Yahya ibn Ali al-Hajuri is a scholar, who managed the Dar al-Hadith al-Khayriyya madrassa in Dammaj, Yemen.[1]
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Yahya al-Hajuri |
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He leads the Hajoor tribe which is the dominant tribe in northern Yemen. On January 19, 2020, renewed clashes between the Houthis and the Hajoor occurred. The first clashes between the two was in 2014, before the civil war broke out, the Houthis fought the Hajoor for control of Saada province. Yahya was eventually forced from the province and his prominent Salafi religious centre in Damaj was bombed. The Houthi rebels went on to seize the capital Sanaa, starting the current civil war.[2]
The Countering Terrorism Center cited al-Hajuri as an example of the breadth of opinions in Salafism, noting he opposed violence, and supported the 2006 re-election bid of Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Salih.[3][4]
An article in Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations named al-Hajuri, together with al-Albani, al-Uthaymin and Ibn Baz as "contemporary Middle Eastern Muslim scholars" who were "influential exponents of NTS (neo-traditional Salafi manhaj)".[5]
Nasser Al-Sakkaf (2014-01-14). "Non-local Salafis evicted from Dammaj". Yemen Times. Archived from the original on 2016-01-03. Retrieved 2016-01-02. A copy of the signed agreement between the Salafis and the Houthis was published on several news websites. The first point of the agreement called for a ceasefire between both parties and an end to the siege of Dammaj. The manager of the Dar Al-Hadeeth school, Yahia Al-Hajori, who is also cooperating with the agreement, is critical of it. He said that the presidential committee should guarantee compensation for costs associated with moving to Hodeida. He also asked for a guarantee from the committee that the Houthis will not follow them to the new area.
Laurent Bonnefoy (2009). "Salafism in Yemen: the antechamber of violence?". Transcontentales. pp. 69–79. Retrieved 2019-05-23. Despite their disagreements and splits that arose in the 1990s and at the time of al-Wadi'i's death, Yemeni Salafis jointly emphasized their condemnation of the violent option in the face of State or its allies. As an armed Islamist trend developed, loyalty to the regime seems to have worked as an anti-repression insurance for the apolitical Salafi movement. In various ways, Abu al-Hasan al-Maribi, leader of a dissident Salafi branch and author of an anti-terrorist pamphlet 15 , as well as his rival Yahya al-Hajuri, for example, supported the Yemeni President 'Ali Abdullah Salih during his successful campaign for re-election in September 2006 16. Moreover, one of the main characteristics of the "Muqbilian" Salafi current, namely the rejection of electoral participation, appears to be favorable to the political status quo. Indeed, the abstention of Salafi militants in multi-partisan elections, or the refusal to join demonstrations and publicly contest the government's decisions, directly favor the established order and the candidates of the ruling party.
Adis Duderija (January 2010). "Constructing the religious Self and the Other: neo-traditional Salafi manhaj". Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations. Vol. 21, no. 1. pp. 75–93. Retrieved 2019-05-23. In addition, Salafism is a term that has a broader base in Islamic tradition and is more encompassing than Ahl-Hadith, which has more sectarian implications. Among the most influential exponents of NTS are some contemporary Middle Eastern Muslim scholars such as Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani (d. 1999), 'Abd al-'Aziz bin Baz (d. 1999), Muhammad Salih al-'Uthaymin (d. 2001), and Yahya al-Hajuri, to name but a few, who held senior positions on religious councils responsible for issuing fatwas (legal opinions) and/or were lecturers in Islamic sciences at traditional Islamic institutions such as the Universities of Medina and Riyadh.
