Bono state

This article is about the Akan state of the Bono people. For their other kingdom, see Gyaman.

Bono State (also known as Bonoman) was the first centralized Akan state, founded by the Bono people in what is now central Ghana.^[2][3] Bonoman is generally considered a cultural, political ancestor and origin to Akan subgroups that migrated southward and eastward during and after its decline in the 18th centuries.^[4][2][5] The capital centered at Bono Manso, the state flourished in the forest–savanna transition zone and encompassed areas within present-day Bono Region, Bono East Region, and Ahafo Region, as well as parts of eastern Ivory Coast.^[6][7]

Bonoman
c. 1450–1723
Capital	Bono Manso
Common languages	Bono Twi
Religion	Bono Ancestral worship and spirituality
Government	Monarchy
Bonohene
History
• Settlement of Bono Manso	c. 1000 CE
• Foundation of the Bono state	c. 1450
• Conquered by the Asante Empire	1723
Currency	Gold dust[1]
Succeeded by Techiman
Today part of	Ghana  Ivory Coast

The state's wealth grew substantially through the control of gold production and trade, with material culture such as goldweights, brassworking, and textiles attesting to its urban complexity.^[8] The Akan gold trade to the savannah and far beyond had been essential since the opening of Akan goldfields to Juula merchants under Mali and Songhai empire dating back to at least 15th century. Begho sent gold mined in the Akan goldfields to the north both Kong and Bobo-Dioulasso, from whence the gold was carried to Djenne-Timbuktu corridor and across Sahara.^[5]

History

Origin

While some theorists have linked the origin of the Akan people of Bonoman to a southward migration from the Ghana Empire or broader Sahel region, recent archaeological and linguistic evidence points to their long-term residence in modern-day Ghana and Ivory Coast.^[9] Archaeological evidence reveals iron-smelting at the site of Abam in Bono Manso by c. 300 CE.^[10] Early remains include red-slipped and burnished pottery, grinding stones, swish-walled dwellings constructed using wattle-and-daub techniques, and iron-smelting furnaces with slag. These findings reflect a proto-urban society engaged in farming, craft production, metallurgy, and regional exchange.^{[citation needed]} The earliest settlements were typically located in caves and/or near inselbergs, echoing Bono origin myths which have them emerging from a hole in the ground near modern-day Wenchi.^[11][10]

Rise of the State

Bonoman was the earliest Akan state to develop in the forest–savanna transition zone of what is now the Bono Region, Bono East Region and Ahafo Region of Ghana. Archaeologists date the founding of Bono Manso to c. 1000 CE,^[10] although both oral traditions and archaeological data indicate that the site was already occupied by the late 12th to early 13th century.^[12] These settlements were associated with sedentary village life, local religious institutions, and the establishment of land tenure systems.^[13] Other authors place the emergence of the centralized state in the late 14th or early 15th century.^[14][15] The first Bonohene was named Asaman.^[16]

The town itself likely covered an area of between 150 and 230 hectares and supported a population of approximately 5,000 inhabitants, based on architectural remains and settlement density estimates.^[17] Its strategic location near the headwaters of the Tano River enabled access to the forest-savanna transition zone and placed it at the southernmost range of safe caravan travel, beyond which the tsetse fly made pack animal transport unviable.^[18]

A key factor in the rise of Bonoman was the need to protect and regulate gold extraction in the surrounding Akan goldfields and to develop commercial routes linking the area to the Middle Niger.^[19] The nearby town of Begho (also known as Nsɔkɔ) emerged as a complementary trading hub where regional commodities like gold, kola, ivory, and forest products were exchanged for textiles, salt, and metal goods brought by Wangara merchants.^[20] Two early rulers, Ameyaw and Obunumankoma, oversaw Bonoman's territorial expansion and commercial ascendancy in the latter half of the 15th century.

By the late 16th century, Bonoman faced external pressure from rival states such as the Gonja kingdom.^[21][22]

Fall of Bonoman

The decline of Bonoman was gradual and driven by overlapping internal and external factors. Archaeological evidence from Bono Manso indicates signs of demographic decline and economic restructuring beginning in the 17th century, likely due to droughts, dynastic instability, and shifting trade networks.^[23] As southern Akan states like Akyem, Denkyira, and eventually the Asante Empire secured greater access to coastal markets and European firearms, Bonoman—located inland and lacking direct access to Atlantic trade—was increasingly bypassed in regional commerce.^[24]

Internally, excessive taxation, succession disputes, and elite misconduct contributed to weakening central authority. Oral histories collected from Bono informants describe widespread discontent under Ameyaw Kwakye I, the last Bonohene. His perceived abuses of power included neglect of religious obligations and extortionate tax levies.^[25] Before the Asante invasion, disillusioned citizens are said to have refused to defend the capital, expressing their frustration with the phrase: “Se hene Ameyaw anya ne ko a onko nhye” ("If king Ameyaw has got his war, let him fight it all").^[26]

The decisive collapse came in 1722–1723, when Opoku Ware I of the Asante Empire launched a successful military campaign against Bono Manso. The town was sacked, and Ameyaw Kwakye I was captured and taken to Kumasi along with his royal regalia and numerous skilled artisans.^[27][28] Some sources suggest he was later appointed as a royal official within the Asante court.^[26] The population was dispersed, with many fleeing to Gyaman and other Akan territories.^[27]

Following the conquest, several Bono villages were turned into Asante administrative posts or transferred to allied rulers such as the Nkoranzahene.^[29][28] The royal lineage was later re-established in Techiman under Asante suzerainty by approximately 1740.^[29]

Bono Settlements and Urban Centers

Bono cities exhibited organized town planning, sacred architecture, and advanced iron-working industries. Based on excavations, radiocarbon data, and oral traditions, Effah-Gyamfi identified three distinct phases of urban development. In the early phase (13th to 15th centuries), towns such as Bono Manso were relatively compact, housing thousands of residents—though not all lived in the core settlement. Architecture from this period featured daubed wattle construction, and painted pottery was distributed across a 3.3 km radius, indicating the extent of household and ritual activity.^[4]

In the second phase, spanning the 16th to 17th centuries, Bono urban centers expanded significantly in both population and spatial layout. Towns became more structured, with evenly distributed housing units surrounding a central marketplace, indicating a higher level of social coordination and economic planning. Archaeological findings from this period include imported glass beads, mica-coated pottery, and other materials suggesting sustained participation in long-distance trade networks that extended across West Africa and beyond. These discoveries underscore the complexity of Bono urbanism during this era and its integration into broader regional commerce.^[4]

Bono Manso

Bono Manso (literally “great town of Bono”) was the capital of Bonoman and a major trading centre in what is now the Bono East region. Located just south of the Black Volta river in the forest–savanna transition zone, the town was a key node in the Trans-Saharan trade network, linking the Akan goldfields with northern markets such as Djenné and Timbuktu. Goods traded through Bono Manso included gold, kola nuts, salt, leather, and cloth. Archaeological and historical sources suggest that Bono Manso was already settled by the 13th century and had developed into a commercial and ritual center by the 14th and 15th centuries.^[30]

The town served as the seat of Bono kingship, with political and spiritual authority centered on ancestral stools and sacred shrines. The Bonohene who was of the royal clan, Ayoko, had his palace here, while several other clans such as Biretuo, Aduana, Asenie etc domiciled at some distance within.^{[citation needed]}

The unit of currency was gold, gold weights were used to determine what quantity of gold should be exchanged for a commodity. This was determined by the chiefs and elders, the chiefs fixed a quantity of gold that should make a peredwan, a doma and dwoa.^[1]

Kranka Dada

Kranka Dada was a village settlement located northeast of Bono Manso and is one of the best-documented hinterland sites in the Bono region. Though not an urban center, it was intimately connected to Bono Manso’s political and economic systems. Archaeological excavations at the site between 2009 and 2012 uncovered evidence of household economies, ritual practices, and participation in long-distance trade.^[12]

The site was composed of multiple residential mounds, occupied from the late 13th century through to the mid-18th century. Radiocarbon dates indicate continuous occupation until the Asante conquest of Bono Manso in 1723.^[31] Features include wattle-and-daub structures, granaries, iron-smelting debris, and ceremonial hearths. A range of artifacts—such as brass fragments, glass beads, imported ceramics, and terracotta rasps—demonstrates both local production and external connections.^[32]

Kranka Dada likely served as a satellite settlement that supplied agricultural goods, labor, and ritual expertise to the Bono Manso capital. Compton identifies the site as part of a four-tiered settlement hierarchy, revealing how smaller communities were integrated into broader systems of governance, trade, and religious life.^[17]

Despite its village status, Kranka Dada households had access to many of the same trade goods found at Bono Manso, indicating a more distributed pattern of exchange than previously assumed. Its abandonment coincides with the Asante invasion, and oral traditions from the area recall that the shrine priestess remained behind after the town’s collapse.^[26]

Begho

Begho (also Bighu or Bitu; called Bew and Nsokɔ by the Akan) was a medieval trading town located just south of the Black Volta at the transitional zone between the forest and savanna.^[33] Begho was a linguistic and cultural bridge linking the Akan and Mande worlds. While it was not politically subject to the Bonohene,^[34] an ethnically Akan nobility ruled over a multiethnic community, including a significant population of Muslim Wangara traders.^[35][36] Numerous Akan words for trade, transportation, and status—such as kramo (Muslim), oponko (horse), gyata (lion), and adaka (box)—trace back to Mande origins, reflecting sustained interactions rather than domination.^[37] Like Bono-Manso, Begho was of considerable importance as an entrepot frequented by northern caravans from the Mali Empire beginning around 1100 AD. Goods traded included ivory, salt, leather, gold, kola nuts, cloth, and copper alloys.^[38][39]

According to Islamic historical sources, the ruler of Mali launched a punitive expedition against Begho in the mid-sixteenth century in response to a disruption in the gold trade managed by the Juula.^[40] These narratives suggest the extension of Mande political authority over the town.^[20][41] On the other hand, other evidence, including local oral histories, indicate that the invaders were defeated^[42] and that local governance structures in Begho continued without lasting external control.^[43]

Excavations have laid bare walled structures dated between 1350 and 1750 AD, as well as pottery of all kinds, smoking pipes, and evidence of iron smelting. With a probable population of over 10 000, Begho was one of the largest towns in the southern part of West Africa at the time of the arrival of the Portuguese in 1471.^[39]

Today, Begho is remembered not only for its role in West African trade but also as the ancestral town of many Wangara/Juula groups who dispersed to towns like Bonduku, Namasa, and Banda, preserving a distinct historical identity linked to their origins in this once-thriving hub of commerce.^{[citation needed]}

Bonduku

Bonduku was another trading center within the empire of Bonoman.^{[citation needed]} It gave birth to the state of Gyaman also spelled Jamang Kingdom which was particularly famous for the production of cotton. The state existed from 1450 to 1895 and was located in what is now Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire.^[38][4]

Misconceptions and Controversies

The Colonial Fabrication of a Ghana Empire Exodus

Main article: Ghana Empire

One common but historically unsupported narrative claims that the Bono people migrated from the Ghana Empire (centered in modern-day southeastern Mauritania and Mali) to establish Bonoman. This theory, often repeated in colonial-era textbooks and early nationalist histories, lacks archaeological, linguistic, and oral historical support.

This belief was shaped by early European scholars and colonial administrators who sought to link West African civilizations to more familiar Sahelian polities, often underestimating the capacity for local cultural development. Recent research shows that no oral traditions from Bono-Takyiman or Begho communities reference any connection to the Ghana Empire. Instead, accounts consistently point to local origins rooted in sacred caves such as Amowi, emphasizing emergence from the land rather than migration from the Sahel.^[44]

Further archaeological work reinforces these traditions. Excavations around Bono Manso reveal a long sequence of occupation, with evidence of settlement, agriculture, and iron smelting dating back several centuries before any documented Sahelian contact. In particular, early radiocarbon dates from the site of Amowi confirm its antiquity, consistent with oral traditions identifying it as a sacred emergence site of the Bono.^[30]

Myth of Mande-Islamic Origins

Another recurring misconception is that the Bono state and its institutions were introduced or significantly shaped by Mande-speaking Muslim traders (Wangara or Dyula). While Muslim traders did play an important role in the gold trade, they settled in designated quarters in towns like Begho, and did not govern the polity nor introduce its core political or spiritual institutions.^[45]

While acknowledging the presence of intercultural trade, scholars emphasize that the political authority, kinship systems (abusua), ancestral shrines, and regalia of Bonoman are of indigenous origin, not borrowed from the north.^[46]

A 2022 study further critiques the “Sahelian diffusionist” framework as a colonial invention. It argues that trade networks have been wrongly equated with political or cultural dominance, noting that Muslim traders in Bono cities such as Begho maintained segregated quarters and peripheral roles in local governance.^[47]

Modern archaeological and ethnohistorical research has shown that Bonoman developed indigenously in the forest–savanna transition zone of what is now the Bono Region of Ghana, long before the Ghana Empire's decline. Sites like Amowi, Nkukua Buoho, and Bono Manso demonstrate continuous occupation, iron smelting, and complex social organization centuries before the 13th century.^[48][49]

Notable scholars refute the notion of northern origin, noting that archaeological layers at Bono sites and linguistic data suggest long-term, local development. The consensus is that the Akan states were not the product of Mande or Islamic diffusion, but rather a result of adaptive forest-based societies that evolved over millennia.^[50]

Legacy of Early Scholarship: Reassessing Meyerowitz

One of the first figures to document Bono traditions was Eva L. R. Meyerowitz, whose mid-20th century work attempted to reconstruct Akan origins through oral histories and symbolic interpretation. While her efforts helped foreground the historical importance of Bono Manso and Techiman, her conclusions have since drawn critical re-evaluation. Scholars have questioned her reconstructions of long-lost kingdoms and her assignment of exact dates to events based on oral narratives lacking corroboration in archaeological evidence.

Her chronology, which dates the foundation of Bono-Manso to 1295, was criticized by historian Colin Flight. He determined that the earliest reigns in the king lists, when summed in groups of three, total 100 years, and therefore represent generations rather than reigns.^[51] Evidence has also come to light that Meyerowitz's translator was working out his own chronology, different than hers, and that the entire chronology is in fact fictitious.^[52]

Anthropologist Dennis M. Warren, who conducted fieldwork in the same region, found that several of Meyerowitz’s core claims — including accounts of foreign origins and references to places like Kumbu and Timbuktu — were not only uncorroborated but explicitly denied by the very stool elders and local authorities she had cited. According to Warren, when presented with quotations attributed to them in Meyerowitz’s work, many of these elders responded that they had no memory of making such statements, and in some cases, believed their words had been misrepresented by translators or filtered through interpretive bias.^[53]

Archaeological and Oral Evidence of Indigenous Development

Archaeological studies confirm that iron smelting was practiced at Bono Manso by the 3rd century CE, and that surrounding settlements such as Amowi and Atwetwebooso were occupied well before the rise of the Sahelian empires.^[54] Oral traditions collected by Dennis M. Warren also trace the origin of the Bono to local sacred caves such as Amowi, not to distant external migrations.^[16]

Effah-Gyamfi’s findings further support these traditions, showing that early Bono settlements featured complex political structures, advanced ironworking, and ceremonial practices associated with local rulers. His excavations confirm continuous habitation in the region long before any recorded influence from northern traders or empires.^[30]

Further analysis shows that core elements of the Bono gold economy—such as gold-weighing systems and regalia—were already developed locally before the peak of Muslim trade activity in the region, suggesting that cultural influence likely flowed in the opposite direction.^[55]

Foundational Role in Akan Civilization

Cultural Legacy

Several enduring elements of Akan culture trace their origins to the Bono state. These include the royal umbrella (a symbol of chieftaincy), the sacred swords known as akrafena, ceremonial stools, and ritual regalia central to political and spiritual life. Bono is also widely credited with pioneering the crafts of goldsmithing, Akan goldweights, blacksmithing, cotton and kente weaving, and the symbolic lexicon of adinkra motifs and cloth design.^[56]

These cultural systems were not only central to Bono society but became influential across Akan polities following the 18th-century conquest of Bono Manso. According to oral history, skilled Bono artisans—including weavers, goldsmiths, and metalworkers—were taken to Kumasi by the Asantehene, where their crafts became integral to the emerging Asante court style and symbolism.

Bono oral literature—rich in proverbs, songs, and folktales—also shaped broader Akan traditions of storytelling, morality, and aesthetics. These influences appear in the names and patterns of kente and adinkra cloth, which often reference proverbial wisdom or spiritual principles. This integration of visual and verbal culture extended to carved stools, shrine regalia, jewelry, and royal attire, emphasizing the symbolic depth of Bono artistry.^[56]

Formation of Inland Akan Polities

Scholars have emphasized the foundational role of Bonoman in Akan political and cultural history. The Adansi polity is often highlighted as a key political and cultural foundation in the evolution of Akan civilization. Emerging from Bono precedents, Adansi pioneered early centralized governance, matrilineal political structures, and urban development. It is credited with advancing the construction of elaborate and enduring architectural complexes, evolving earlier wattle-and-daub techniques into more permanent settlements, palatial compounds, and organized royal courtyards. These innovations laid the groundwork for the rise of major inland forest polities such as Assin, Twifo, Denkyira, Akyem, and the Akwamu Empire, as well as the early Asante clans.^[57] Earlier direct migrations also contributed to the establishment of the Fante states, Wassa, and Ahanta along the coastal regions. Beyond Ghana’s borders, Bono-descended groups established the Kingdom of Aowin (Agni) and the Kingdom of Sefwi (Sanwi) in what is now southwestern Ghana and southeastern Côte d’Ivoire.^[43]

The Gyaman Kingdom, founded by Bono-Abron migrants in the Bondoukou region, represents a western extension of Bono political influence. Gyaman was initially established by Bono migrants and later joined by migrants from the early Akwamu state, blending traditions from both origins. The culmination of this migration and state-building process was the rise of the Asante Empire in the 17th century, which integrated many earlier Bono-derived political and spiritual institutions into its imperial system.^[37]

The modern non-sovereign monarchy of Techiman traces its lineage directly to Bonomanso and continues to celebrate festivals and preserve oral history tied to Bonoman's formation.^[58]

See also

• List of rulers of the Akan state of Bono-Tekyiman

Sources

• Anquandah, James (2013). "The People of Ghana: Their Origins and Cultures". Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana (15): 1–25. ISSN 0855-3246. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
• Arhin, Kwame (1979). A Profile of Brong Kyempim: Essays on the Archaeology, History, Language and Politics of the Brong Peoples of Ghana. Monograph. Institute of Development Studies and Partner Organisations. Retrieved 24 April 2025.
• Ameyaw, Nana Kwakye (1979). "Bono-Manso and Techiman". In Arhin, Kwame (ed.). A Profile of Brong Kyempim: Essays on the Archaeology, History, Language and Politics of the Brong Peoples of Ghana. Monograph. Institute of Development Studies and Partner Organisations. Retrieved 24 April 2025.
• Compton, Anne M. (2017). Excavations at Kranka Dada: An Examination of Daily Life, Trade, and Ritual in the Bono Manso Region. BAR International Series. Vol. 2857. BAR Publishing. ISBN 9781407315843. Retrieved 15 May 2025.

• Crossland, L. B. (1989). Pottery from the Begho-B2 site, Ghana. African Occasional Papers. Vol. 4. Calgary: University of Calgary Press. ISBN 0-919813-84-4.
• Effah-Gyamfi, E. (1974). "Aspects of the Archaeology and Traditions of the Bono State". Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana. 15 (2): 217–227. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
• Flight, Colin (1970). "The Chronology of the Kings and Queenmothers of Bono-Manso: A Revaluation of the Evidence". Journal of African History. 11 (2). Retrieved 3 May 2025.
• Konadu, Kwasi (2022). "A Manden Myth in the Akan Forests of Gold". African Economic History. 50 (2): 64–86. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
• Konadu, Kwasi (2010). The Akan Diaspora in the Americas. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390643.001.0001. ISBN 9780195390643. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
• Warren, Dennis M. (1975). "Bono Royal Regalia". African Arts. 8 (2): 16–21. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
• Warren, Dennis M. (1976). "The Use and Misuse of Ethnohistorical Data in the Reconstruction of Techiman-Bono (Ghana) History". Ethnohistory. 23 (4): 365–385. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
• Kumah, Daniel (2024). "Early Trade and Urbanization in Pre-Modern Ghana: Evidence from Begho ca 1000 to 1700 AD". In Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O.; Biveridge, Fritz (eds.). History, Culture and Heritage of Ghana: Essays in Honour of Professor Robert Addo-Fening. Yaoundé: Langaa RPCIG. pp. 165–200. Retrieved 23 April 2025.