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The 2020–21 United States Senate special election in Georgia was held on November 3, 2020, and on January 5, 2021 (as a runoff), to elect the Class III member of the United States Senate to represent the State of Georgia. Democrat Raphael Warnock defeated appointed incumbent Republican Kelly Loeffler. The first round of the election was held on November 3, 2020; however, no candidate received a majority of the vote, so the top two candidates—Warnock and Loeffler—advanced to a runoff on January 5, 2021, which Warnock won narrowly.
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| Turnout | 65.3%  (first round)59.7%  (runoff) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Warnock: 20–30% 30–40% 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Loeffler: 20–30% 30–40% 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Collins: 20–30% 30–40% 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% >90% Jackson: 30–40% 40–50% Tie: 20–30% 30–40% 40–50% 50% No data | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The special election was prompted by Georgia Governor Brian Kemp's appointment of Loeffler as the interim replacement for Republican Class III Senator Johnny Isakson, who resigned in December 2019. The winner of this election would serve a shortened term concluding on January 3, 2023. An election to serve a full six-year term was set for November 8, 2022.
Under Georgia law, no primary election took place for the special election; all candidates, regardless of party, were placed on the same ballot (known as a nonpartisan blanket primary, or "jungle primary"), and the election was held on November 3, 2020. Warnock received the most votes with 32.9%, and Loeffler came in second with 25.9%. No candidate received more than 50% of the vote, so the top two candidates advanced to a runoff election on January 5, 2021.[1]
The runoff was held concurrently with the regular Georgia Class II Senate election, in which Democrat Jon Ossoff defeated incumbent Republican David Perdue, also in a runoff on January 5. Following the November 3, 2020, Senate elections, Republicans held 50 Senate seats, and the Democratic caucus—46 registered Democrats and two allied independents—had 48. Because of this, the two Georgia runoffs determined the balance of the United States Senate under the incoming Biden administration. Winning both races gave the Democratic caucus 50 Senate seats, an effective majority with Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris casting tie-breaking votes. The extraordinarily high political stakes caused the races to attract significant attention nationwide and globally.
Major media outlets, including Decision Desk HQ, the Associated Press, The New York Times, and NBC News, called the election for Warnock in the early hours of January 6, just minutes after he declared victory. Though Loeffler vowed to challenge the results after she returned from the electoral vote certification in Washington,[2] she conceded on January 7.[3] Ossoff and Warnock became the first Democrats to be elected to the U.S. Senate from Georgia since Zell Miller in the 2000 special election. Warnock is the first Black senator from Georgia, as well as the first Black Democrat from the South elected to the Senate. Though Warnock is the first Democratic senator from this seat since the latter election,[4] hours later Ossoff was declared the winner in the regular Senate election.[5][6] The two elections mark the first time since the 1994 United States Senate election in Tennessee and the concurrent special election that both Senate seats in a state have flipped from one party to the other in a single election cycle. This was also the first time the Democrats achieved this since West Virginia's 1958 Senate elections. The election results were certified on January 19, 2021, with the senators-elect taking office on January 20.[7][8][9]
On August 28, 2019, Isakson announced that he would resign from the Senate effective December 31, 2019, due to his deteriorating health.[10] This triggered a special election to fill the remainder of his term. On September 17, 2019, Georgia Governor Brian Kemp launched a website inviting Georgia citizens to submit their résumés to be considered for appointment.[11] President Donald Trump advocated the appointment of Representative Doug Collins.[12] Kemp appointed Loeffler to fill the seat until the 2020 special election; she took office on January 6, 2020.[13]
Despite the large number of candidates in the special election, by October 4, 2020, the Democratic Party had largely consolidated around Warnock's candidacy and had pressured other Democratic candidates, such as Matt Lieberman, to drop out to avoid vote-splitting.[14]
While she had not been treated as a major contender, being largely ignored by pollsters, Deborah Jackson received 6.6% of the vote in the initial round of the election, being the second-best performing Democrat, and outperformed fellow Democrats such as Matt Lieberman and Ed Tarver, who pollsters had paid attention to. Al Jazeera attributed her performance, in part, to her being the first Democrat listed in the order of candidates that appeared on the ballot, and her being a familiar figure in the Democratic stronghold of DeKalb County.[15]
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 | Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
| Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Doug Collins (R) |
Matt Lieberman (D) |
Kelly Loeffler (R) |
Ed Tarver (D) |
Raphael Warnock (D) |
Other | Undecided |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Landmark Communications[142] | November 1, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 24% | 5% | 27% | 1% | 38% | 1%[b] | 3% |
| Data for Progress[143] | October 27 – November 1, 2020 | 1,036 (LV) | ± 3% | 21% | 8% | 26% | 3% | 41% | 1%[c] | – |
| Emerson College[144] | October 29–31, 2020 | 749 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 27%[d] | 8% | 24% | 2% | 38% | 2%[e] | – |
| Landmark Communications[145] | October 28, 2020 | 750 (LV) | ± 3.6% | 23% | 9% | 25% | 1% | 37% | 2%[f] | 3% |
| Public Policy Polling[146] | October 27–28, 2020 | 661 (V) | – | 19% | 2% | 27% | 0% | 46% | 2%[e] | 4% |
| Monmouth University[147] | October 23–27, 2020 | 504 (RV) | ± 4.4% | 18% | 4% | 21% | 3% | 41% | 7%[g] | 6% |
| 504 (LV)[h] | 19% | – | 22% | – | 41% | – | – | |||
| 504 (LV)[i] | 20% | – | 22% | – | 42% | – | – | |||
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[148] | October 23–26, 2020 | 1,041 (LV) | ± 3.3% | 23% | 2% | 22% | 1% | 48% | 2%[e] | 2% |
| University of Georgia[149] | October 14–23, 2020 | 1,145 (LV) | ± 4% | 21% | 4% | 20% | 1% | 34% | 5%[j] | 14% |
| Landmark Communications[150] | October 21, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 27% | – | 24% | – | 33% | – | – |
| Citizen Data[151] | October 17–20, 2020 | 1,000 (LV) | ± 3% | 19% | 4% | 23% | 1% | 41% | 3% | 10% |
| Emerson College[152] | October 17–19, 2020 | 506 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 27% | 12% | 20% | 2% | 27% | 2%[e] | 12% |
| Siena College/NYT Upshot[153] | October 13–19, 2020 | 759 (LV) | ± 4.1% | 17% | 7% | 23% | 2% | 32% | 1%[k] | 18%[l] |
| Opinion Insight (R)[154][A] | October 12–15, 2020 | 801 (LV) | ± 3.46% | 18%[d] | 3% | 19% | 1% | 31% | 14%[m] | 18%[l] |
| Quinnipiac University[155] | October 8–12, 2020 | 1,040 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 22% | 5% | 20% | 2% | 41% | 0%[n] | 9% |
| SurveyUSA[156] | October 8–12, 2020 | 677 (LV) | ± 5.7% | 20% | 8% | 26% | 3% | 30% | 2%[o] | 12% |
| Data for Progress[157] | October 8–11, 2020 | 782 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 22% | 10% | 22% | – | 30% | 17%[p] | – |
| Public Policy Polling[158] | October 8–9, 2020 | 528 (V) | ± 4.3% | 22% | 3% | 24% | 0% | 41% | 2%[e] | 8% |
| Landmark Communications[159] | October 7, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 23% | 3% | 26% | 0% | 36% | 4%[q] | 8% |
| University of Georgia[160] | September 27 – October 6, 2020 | 1,106 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 21% | 3% | 22% | 4% | 28% | 3%[r] | 19% |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[161] | September 26–29, 2020 | 969 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 25% | 5% | 21% | 2% | 38% | 1%[s] | 7% |
| Hart Research Associates (D)[162][B] | September 24–27, 2020 | 400 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 21% | 8%[t] | 28% | 3% | 28% | – | – |
| Quinnipiac University[163] | September 23–27, 2020 | 1,125 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 22% | 9% | 23% | 4% | 31% | 0%[n] | 12% |
| Redfield & Wilton Strategies[164] | September 23–26, 2020 | 789 (LV) | ± 3.49% | 16% | 16% | 25% | – | 26% | 3%[u] | 14% |
| Monmouth University[165] | September 17–21, 2020 | 402 (RV) | ± 4.9% | 22% | 11% | 23% | 4% | 21% | 6%[v] | 13% |
| 402 (LV)[h] | 23% | 11% | 23% | 3% | 23% | 5%[w] | 12% | |||
| 402 (LV)[i] | 24% | 9% | 23% | 2% | 25% | 4%[x] | 12% | |||
| Siena College/NYT Upshot[166] | September 16–21, 2020 | 523 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 19% | 7% | 23% | 4% | 19% | 1%[k] | 27%[l] |
| University of Georgia[167] | September 11–20, 2020 | 1,150 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 21% | 11% | 24% | 5% | 20% | 4%[y] | 16% |
| Data For Progress (D)[168] | September 14–19, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 22% | 14% | 21% | – | 26% | – | 17% |
| Redfield & Wilton Strategies[169] | September 12–17, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.46% | 19% | 15% | 26% | – | 21% | 5%[z] | 15% |
| GBAO Strategies (D)[170][C] | September 14–16, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 19% | 11% | 29% | 5% | 25% | – | – |
| Fabrizio Ward/Hart Research Associates[171][D] | August 30 – September 5, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 20% | 10% | 24% | 7% | 19% | 1%[aa] | 19% |
| Opinion Insight (R)[172][A] | August 30 – September 2, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.46% | 20%[d] | 4% | 17% | 1% | 17% | 13%[ab] | 27% |
| HarrisX (D)[173][E] | August 20–30, 2020 | 1,616 (RV) | ± 2.4% | 21% | 13% | 26% | 7% | 16% | 18%[ac] | – |
| SurveyUSA[174] | August 6–8, 2020 | 623 (LV) | ± 5.3% | 17% | 13% | 26% | 3% | 17% | 2%[o] | 21% |
| HIT Strategies (D)[175][F] | July 23–31, 2020 | 400 (RV) | ± 4.9% | 18% | 14% | 22% | 6% | 14% | 1%[ad] | 23% |
| Monmouth University[176] | July 23–27, 2020 | 402 (RV) | ± 4.9% | 20% | 14% | 26% | 5% | 9% | 8%[ae] | 18% |
| 402 (LV)[h] | 21% | 14% | 26% | 5% | 10% | 6%[af] | 17% | |||
| 402 (LV)[i] | 22% | 13% | 26% | 4% | 10% | 6%[af] | 19% | |||
| Spry Strategies (R)[177][G] | July 11–16, 2020 | 700 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 20% | 23% | 19% | 9% | – | – | 20% |
| GBAO Strategies (D)[170][C] | July 6–9, 2020 | 600 (LV) | – | 26% | 19% | 21% | 9% | 16% | – | – |
| Battleground Connect (R)[178][H] | July 6–8, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 26% | 15% | 17% | 5% | 10% | 2%[e] | 26% |
| Gravis Marketing (R)[179][I] | July 2, 2020 | 513 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 26% | 11% | 24% | 9% | 18% | – | 12% |
| Public Policy Polling (D)[180][J] | June 25–26, 2020 | 734 (RV) | ± 3.6% | 23% | 11% | 21% | 3% | 20% | – | 22% |
| MRG (D)[181][K] | June 18–23, 2020 | 1,259 (LV) | – | 27% | 13% | 21% | – | 23% | 5%[ag] | 12% |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[182] | May 16–18, 2020 | 1,339 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 34% | 14% | 12% | 6% | 18% | 4%[ah] | 12% |
| Public Opinion Strategies (R)[183] | May 4–7, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.38% | 19% | 17% | 18% | – | 9% | 11%[ai] | 26% |
| Cygnal (R)[184][L] | April 25–27, 2020 | 591 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 29% | 12% | 11% | 4% | 11% | 2%[aj] | 31% |
| Battleground Connect (R)[185][H] | March 31 – April 1, 2020 | 1,035 (LV) | ± 3.01% | 36% | 11% | 13% | 3% | 16% | 4%[ak] | 17% |
| Battleground Connect (R)[186][H] | March 24, 2020 | 1,025 (LV)[t] | – | 34% | 18% | 14% | 5% | 13% | – | 15% |
| Battleground Connect (R)[186][H] | March 21, 2020 | 1,025 (LV)[t] | – | 32% | 19% | 15% | 5% | 12% | – | 18% |
| Battleground Connect (R)[186][H] | March 12, 2020 | 1,025 (LV)[t] | – | 30% | 18% | 19% | 5% | 10% | – | 18% |
| Battleground Connect (R)[186][H] | March 7, 2020 | 1,025 (LV)[t] | – | 29% | 16% | 20% | 5% | 12% | – | 18% |
| University of Georgia[187] | February 24 – March 2, 2020 | 1,117 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 21% | 11% | 19% | 4% | 6% | 8%[al] | 31% |
| Battleground Connect (R)[185][H] | February 26–27, 2020 | 1,050 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 28% | 5% | 20% | 3% | 13% | – | 31% |
| Public Opinion Strategies (R)[188][M] | February 17–20, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 19% | 18% | 20% | –[am] | – | 7%[an] | 21% |
| McLaughlin & Associates (R)[189][H] | December 16–18, 2019 | 600 (LV) | – | 32% | 42% | 11% | – | — | — | 16% |
| Source | Ranking | As of |
|---|---|---|
| The Cook Political Report[190] | Tossup | October 29, 2020 |
| Inside Elections[191] | Tilt R | October 28, 2020 |
| Sabato's Crystal Ball[192] | Tossup | November 2, 2020 |
| Daily Kos[193] | Tossup | October 30, 2020 |
| Politico[194] | Lean R | November 2, 2020 |
| RCP[195] | Lean R | October 23, 2020 |
| DDHQ[196] | Tossup | November 3, 2020 |
| FiveThirtyEight[197] | Lean D (flip) | November 2, 2020 |
| Economist[198] | Tossup | November 2, 2020 |
Since no candidate won a majority of the vote on November 3, the top two finishers—Loeffler and Warnock—advanced to a January 5, 2021 runoff election.[199][200]
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Democratic | Raphael Warnock | 1,617,035 | 32.90% | |
| Republican | Kelly Loeffler (incumbent) | 1,273,214 | 25.91% | |
| Republican | Doug Collins | 980,454 | 19.95% | |
| Democratic | Deborah Jackson | 324,118 | 6.60% | |
| Democratic | Matt Lieberman | 136,021 | 2.77% | |
| Democratic | Tamara Johnson-Shealey | 106,767 | 2.17% | |
| Democratic | Jamesia James | 94,406 | 1.92% | |
| Republican | Derrick Grayson | 51,592 | 1.05% | |
| Democratic | Joy Felicia Slade | 44,945 | 0.91% | |
| Republican | Annette Davis Jackson | 44,335 | 0.90% | |
| Republican | Kandiss Taylor | 40,349 | 0.82% | |
| Republican | Wayne Johnson (withdrawn) | 36,176 | 0.74% | |
| Libertarian | Brian Slowinski | 35,431 | 0.72% | |
| Democratic | Richard Dien Winfield | 28,687 | 0.58% | |
| Democratic | Ed Tarver | 26,333 | 0.54% | |
| Independent | Allen Buckley | 17,954 | 0.37% | |
| Green | John Fortuin | 15,293 | 0.31% | |
| Independent | Al Bartell | 14,640 | 0.30% | |
| Independent | Valencia Stovall | 13,318 | 0.27% | |
| Independent | Michael Todd Greene | 13,293 | 0.27% | |
| Total votes | 4,914,361 | 100.00% | ||
Loeffler won 7 out of 14 congressional districts to Warnock's 6 and Collins's 1.[202]
| District | Warnock | Loeffler | Collins | Elected Representative |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1st | 26.97% | 27.79% | 21.94% | Buddy Carter |
| 2nd | 37.35% | 21.47% | 18.89% | Sanford Bishop |
| 3rd | 25.21% | 33.93% | 24.2% | Drew Ferguson |
| 4th | 56.07% | 10.97% | 6.91% | Hank Johnson |
| 5th | 63.76% | 7.61% | 4.35% | Nikema Williams |
| 6th | 36.27% | 27.05% | 15.88% | Lucy McBath |
| 7th | 31.05% | 25.34% | 17.1% | Carolyn Bourdeaux |
| 8th | 22.43% | 32.57% | 25.18% | Austin Scott |
| 9th | 13.65% | 27.58% | 45.49% | Andrew Clyde |
| 10th | 25.83% | 33.76% | 22.59% | Jody Hice |
| 11th | 27.19% | 33.79% | 20.11% | Barry Loudermilk |
| 12th | 25.69% | 28.68% | 22.27% | Rick W. Allen |
| 13th | 52.91% | 12.71% | 8.12% | David Scott |
| 14th | 14.3% | 39.46% | 26.99% | Marjorie Taylor Greene |
The runoff election for Isakson's former seat was on January 5, 2021. The regularly-scheduled runoff election for the Georgia U.S. Senate seat held by Republican David Perdue was also decided in a January 5 runoff. Before the Georgia runoffs in the 2020 U.S. Senate elections, Republicans held 50 Senate seats and the Democratic caucus held 48.[203] Warnock declared victory on January 6, 2021.[204] If Democrats won the other Georgia runoff held on January 5, their caucus would gain control of the Senate, as the resultant 50–50 tie would be broken by Democratic vice president-elect Kamala Harris. If they lost the second race, Republicans would retain control.[205] The extremely high political stakes caused the races to attract significant attention nationwide.[206][207][208] They were the third and fourth Senate runoff elections held in Georgia since runoffs were first mandated in 1964, after runoffs in 1992[citation needed] and 2008.[209] It was also the third time that both of Georgia's Senate seats have been up for election at the same time, following double-barrel elections in 1914 and 1932.[citation needed] The Associated Press and other major news outlets called the race for Warnock in the early morning hours of January 6.[210] His win was attributed to heavy black voter turnout.[211]
The deadline for registration for the runoff election was December 7.[212] Absentee ballots for the runoff were sent out beginning on November 18, and in-person voting began on December 14.[213][214]
| Source | Ranking | As of |
|---|---|---|
| The Cook Political Report[215] | Tossup | January 4, 2021 |
| Inside Elections[216] | Tossup | December 14, 2020 |
| Sabato's Crystal Ball[217] | Tossup | January 5, 2021 |
| Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Aggregate polls
| Source of poll aggregation |
Dates administered |
Dates updated |
Kelly Loeffler Republican |
Raphael Warnock Democratic |
Undecided [ao] |
Margin |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 270 To Win[218] | December 30, 2020 – January 4, 2021 | January 4, 2021 | 47.4% | 50.2% | 2.4% | Warnock +2.8 |
| RealClearPolitics[219] | December 14, 2020 – January 4, 2021 | January 5, 2021 | 48.8% | 49.3% | 1.9% | Warnock +0.5 |
| 538[220] | November 9, 2020 – January 4, 2021 | January 5, 2021 | 47.2% | 49.4% | 2.2% | Warnock +2.1 |
| Average | 47.8% | 49.6% | 2.2% | Warnock +1.8 | ||
| Poll source |
Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Kelly Loeffler (R) |
Raphael Warnock (D) |
Other | Undecided |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Trafalgar Group (R)[221] | January 2–4, 2021 | 1,056 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 50% | 48% | – | 2% |
| AtlasIntel[222] | January 2–4, 2021 | 857 (LV) | ± 3% | 47% | 51% | – | 2% |
| InsiderAdvantage[223] | January 3, 2021 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 49% | 49% | – | 2% |
| National Research Inc[224] | January 2–3, 2021 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 45% | 46% | – | 9% |
| University of Nevada Las Vegas Lee Business School[225] | December 30, 2020 – January 3, 2021 | 550 (LV) | ± 4% | 49% | 48% | – | 3% |
| Targoz Market Research[226] | December 30, 2020 – January 3, 2021 | 713 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 49% | 51% | – | 0% |
| 1,342 (RV) | 48% | 49% | – | 3% | |||
| AtlasIntel[227] | December 25, 2020 – January 1, 2021 | 1,680 (LV) | ± 2% | 47% | 51% | – | 2% |
| Gravis Marketing[228] | December 29–30, 2020 | 1,011 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 47% | 49% | – | 3% |
| JMC Analytics and Polling[229] | December 28–29, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 45% | 54% | – | 1% |
| Trafalgar Group (R)[230] | December 23–27, 2020 | 1,022 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 49% | 50% | – | 1% |
| Open Model Project[231] | December 21–27, 2020 | 1,405 (LV) | ± 4.7% | 50% | 46% | – | 4% |
| InsiderAdvantage[232] | December 21–22, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 47% | 49% | – | 4% |
| Mellman Group[233] | December 18–22, 2020 | 578 (LV) | ± 4.1% | 47% | 50% | – | 3% |
| Reconnect Research/Probolsky Research[234] | December 14–22, 2020 | 1,027 (LV) | ± 4% | 42% | 43% | – | 15% |
| SurveyUSA[235] | December 16–20, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 5.1% | 45% | 52% | – | 3% |
| Trafalgar Group (R)[236] | December 14–16, 2020 | 1,064 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 52% | 46% | – | 2% |
| Emerson College[237] | December 14–16, 2020 | 605 (LV) | ± 3.9% | 51% | 48% | – | 1% |
| InsiderAdvantage[238] | December 14, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 49% | 48% | – | 3% |
| Wick[239] | December 10–14, 2020 | 1,500 (LV) | – | 50% | 48% | – | 2% |
| RMG Research[240] | December 8–14, 2020 | 1,417 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 48% | 49% | – | 4% |
| Baris/Peach State Battleground Poll[241] | December 4–11, 2020 | 1,008 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 43% | 48% | – | 9% |
| Trafalgar Group (R)[242] | December 8–10, 2020 | 1,018 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 50% | 47% | – | 3% |
| Fabrizio Ward/Hart Research Associates[243] | November 30 – December 4, 2020 | 1,250 (LV) | ± 3.2% | 46% | 47% | – | 7% |
| Trafalgar Group (R)[244] | December 1–3, 2020 | 1,083 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 50% | 45% | – | 5% |
| SurveyUSA[245] | November 27–30, 2020 | 583 (LV) | ± 5.2% | 45% | 52% | – | 2% |
| RMG Research[246] | November 19–24, 2020 | 1,377 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 46% | 48% | – | 6% |
| Data for Progress[247] | November 15–20, 2020 | 1,476 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 47% | 50% | – | 4% |
| InsiderAdvantage[248] | November 16, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 48% | 49% | – | 3% |
| VCreek/AMG (R)[249][ap][N] | November 10, 2020 | 300 (LV) | ± 5.6% | 50% | 46% | – | 5% |
| Remington Research Group[250] | November 8–9, 2020 | 1,450 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 49% | 48% | – | 3% |
| Monmouth University[147] | October 23–27, 2020 | 504 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 45% | 51% | – | – |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[148] | October 23–26, 2020 | 1,041 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 37% | 51% | 9%[aq] | 2% |
| Emerson College[152] | October 17–19, 2020 | 506 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 42% | 47% | – | 12% |
| Siena College/NYT Upshot[153] | October 13–19, 2020 | 759 (LV) | ± 4.1% | 41% | 45% | – | 14%[l] |
| Quinnipiac University[155] | October 8–12, 2020 | 1,040 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 44% | 52% | 0%[n] | 4% |
| Data for Progress[157] | October 8–11, 2020 | 782 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 40% | 44% | – | 16% |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[161] | September 26–29, 2020 | 969 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 39% | 49% | 8%[ar] | 4% |
| Gravis Marketing (R)[179][I] | July 2, 2020 | 513 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 48% | 37% | – | 15% |
| Public Policy Polling (D)[180][J] | June 25–26, 2020 | 734 (RV) | ± 3.6% | 40% | 43% | – | 17% |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[182] | May 16–18, 2020 | 1,339 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 32% | 45% | 18%[as] | 6% |
| Battleground Connect (R)[251][H] | March 31 – April 1, 2020 | 1,035 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 40% | 41% | – | 19% |
| The Progress Campaign (D)[252] | March 12–21, 2020 | 3,042 (RV) | ± 4.5% | 38% | 38% | – | 24% |
| Poll source |
Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Kelly Loeffler (R) |
Matt Lieberman (D) |
Other | Undecided |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Data for Progress[157] | October 8–11, 2020 | 782 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 42% | 41% | – | 17% |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[161] | September 26–29, 2020 | 969 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 39% | 39% | 17%[au] | 5% |
| Gravis Marketing (R)[179][I] | July 2, 2020 | 513 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 46% | 39% | – | 15% |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[182] | May 16–18, 2020 | 1,339 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 32% | 44% | 18%[as] | 6% |
| Poll source |
Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Doug Collins (R) |
Matt Lieberman (D) |
Other | Undecided |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[161] | September 26–29, 2020 | 969 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 44% | 38% | 13%[aw] | 5% |
| Gravis Marketing (R)[179][I] | July 2, 2020 | 513 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 46% | 37% | – | 16% |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[182] | May 16–18, 2020 | 1,339 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 44% | 44% | 7%[ax] | 5% |
| Poll source |
Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Doug Collins (R) |
Raphael Warnock (D) |
Other | Undecided |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Monmouth University[147] | October 23–27, 2020 | 504 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 45% | 52% | – | – |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[148] | October 23–26, 2020 | 1,041 (LV) | ± 3.3% | 42% | 51% | 5%[ay] | 2% |
| Emerson College[152] | October 17–19, 2020 | 506 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 47% | 48% | – | 6% |
| Siena College/NYT Upshot[153] | October 13–19, 2020 | 759 (LV) | ± 4.1% | 41% | 45% | – | 14%[l] |
| Quinnipiac University[155] | October 8–12, 2020 | 1,040 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 42% | 54% | 0%[n] | 4% |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[161] | September 26–29, 2020 | 969 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 44% | 49% | 4%[ah] | 4% |
| Gravis Marketing (R)[179][I] | July 2, 2020 | 513 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 47% | 38% | – | 15% |
| Public Policy Polling (D)[180][J] | June 25–26, 2020 | 734 (RV) | ± 3.6% | 43% | 41% | – | 17% |
| Civiqs/Daily Kos[182] | May 16–18, 2020 | 1,339 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 44% | 45% | 6%[az] | 5% |
| The Progress Campaign (D)[254] | May 6–15, 2020 | 2,893 (LV) | ± 2.0% | 43% | 41% | – | 16%[ba] |
| Battleground Connect (R)[251][H] | March 31 – April 1, 2020 | 1,035 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 49% | 36% | – | 15% |
| The Progress Campaign (D)[252] | March 12–21, 2020 | 3,042 (RV) | ± 4.5% | 41% | 39% | – | 20% |
| Poll source |
Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Kelly Loeffler |
Paul Broun |
Undecided |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Public Policy Polling (D)[253] | December 12–13, 2019 | 711 (LV)[at] | — | 27% | 14% | 59% |
| Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Doug Collins (R) |
Stacey Abrams (D) |
Undecided |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| The Progress Campaign (D)[252] | March 12–21, 2020 | 3,042 (RV) | ± 4.5% | 43% | 47% | 10% |
| Poll source |
Date(s) administered |
Sample size[a] |
Margin of error |
Kelly Loeffler |
Someone else | Undecided |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Public Policy Polling (D)[253] | December 12–13, 2019 | 711 (LV)[at] | — | 26% | 30% | 44% |
Loeffler vs. Collins
Loeffler vs. Lieberman
Loeffler vs. Tarver
Collins vs. Lieberman
Collins vs. Tarver
Collins vs. Warnock
Loeffler vs. Broun
Collins vs. Abrams
Loeffler vs. generic opponent
with Generic Republican and Generic Democrat
| Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Democratic | Raphael Warnock | 2,289,113 | 51.04% | N/A | |
| Republican | Kelly Loeffler (incumbent) | 2,195,841 | 48.96% | N/A | |
| Total votes | 4,484,954 | 100.00% | N/A | ||
| Democratic gain from Republican | |||||
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Despite losing the statewide runoff, Loeffler won eight of 14 congressional districts.[202]
| District | Warnock | Loeffler | Elected Representative |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1st | 44.34% | 55.66% | Buddy Carter |
| 2nd | 57.29% | 42.71% | Sanford Bishop |
| 3rd | 38.1% | 61.9% | Drew Ferguson |
| 4th | 81.42% | 18.58% | Hank Johnson |
| 5th | 87.37% | 12.63% | Nikema Williams |
| 6th | 53.65% | 46.35% | Lucy McBath |
| 7th | 53.99% | 46.01% | Carolyn Bourdeaux |
| 8th | 37.89% | 62.11% | Austin Scott |
| 9th | 22.94% | 77.06% | Andrew Clyde |
| 10th | 40.4% | 59.6% | Jody Hice |
| 11th | 41.99% | 58.01% | Barry Loudermilk |
| 12th | 44.05% | 55.95% | Rick W. Allen |
| 13th | 78.55% | 21.45% | David Scott |
| 14th | 26.54% | 73.46% | Marjorie Taylor Greene |
Republicans filed two federal and one state lawsuit in December to restrict the January 5 vote. On December 17, Judge Eleanor L. Ross found that plaintiffs lacked standing based on possible future harm to toss out a consent decree regarding signatures on absentee ballot applications. Judge James Randal Hall threw out another case that tried to block the use of drop boxes for absentee ballots. A third lawsuit, to restrict the use of drop boxes, was heard in state court on December 24.[259][citation needed]
On December 18, a federal judge threw out a Republican lawsuit alleging that out-of-state residents were voting in the runoff election, as Republican attorney Bill Price had recommended.[260] Another lawsuit was filed against the use of voting machines manufactured by Dominion Voting Systems, alleging that election officials are handling mail-in absentee ballots improperly and illegally.[261]
Judge Leslie Abrams Gardner, sister of Democratic politician Stacey Abrams, of the United States District Court for the Middle District of Georgia rejected the attempted purge of 4,000 voters in Muscogee County and Ben Hill County, Georgia, on December 29. The ruling means the voters were able to participate in the January 5 runoff election.[262] The ruling was amended to allow provisional voting to prevent election-day challenges.[263]
Partisan clients
Voter samples and additional candidates
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