anti-fascists in Buchenwald built a united front composed of members from different parties. In 1944, they succeeded in building a German "Popular Front Committee". This was a clandestine organization within the camp. The main members were Hermann Brill of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) as chairman, Dr. Werner Hilpert from the Zentrumspartei, later the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Ernst Thape from the SPD and Walter Wolf of the Communist Party (KPD).
After the liberation of Buchenwald concentration camp on April 11, 1945, there were several prisoners' groups that made resolutions and declarations.
On April 19, 1945, at the memorial rally of the international camp committee in honor of Buchenwald's dead, the People's Front Committee presented its resolution before 21,000 survivors.
The core of the Buchenwald Oath is: We will take up the fight until the last culprit stands before the judges of the people. Our watchword is the destruction of Nazism from its roots. Our goal is to build a new world of peace and freedom. This is our responsibility to our murdered friends and their relatives.
After the Buchenwald Oath was read aloud, the prisoners raised their hands and said, "We swear".[13]
The Buchenwald Oath was, for the Communist Resistance fighters, an important symbol in the fight against fascism.[14] The role of Communist functionary prisoners is the subject of controversial debate, also because they were exploited by the German Democratic Republic (GDR).
In the GDR, the Resistance was viewed within the framework of socialist anti-fascism. The achievements of the Communist Resistance fighters were glorified while other Resistance fighters and the fate of the Jewish victims were little discussed. In contrast, in West Germany, the contribution of the Communists was hardly mentioned. In recent years, the question of how much the functionary prisoners cooperated with the SS and how much they themselves were part of the tyranny in the camp has also been much discussed.[14]
The Buchenwald Manifesto, written by doctor of law Hermann Brill[15] and others, calls for the eradication of fascism through specific measures, for the establishment of a People's Republic, labor reform (e.g. the eight-hour day and the right to form trade unions), for socialization of economy, peace and rights through reparations, humanism, freedom of education, the arts and "socialist unity".
The Manifesto stated (in part) the following:
The Buchenwald Manifesto ended with the following words:
The Manifesto was signed by Heinz Baumeister (Dortmund); Gottlieb Branz (Munich); Dr. Hermann Brill (Berlin); Benedikt Kautsky, (Vienna), Karl Mantler (Vienna), Erich Schilling (Leipzig), Ernst Thape (Magdeburg), among others from Germany and other countries.
At the time of liberation, the clandestine Buchenwald KPD consisted of 629 prisoners from 22 different district branches. Added to that were 111 new candidates for membership. Another 59 prisoners were not accepted for membership for failure to fulfill party obligations.
The party began to function legally again and on April 22, 1945, held a delegates' meeting at Buchenwald, where the recent experiences were evaluated and a plan of action for the future was proclaimed.
The document referred to fascism and war as "attempt of German monopoly capitalism, to "overcome the economic crisis by means of a brutal, fascist dictatorship and an imperialist war". This was to entrench German monopoly capital as a dominant power in the world.
The resolution said further,
The Buchenwald Resistance is mentioned explicitly in the last chapter of Elie Wiesel's memoir, Night. In it, he describes the Resistance as making "the decision not to abandon the Jews and to prevent their liquidation," which he implies had earlier inspired them to whisper life-saving advice to him and the other "children of [his] block," urging "Go back to your block. The Germans plan to shoot you. Go back and don't move" (114).[12] Furthermore, he describes the resistance movement's actions the morning before "the first American tank stood at the gates of Buchenwald":
The resistance movement decided at that point to act. Armed men appeared from everywhere. Bursts of gunshots. Grenades exploding. We, the children, remained flat on the floor of the block. The battle did not last long. Around noon, everything was calm again. The SS had fled and the resistance had taken charge of the camp. (115)[12]
This moment illustrates the extent of hope and boldness that was latent in the imprisoned people seemingly condemned to death; the knowledge that the Front was approaching, and along with it the Allied troops, provided much-needed confidence and a renewed sense of optimism to the people of the Resistance and others in the Buchenwald camp, as explained by the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum:
On April 11, 1945, in expectation of liberation, starved and emaciated prisoners stormed the watchtowers, seizing control of the camp. Later that afternoon, US forces entered Buchenwald. Soldiers from the 6th Armored Division, part of the Third Army, found more than 21,000 people in the camp.[17]
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