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The 2020–21 United States Senate election in Georgia was held on November 3, 2020, and on January 5, 2021 (as a runoff), to elect the Class II member of the United States Senate to represent the State of Georgia. Democrat Jon Ossoff defeated incumbent Republican Senator David Perdue in the runoff election. The general election was held concurrently with the 2020 presidential election, as well as with other elections to the Senate, elections to the U.S. House of Representatives and various state and local elections.
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Turnout | 65.4% ![]() 61.5% ![]() | |||||||||||||||
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Ossoff: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Perdue: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Tie: 40–50% 50% No data | ||||||||||||||||
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No candidate received a majority of the vote during the general election on November 3, so the top two finishers—Perdue (49.7%) and Ossoff (47.9%)—advanced to a runoff election, held on January 5, 2021. The runoff was held concurrently with the special election for Georgia's other U.S. Senate seat (which had also advanced to a runoff), in which Republican incumbent Kelly Loeffler lost to Democratic nominee Raphael Warnock. After the general round of elections, Republicans held 50 Senate seats and the Democratic caucus 48 (including two independents who caucus with them). As a result, the two runoffs decided control of the Senate under the incoming Biden administration. By winning both seats, Democrats took control of the chamber, with Vice President Kamala Harris's tie-breaking vote giving them an effective majority. The extraordinarily high political stakes caused the races to attract significant attention nationwide and globally. On January 6, 2021, most major news outlets projected Ossoff the winner, in the midst of the US Capitol riot.[1][2] Perdue conceded the race on January 8.[3][4] According to OpenSecrets, this campaign was the most expensive in U.S. Senate history, with over $468 million spent.[5] Ossoff's victory, along with Warnock's, gave the Democrats control of the Senate for the first time since 2015. Ossoff and Warnock became the first Democrats to be elected to the U.S. Senate from Georgia since Zell Miller in a 2000 special election.
Ossoff became the first Democrat elected to a full term in the Senate from Georgia since Max Cleland, who held this seat from 1997 to 2003, and the first Jewish member of the Senate from the state.[6] Ossoff became the youngest senator since Don Nickles won in 1980, and the youngest Democrat since Joe Biden won in 1972. Georgia election officials certified Ossoff's victory on January 19, 2021; he was sworn in on January 20.[7] Ossoff is the first Jewish senator from the Deep South since Benjamin F. Jonas of Louisiana, who was elected in 1878, and the first millennial United States senator. The two elections mark the first time since the 1994 United States Senate election in Tennessee and the concurrent special election that both Senate seats in a state have flipped from one party to the other in a single election cycle. This was also the first time the Democrats achieved this since West Virginia's 1958 Senate elections. With a margin of 1.2%, this election was also the closest race of the 2020 Senate election cycle.
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Republican | David Perdue (incumbent) | 992,555 | 100.00% | |
Total votes | 992,555 | 100.00% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size |
Margin of error |
Sarah Riggs Amico |
Jon Ossoff |
Teresa Tomlinson |
Other | Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Landmark Communications[33] | June 1, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 9% | 42% | 14% | 7%[lower-alpha 1] | 28% |
Cygnal (R)[34] | May 28–30, 2020 | 510 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 8% | 49% | 16% | 4%[lower-alpha 2] | 24% |
The Progress Campaign (D)[35] | May 6–15, 2020 | 1,162 (LV) | – | 9% | 46% | 29% | – | 16%[lower-alpha 3] |
The Progress Campaign (D)[36] | March 12–21, 2020 | 913 (RV) | ± 4.6% | 18% | 34% | 21% | 27%[lower-alpha 4] | – |
University of Georgia[37] | March 4–14, 2020 | 807 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 15% | 31% | 16% | – | 39% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size |
Margin of error |
Jon Ossoff |
Teresa Tomlinson |
Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Cygnal (R)[34] | May 28–30, 2020 | 510 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 58% | 24% | 18% |
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Almost four times as many Georgia voters participated in the 2020 Democratic Senate primary as in the 2016 primary, when only 310,053 votes were cast.[53]
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Democratic | Jon Ossoff | 626,819 | 52.82% | |
Democratic | Teresa Tomlinson | 187,416 | 15.79% | |
Democratic | Sarah Riggs Amico | 139,574 | 11.76% | |
Democratic | Maya Dillard-Smith | 105,000 | 8.85% | |
Democratic | James Knox | 49,452 | 4.17% | |
Democratic | Marckeith DeJesus | 45,936 | 3.87% | |
Democratic | Tricia Carpenter McCracken | 32,463 | 2.74% | |
Total votes | 1,186,660 | 100.00% |
The first debate between Hazel, Ossoff, and Perdue occurred virtually[62] on October 12.[63]
A second debate between Ossoff and Perdue, held on October 28[lower-alpha 5] in Savannah and aired on television station WTOC-TV,[64] was more heated and made national headlines, with Ossoff saying that Perdue had claimed "COVID-19 was no deadlier than the flu", was "looking after [his] own assets, and ... portfolio", and that Perdue voted "four times to end protections for preexisting conditions".[65] Ossoff also called Perdue a "crook" and criticized him for "attacking the health of the people that [he] represent[s]".[66] Perdue said Ossoff will "say and do anything to my friends in Georgia to mislead them about how radical and socialist" his agenda is.[67] Video of the exchange went viral.[62][66]
The next day, October 29, Perdue said he would not attend the third and final debate, previously scheduled to be broadcast on WSB-TV on November 1; instead Perdue decided to attend a rally with President Trump in Rome on the same day[68]—"as lovely as another debate listening to Jon Ossoff lie to the people of Georgia sounds",[67] according to a Perdue spokesman.
On December 6, Ossoff debated an empty podium as Perdue declined to participate in a Georgia Public Broadcasting-held debate.[69] Ossoff criticized Perdue's absence, accusing him of skipping the event because of the negative response to his performance in the October debates.
Source | Ranking | As of |
---|---|---|
DDHQ[70] | Tossup | November 3, 2020 |
FiveThirtyEight[71] | Tossup | November 2, 2020 |
Inside Elections[72] | Tossup | October 28, 2020 |
Sabato's Crystal Ball[73] | Tossup | November 2, 2020 |
RCP[74] | Tossup | October 23, 2020 |
The Cook Political Report[75] | Tossup | October 29, 2020 |
Economist[76] | Tossup | November 2, 2020 |
Politico[77] | Tossup | November 2, 2020 |
Daily Kos[78] | Tossup | October 30, 2020 |
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![]() | Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Source of poll aggregation |
Dates administered |
Dates updated |
David Perdue Republican |
Jon Ossoff Democratic |
Other/ Undecided [lower-alpha 6] |
Margin |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
270 To Win[120] | November 2, 2020 | November 3, 2020 | 46.2% | 47.4% | 6.4% | Ossoff +1.2 |
Real Clear Politics[121] | November 1, 2020 | November 3, 2020 | 46.3% | 47.0% | 6.7% | Ossoff +0.7 |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 7] |
Margin of error |
David Perdue (R) |
Jon Ossoff (D) |
Shane Hazel (L) |
Other / Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Landmark Communications[122] | November 1, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 49% | 47% | 3% | 1%[lower-alpha 8] |
Swayable[123] | October 27 – November 1, 2020 | 407 (LV) | ± 6.4% | 49% | 48% | 3% | – |
Data for Progress[124] | October 27 – November 1, 2020 | 1,036 (LV) | ± 3% | 46% | 51% | 3% | 0%[lower-alpha 9] |
Emerson College[125] | October 29–31, 2020 | 749 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 49%[lower-alpha 10] | 51% | – | 3%[lower-alpha 11] |
Morning Consult[126] | October 22–31, 2020 | 1,743 (LV) | ± 2.0% | 46% | 47% | – | – |
Landmark Communications[127] | October 28, 2020 | 750 (LV) | ± 3.6% | 47% | 47% | 3% | 3%[lower-alpha 12] |
Public Policy Polling[128] | October 27–28, 2020 | 661 (V) | – | 44% | 47% | 3% | 6%[lower-alpha 13] |
Monmouth University[129] | October 23–27, 2020 | 504 (RV) | ± 4.4% | 46% | 49% | 2% | 2%[lower-alpha 14] |
504 (LV)[lower-alpha 15] | 47% | 49% | – | – | |||
504 (LV)[lower-alpha 16] | 48% | 49% | – | – | |||
Swayable[130] | October 23–26, 2020 | 342 (LV) | ± 7.2% | 49% | 48% | 3% | – |
Civiqs/Daily Kos[131] | October 23–26, 2020 | 1,041 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 46% | 51% | 2% | 2%[lower-alpha 17] |
YouGov/CBS[132] | October 20–23, 2020 | 1,090 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 47% | 46% | – | 6%[lower-alpha 18] |
University of Georgia[133] | October 14–23, 2020 | 1,145 (LV) | ± 4% | 45% | 46% | 4% | 5%[lower-alpha 19] |
Landmark Communications[134] | October 21, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 50% | 45% | – | – |
Citizen Data[135] | October 17–20, 2020 | 1,000 (LV) | ± 3% | 41% | 47% | – | 12%[lower-alpha 20] |
Morning Consult[126] | October 11–20, 2020 | 1,672 (LV) | ± 2.4% | 46% | 44% | – | – |
Emerson College[136] | October 17–19, 2020 | 506 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 46% | 45% | – | 9%[lower-alpha 21] |
Siena College/NYT Upshot[137] | October 13–19, 2020 | 759 (LV) | ± 4.1% | 43% | 43% | 4% | 10%[lower-alpha 22] |
Opinion Insight (R)[138][upper-alpha 1] | October 12–15, 2020 | 801 (LV) | ± 3.46% | 45%[lower-alpha 10] | 45% | – | 8%[lower-alpha 23] |
Garin-Hart-Yang Research Group (D)[139][upper-alpha 2] | October 11–14, 2020 | 600 (LV) | – | 43% | 48% | 6% | 3%[lower-alpha 12] |
Quinnipiac University[140] | October 8–12, 2020 | 1,040 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 45% | 51% | – | 3%[lower-alpha 24] |
SurveyUSA[141] | October 8–12, 2020 | 677 (LV) | ± 5.7% | 46% | 43% | – | 11%[lower-alpha 25] |
Data for Progress[142] | October 8–11, 2020 | 782 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 43% | 44% | 1% | 10% |
Morning Consult[143] | October 2–11, 2020 | 1,837 (LV) | ± 2.3% | 46% | 42% | – | – |
Public Policy Polling[144] | October 8–9, 2020 | 528 (V) | ± 4.3% | 43% | 44% | 4% | 9%[lower-alpha 26] |
Landmark Communications[145] | October 7, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 4% | 47% | 46% | 2% | 6%[lower-alpha 13] |
University of Georgia[146] | September 27 – October 6, 2020 | 1,106 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 49% | 41% | 3% | 7%[lower-alpha 27] |
Civiqs/Daily Kos[147] | September 26–29, 2020 | 969 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 46% | 48% | 3% | 3%[lower-alpha 28] |
Hart Research Associates (D)[148][upper-alpha 3] | September 24–27, 2020 | 400 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 49% | 46% | – | – |
Quinnipiac University[149] | September 23–27, 2020 | 1,125 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 48% | 49% | – | 2%[lower-alpha 29] |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[150] | September 23–26, 2020 | 789 (LV) | ± 3.49% | 42% | 47% | – | 12%[lower-alpha 30] |
YouGov/CBS[151] | September 22–25, 2020 | 1,164 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 47% | 42% | – | 10%[lower-alpha 31] |
Monmouth University[152] | September 17–21, 2020 | 402 (RV) | ± 4.9% | 48% | 42% | 4% | 6%[lower-alpha 32] |
402 (LV)[lower-alpha 15] | 48% | 43% | 3% | 5%[lower-alpha 19] | |||
402 (LV)[lower-alpha 16] | 50% | 42% | 2% | 4%[lower-alpha 33] | |||
Siena College/NYT Upshot[153] | September 16–21, 2020 | 523 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 41% | 38% | 5% | 16%[lower-alpha 34] |
University of Georgia[154] | September 11–20, 2020 | 1,150 (LV) | ± 4% | 47% | 45% | 4% | 5%[lower-alpha 19] |
Morning Consult[155] | September 11–20, 2020 | 1,406 (LV) | ± (2% – 7%) | 43%[lower-alpha 35] | 44% | – | – |
Data For Progress (D)[156] | September 14–19, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 43% | 41% | 2% | 14%[lower-alpha 36] |
Morning Consult[157] | September 8–17, 2020 | 1,402 (LV)[lower-alpha 37] | ± (2% – 4%) | 43% | 43% | – | – |
GBAO Strategies (D)[158][upper-alpha 4] | September 14–16, 2020 | 600 (LV) | – | 48% | 49% | – | – |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[159] | September 12–16, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.46% | 43% | 43% | – | 14%[lower-alpha 38] |
Fabrizio Ward/Hart Research Associates[160][upper-alpha 5] | August 30 – September 5, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 47% | 48% | – | 5%[lower-alpha 39] |
Opinion Insight/American Action Forum[161][upper-alpha 1] | August 30 – September 2, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.46% | 45%[lower-alpha 10] | 44% | – | 11%[lower-alpha 40] |
HarrisX (D)[162][upper-alpha 6] | August 20–30, 2020 | 1,616 (RV) | ± 2.4% | 47% | 40% | 8% | 4%[lower-alpha 41] |
Public Policy Polling[163] | August 13–14, 2020 | 530 (V) | ± 4.1% | 44% | 44% | – | 11%[lower-alpha 42] |
Garin-Hart-Yang Research (D)[164][upper-alpha 2] | August 10–13, 2020 | 601 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 46% | 48% | – | 6% |
SurveyUSA[165] | August 6–8, 2020 | 623 (LV) | ± 5.3% | 44% | 41% | – | 14%[lower-alpha 43] |
YouGov/CBS[166] | July 28–31, 2020 | 1,101 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 45% | 43% | – | 13%[lower-alpha 44] |
HIT Strategies (D)[167][upper-alpha 7] | July 23–31, 2020 | 400 (RV) | ± 4.9% | 39% | 42% | – | 19%[lower-alpha 45] |
Monmouth University[152] | July 23–27, 2020 | 402 (RV) | ± 4.9% | 49% | 43% | 1% | 7%[lower-alpha 27] |
402 (LV)[lower-alpha 15] | 50% | 43% | 1% | 6%[lower-alpha 13] | |||
402 (LV)[lower-alpha 16] | 51% | 43% | 1% | 6%[lower-alpha 13] | |||
Morning Consult[168] | July 17–26, 2020 | 1,337 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 45% | 42% | – | 12% |
Spry Strategies (R)[169][upper-alpha 8] | July 11–16, 2020 | 700 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 46% | 44% | – | 10%[lower-alpha 46] |
Garin-Hart-Yang Research (D)[170][upper-alpha 2] | July 9–15, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 44% | 45% | – | 11% |
Gravis Marketing (R)[171][upper-alpha 9] | July 2, 2020 | 513 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 48% | 43% | – | 9% |
Fox News[172] | June 20–23, 2020 | 1,013 (RV) | ± 3.0% | 45% | 42% | – | 13%[lower-alpha 47] |
Public Policy Polling[173] | June 12–13, 2020 | 661 (V) | ± 3.4% | 44% | 45% | – | 11% |
Civiqs/Daily Kos[174] | May 16–18, 2020 | 1,339 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 45% | 47% | – | 7%[lower-alpha 48] |
The Progress Campaign (D)[35][175] | May 6–15, 2020 | 2,893 (LV) | ± 2.0% | 42% | 42% | – | 16% |
BK Strategies (R)[176][upper-alpha 10] | May 11–13, 2020 | 700 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 46% | 41% | – | 13% |
Public Opinion Strategies (R)[177] | May 4–7, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 43% | 41% | 7% | 8%[lower-alpha 49] |
Cygnal (R)[178][179][upper-alpha 11] | April 25–27, 2020 | 591 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 45% | 39% | – | 16% |
The Progress Campaign (D)[180] | March 12–21, 2020 | 3,042 (RV) | ± 4.5% | 39% | 40% | – | 20% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 7] |
Margin of error |
David Perdue (R) |
Teresa Tomlinson (D) |
Other / Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Civiqs/Daily Kos[174] | May 16–18 | 1,339 (RV) | ±3.1% | 45% | 44% | 10%[lower-alpha 50] |
The Progress Campaign (D)[35][175] | May 6–15 | 2,893 (LV) | ± 2% | 41% | 40% | 19% |
The Progress Campaign (D)[180] | March 12–21 | 3,042 (RV) | ± 4.5% | 40% | 39% | 21% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 7] |
Margin of error |
David Perdue (R) |
Sarah Riggs Amico (D) |
Other / Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Civiqs/Daily Kos[174] | May 16–18 | 1,339 (RV) | ±3.1% | 45% | 42% | 13%[lower-alpha 51] |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 7] |
Margin of error |
David Perdue (R) |
Stacey Abrams (D) |
Other / Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
The Progress Campaign (D)[180] | March 12–21 | 3,042 (RV) | ± 4.5% | 41% | 46% | 12% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 7] |
Margin of error |
David Perdue (R) |
Generic Democrat |
Other / Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
SurveyUSA[181] | November 15–18, 2019 | 1,303 (LV) | ± 3.2% | 40% | 37% | 23% |
University of Georgia[182] | October 28–30, 2019 | 1,028 (RV) | – | 35.1% | 21.1% | 43.8% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 7] |
Margin of error |
Generic Republican |
Generic Democrat |
Other / Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Global Strategy Group (D)[183][upper-alpha 12] | March 17–19, 2019 | 603 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 40% | 42% | 18% |
with Teresa Tomlinson
with Sarah Riggs Amico
with Stacey Abrams
with Generic Democrat
with Generic Republican and Generic Democrat
No candidate received a majority of the vote on November 3, so the top two finishers—incumbent Republican senator David Perdue (49.7%) and Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff (47.9%)—advanced to a runoff election held on January 5, 2021.[184][185]
Voters whose mail-in ballots were rejected were allowed to submit corrections until 5pm on November 6.[186][187]
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Republican | David Perdue (incumbent) | 2,462,617 | 49.73% | −3.16% | |
Democratic | Jon Ossoff | 2,374,519 | 47.95% | +2.74% | |
Libertarian | Shane T. Hazel | 115,039 | 2.32% | +0.42% | |
Total votes | 4,952,175 | 100.0% |
Perdue won 8 of 14 congressional districts in the general election.[189]
District | Ossoff | Perdue | Elected Representative |
---|---|---|---|
1st | 42.08% | 55.5% | Buddy Carter |
2nd | 54.33% | 43.88% | Sanford Bishop |
3rd | 35.53% | 62.21% | Drew Ferguson |
4th | 77.77% | 20.11% | Hank Johnson |
5th | 84.08% | 13.76% | Nikema Williams |
6th | 51.32% | 46.4% | Lucy McBath |
7th | 50.55% | 46.78% | Carolyn Bourdeaux |
8th | 35.65% | 62.3% | Austin Scott |
9th | 21.19% | 76.29% | Andrew Clyde |
10th | 37.69% | 60.04% | Jody Hice |
11th | 39.42% | 57.87% | Barry Loudermilk |
12th | 41.72% | 56.12% | Rick W. Allen |
13th | 74.64% | 23.13% | David Scott |
14th | 24.65% | 72.66% | Marjorie Taylor Greene |
The runoff election between Perdue and Ossoff was on January 5, 2021,[190] alongside the special election for the Georgia U.S. Senate seat held by Republican Kelly Loeffler.
Following the 2020 Senate elections, Republicans held 50 Senate seats and the Democratic caucus 48.[191] Since Democrats won both Georgia runoffs, their caucus gained control of the Senate, as the resultant 50–50 tie is broken by Democratic vice president Kamala Harris. If the Democrats had lost either race, Republicans would have retained control of the Senate.[192] The high political stakes caused the races to attract significant nationwide attention.[193][194][195] These elections are the third and fourth Senate runoff elections to be held in Georgia since runoffs were first mandated in 1964, following runoffs in 1992 and 2008.[196] It is also the third time that both of Georgia's Senate seats have been up for election at the same time, following double-barrel elections in 1914 and 1932.[197]
The deadline for registration for the runoff election was December 7, 2020. Absentee ballots for the runoff election were sent out beginning on November 18, and in-person voting began on December 14.[198][199] Ossoff's runoff campaign largely focused around accusing Perdue of corruption as well as aggressively courting Black voters in an attempt to drive up turnout, while Perdue characterised Ossoff as a socialist and accused him of having ties to the People's Republic of China.[200] Perdue's campaign was hampered by his refusal to state that Joe Biden had won that year's presidential election, which made it exceedingly difficult for him to argue that an Ossoff victory would create a Democratic trifecta.[201]
Source | Ranking | As of |
---|---|---|
The Cook Political Report[202] | Tossup | January 4, 2021 |
Inside Elections[203] | Tossup | December 14, 2020 |
Sabato's Crystal Ball[204] | Tossup | January 5, 2021 |
Campaign finance reports as of December 31, 2020 | |||
---|---|---|---|
Candidate | Raised | Spent | Cash on hand |
Jon Ossoff (D) | $156,146,537 | $151,814,804 | $4,331,733 |
David Perdue (R) | $102,722,245 | $90,354,529 | $12,414,00 |
Source: Federal Election Commission[205] |
![]() | Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Source of poll aggregation |
Dates administered |
Dates updated |
David Perdue Republican |
Jon Ossoff Democratic |
Undecided [lower-alpha 6] |
Margin |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
270 To Win[206] | Dec 30, 2020 – January 4, 2021 | January 4, 2021 | 47.4% | 50.2% | 2.4% | Ossoff +2.8 |
RealClearPolitics[207] | Dec 14, 2020 – January 4, 2021 | January 5, 2021 | 48.8% | 49.3% | 1.9% | Ossoff +0.5 |
538[208] | Nov 9, 2020 – January 4, 2021 | January 5, 2021 | 47.4% | 49.1% | 3.5% | Ossoff +1.8 |
Average | 47.9% | 49.5% | 2.6% | Ossoff +1.7 |
This section also contains pre-runoff polls excluding all candidates except head-to-head matchups.
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 7] |
Margin of error |
David Perdue (R) |
Jon Ossoff (D) |
Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Trafalgar Group (R)[209] | January 2–4, 2021 | 1,056 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 49% | 49% | 2% |
AtlasIntel[210] | January 2–4, 2021 | 857 (LV) | ± 3% | 47% | 51% | 2% |
InsiderAdvantage[211] | January 3, 2021 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 49% | 49% | 3% |
National Research Inc[212] | January 2–3, 2021 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 45% | 46% | 9% |
University of Nevada Las Vegas Lee Business School[213] | December 30, 2020 – January 3, 2021 | 550 (LV) | ± 4% | 49% | 48% | 3% |
Targoz Market Research[214] | December 30, 2020 – January 3, 2021 | 713 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 50% | 50% | 0% |
1,342 (RV) | 47% | 51% | 2% | |||
AtlasIntel[215] | December 25, 2020 – January 1, 2021 | 1,680 (LV) | ± 2% | 47% | 51% | 2% |
Gravis Marketing[216] | December 29–30, 2020 | 1,011 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 47% | 50% | 3% |
JMC Analytics and Polling[217] | December 28–29, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 45% | 53% | 2% |
Trafalgar Group (R)[218] | December 23–27, 2020 | 1,022 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 48% | 50% | 2% |
Open Model Project[219] | December 21–27, 2020 | 1,405 (LV) | ± 4.7% | 50% | 46% | 4% |
InsiderAdvantage[220] | December 21–22, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 49% | 48% | 3% |
Mellman Group[221] | December 18–22, 2020 | 578 (LV) | ± 4.1% | 47% | 50% | 3% |
Reconnect Research/Probolsky Research[222] | December 14–22, 2020 | 1,027 (LV) | ± 4% | 43% | 42% | 15% |
SurveyUSA[223] | December 16–20, 2020 | 600 (LV) | ± 5.1% | 46% | 51% | 3% |
Trafalgar Group (R)[224] | December 14–16, 2020 | 1,064 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 50% | 48% | 2% |
Emerson College[225] | December 14–16, 2020 | 605 (LV) | ± 3.9% | 51% | 48% | 1% |
InsiderAdvantage[226] | December 14, 2020 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 49% | 48% | 3% |
Wick[227] | December 10–14, 2020 | 1,500 (LV) | – | 51% | 47% | 2% |
RMG Research[228] | December 8–14, 2020 | 1,417 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 47% | 49% | 4% |
Baris/Peach State Battleground Poll[229] | December 4–11, 2020 | 1,008 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 45% | 47% | 9% |
Trafalgar Group (R)[230] | December 8–10, 2020 | 1,018 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 49% | 49% | 2% |
Fabrizio Ward/Hart Research Associates[231] | November 30 – December 4, 2020 | 1,250 (LV) | ± 3.2% | 46% | 48% | 6% |
Trafalgar Group (R)[232] | December 1–3, 2020 | 1,083 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 47% | 48% | 5% |
SurveyUSA[233] | November 27–30, 2020 | 583 (LV) | ± 5.2% | 48% | 50% | 2% |
RMG Research[234] | November 19–24, 2020 | 1,377 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 47% | 48% | 5% |
Data For Progress (D)[235] | November 15–20, 2020 | 1,476 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 50% | 48% | 3% |
InsiderAdvantage[236] | November 16, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 49% | 49% | 2% |
Remington Research Group[237] | November 8–9, 2020 | 1,450 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 50% | 46% | 4% |
Garin-Hart-Yang Research Group (D)[139][upper-alpha 2] | October 11–14, 2020 | 600 (LV) | – | 45% | 50% | 5% |
Data For Progress (D)[156] | September 14–19, 2020 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 44% | 44% | 12% |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[lower-alpha 7] |
Margin of error |
Generic Republican |
Generic Democrat |
Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
RMG Research/PoliticalIQ[238] | December 8–14, 2020 | 1,377 (LV) | ± 2.6% | 46%[lower-alpha 52] | 42% | 11%[lower-alpha 53] |
Quinnipiac University[149] | September 23–27, 2020 | 1,125 (LV) | ± 2.9% | 48% | 49% | 3% |
with Generic Republican and Generic Democrat
Ossoff won Washington and Baldwin counties in the runoff, after having lost them in the general election.
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Democratic | Jon Ossoff | 2,269,923 | 50.61% | N/A | |
Republican | David Perdue | 2,214,979 | 49.39% | N/A | |
Total votes | 4,484,902 | 100.00% | N/A | ||
Democratic gain from Republican |
By county | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Counties that flipped from Republican to Democratic[239]
Counties that flipped from Democratic to Republican[240]
|
Despite losing the statewide runoff, Perdue held onto the 8 congressional districts he had previously won in the general election.[241]
District | Ossoff | Perdue | Elected Representative |
---|---|---|---|
1st | 44.27% | 55.73% | Buddy Carter |
2nd | 57.13% | 42.87% | Sanford Bishop |
3rd | 37.7% | 62.3% | Drew Ferguson |
4th | 81.06% | 18.94% | Hank Johnson |
5th | 86.71% | 13.29% | Nikema Williams |
6th | 52.59% | 47.41% | Lucy McBath |
7th | 53.41% | 46.59% | Carolyn Bourdeaux |
8th | 37.74% | 62.26% | Austin Scott |
9th | 22.57% | 77.43% | Andrew Clyde |
10th | 40.01% | 59.99% | Jody Hice |
11th | 41.22% | 58.78% | Barry Loudermilk |
12th | 43.92% | 56.08% | Rick W. Allen |
13th | 78.21% | 21.79% | David Scott |
14th | 26.39% | 73.61% | Marjorie Taylor Greene |
Partisan clients
Voter samples and additional candidates
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