Arbëreshët ose arbërorët (në dialektin arbërisht të gjuhës shqipe: Arbëreshë apo Αρbε̰ρεσ̈ε̰), të njohur edhe si arvanitët (greqisht: Αρβανίτες, Arvanítes;), janë një grup i popullsisë në Greqi të cilët tradicionalisht flasin arbërisht, një dialekt të gjuhës shqipe. Ata u vendosën në Greqi gjatë fund të mesjetës dhe ishin element dominant i popullsisë në disa rajone të Peloponezit dhe Atikës deri në shekullin e 19-të.[1] Arbëreshët sot vetë-identifikohen si grekë[2][3][4] prej një procesi të asimilimit, dhe nuk e konsiderojnë veten t'u përkasin Shqipërisë apo të kombit shqiptar.[5] Ata e quajnë veten e tyre si arvanites (në greqisht) dhe Arbëror (në gjuhën e tyre). Komunitetet shqipfolës në Greqinë e veriut nuk janë arvanitas por më tepër çamë dhe toskët, dhe ata e quajnë veten e tyre si shqiptar (i njëjtë emër kombëtar e përdorur nga shqiptarët e Shqipërisë). Arbëreshët nuk e quajnë veten e tyre si shqiptarë.[6] Dialekti arbërisht është në një gjendje të tretur për shkak të ndërrimit të gjuhës në greqisht, migrimit të madh të brendshëm nëpër qytete dhe përzierjes së mëvonshme të popullsisë gjatë shekullit të 20-të.
Flamuri i arvanitëveHapësira në Greqi nga ku janë raportuar gjuhët e minoriteteve. Greqishtja flitet në gjithë Greqinë
Migrimi i arbëreshëve në Greqi filloi në fund të shekullit të 13-të dhe mbaroi rreth vitit 1600,[7] nga një rajon e quajtur Arbëria, e cila ishte pjesë e Despotetit të Epirit dhe i cili sot është rajoni qendror i Shqipërisë moderne.[8][9] Arbëreshët së pari migruan në Thesali rreth vitit 1325 përmes rrugëve të udhëtimit që kishin shkuar në jug-lindje duke kaluar pellgun e sipërme të lumit Bistricë dhe me anë të Korçës, Kosturit dhe Grebenesë mbërritën në fushë të Thesalisë. Një tjetër pikëpamje mban se kjo migrimi ka ndodhur nga zbritëse jug-perëndim përmes rajonit të Janinës dhe Atolo-Akarnania dhe shkuan prej andej në Thesali.[10]
Ne fillim shekullin e XIV, 12.000 Arbëresh jetonin vetem ne Thesali.
Duke vendosur në luginën e Sperqos në 1380-1381, shqiptarët morën leje nga sundimtarët Aragonese të vendosen në Dukatin të Athinës në 1382, për të forcuar aftësinë e mbrojtjes së dukatit kundër pushtimeve të huaja. Burimet bizantine përmendin dukjen të 10.000 shqiptarë në ngushticën e Korintit në vitëve 1404-1405, të cilat u vendosën nga Despotati e Mistras nga despoti Theodor Pallollogu, kundër këshillës së këshilltarëve të tij. Sipas pikëpamjes mbizotëruese, kjo popullsi erdhi nga Thesalia pas pushtimit të saj nga osmanët më 1393. Rreth vitit 1425, venedikasit me premtimet e koncesioneve të taksave dhe masave të tjera e tërhoqën popullatën arbëreshe në Evia jugore. Ky rajon kishte përjetuar rënien demografike për shkak të murtajës dhe ky vend u pa si veçanërisht të favorshme për rivendosje të popullisë sepse ajo ishte afër rajonit Atikës dhe Peloponezit.
Arbëreshët ishin fillimisht fise shtegtues me një karakter të dendur luftarak, të cilët zhvendoseshin vazhdimisht duke u mbështetur për mbijetesën e tyre me bujqësinë rudimentare. Varësia e tyre për produktet bujqësore shkaktuan grabitjen e tokës së kultivuar rreth qyteteve, të cilat privuan aseteve të tyre prodhuese. Mungesa e përgjithshme të produkteve bujqësore detyruan ata të bëhen gjysmë-shtegtues dhe fermerë emigrante dhe gradualisht ata u përfshinë me bujqësi, që kështu morën qëndrimit të përhershëm.
Arsyet për arbëreshët të emigrojnë gjatë kësaj epoke ishte socio-politik. Kur Despotati i Epirit u krijua në fillim të shekullit të 13-të, mercenarë arbëreshe luftuan në anën e Epirit kundër sllavëve dhe venedikasve. Për shërbimet e ofruara nga arbëreshëve gjatë operacioneve ushtarake, fisnikëria arbëreshe ka marrë vetëm tituj oborrtarësh të rëndësishme. Këto aristokratët arbëreshë, ishin vendosur në shumë rajone ku në despotatin ishin të banuar nga shqiptarë vendas, dhe gradualisht gërryer sistemin e vjetër bizantine administrativ. Nga krerët tradicionale patriarkale ata u shndërruan në princa. Lloji i qeverisjes praktikuar nga kjo aristokracisë së re rezultoi me një administratë feudale, që ishte shumë i ashpër mbi popullin. Duke u përpjekur për të shpëtuar situatën e re, arbëreshët ishin të detyruar të marrin shprehitë shtegtare. Disa arbëreshë panë emigracionin si një zgjidhje të vetme për problemet e tyre të krijuara nga monopolizimin e trojeve shqiptare nga ana e sundimtarëve shqiptarë të cilët ishin duke u bërë gjithnjë e më i dhunshëm. Përveç këtyre ndryshimeve, të cilat tronditën shoqërinë e tyre, ishte edhe inkursionet osmane dhe pushtimi eventual të Ballkanit. Individualisht ose kolektivisht, migrimi arbëresh ishte një reagim ndaj shtypjes shoqërore që ishte bërë e padurueshme.
Hartë etnografike e Peloponezit, e hartuar nga Alfred Philippson në vitin 1890
Ato shqiptarët që përfundimisht u bënë të njohur si arbëreshë dhe më pas arvanitas mbetën të krishterë ortodokse, ndërsa shqiptarët që mbetën në atdheun e tyre më vonë përqafuan fetë si Islami dhe katolicizmi romak, së bashku me krishterimin ortodoks. Shqiptarët shërbyen në ushtrinë Bizantine dhe dinastia Palollogo shpesh i përdoren ato në shumë fushata ushtarake. Në një rast, 6000 shqiptarë nga Kllarenca në Peloponezit u dërguan në fushën e betejës. Në mes të 1454, një udhëheqës i quajtur Pjetër Bua kishte rreth 30.000 shqiptarë nën komandën e tij.[11] Gjithashtu, venedikasit punësuan të shumta shqiptarët për të shërbyer si ushtarë të njohur si Stradioti. Në bazë e vëzhgimet të një dëshmitar okular francez Philippe de Commines (1447 - 1511), shqiptarët mbikëqyri zonat venedikas të tilla si Nafplion, duke shërbyer si ushtarë dhe në kalorësi.[12]
Këto emigrantë shqipfolës, të cilët mbërritën në Peloponezi, ishin vendosur në rajone paarritshëm malore ku ata formuan grupe kompakte që iu mundësojnë të ruajnë identitetin e tyre jo-greke dhe gjuhën deri në shekullin e nëntëmbëdhjetë. Në zonat ku ata u vendosën, ata ishin nën komandën e një zot feudal greqishtfolëse, që ishte një pasardhës i drejtpërdrejtë të dinastisë së vjetër perandorak Bizante.Disa nga arbëreshët u zhvendosën nga zyrtarët osmane në vende të shpopulluar si ishujt e Egjeut: Nidhra, Peca, Kulluri,[13] Samo dhe ishin i fundit asimiluar me popullsinë greke.[14]
Me kalimin e kohës, ky qëndrim i përbashkët ka pasur nga fillimi i luftës greke e Pavarësisë të evolojë në shoqata greko-arbëreshe dhe aleancave që luajti një rol të rëndësishëm në revolucionin grek të 1821. Me formimin e kombeve moderne dhe shteteve kombëtare në Ballkan, arbëreshët kanë ardhur për të konsiderohet si një pjesë përbërëse të kombit grek. Në 1899, përfaqësuesve kryesor të arbëreshëve në Greqi, në mesin e tyre pasardhësit e heronjve të pavarësisë, botua një manifest që bën thirrje fqinjët shqiptar e tyre jashtë Greqisë të bashkohen në krijimin e një shteti të përbashkët shqiptaro-grek.[15] Gjatë shekullit të 20-të, shumë shqiptarë morën pjesë në luftën për Maqedoninë (1903), si Vangjel Koropuli nga Mandra.[16] Në të njëtë shekull të 20-të, pas krijimit të shtetit kombëtar shqiptar, arbëreshët në Greqi kanë ardhur për ta shkëputur veten më shumë nga shqiptarët, duke theksuar në vend të vetë-identifikimin e tyre kombëtar si grekët. Në të njëjtën kohë, ajo është sugjeruar që shumë arbëreshë në dhjetëvjeçarët e mëparshme mbajtur një qëndrim përvetësues,[17][18] duke çuar në një humbje progresive të gjuhës së tyre tradicionale dhe një zhvendosjen e brezit të ri drejt në gjuhën greke.[19] Që prej pavarësisë së, një pozicion i ngurtë zyrtar vazhdoi ishte zhvilluar që mbështeti një parim për "një komb, një gjuhë".[20] Në disa herë, veçanërisht nën regjimin e Jani Metaksës gjatë 1936-1941, institucionet shtetërore greke si ushtria ose tjera,[21] kishin ndjekur një politikë aktivisht të dekurajon dhe të ndalojë përdorimit të arbërishtes.[22][23] Në dhjetëvjeçarët pas Luftës së Dytë Botërore dhe Luftës Civile greke, shumë arbëreshë erdhën nën presion për të braktisur arbërishten në favor të njëgjuhësore të gjuhës kombëtare, dhe veçanërisht dialekti arkaike katharevusa e cila mbeti variantin zyrtar të greqishtes deri 1976.[24]
Ka edhe shikime negative stereotipe ndaj arbërishtes dhe arbëreshëve në Greqi prej grekët,[25] që janë të përhapura në një kontekst shoqëror të tilla si shkolla apo tubime,[26] e cila ka përshpejtuar rënien e gjuhës në dhjetëvjeçarët e fundit.[27][28]
Rajonet me një prani të fortë tradicionale të arbëreshëve janë gjetur kryesisht në një zonë kompakte në Greqi juglindore, domethënë nëpër Atikë (sidomos në Atikë lindore), Beocia jugore, në veri-lindje të Peloponezit, në jug të ishullit Eube, në veriu të ishullit Andros, dhe disa ishuj të Gjirit Saronik që përfshin Kullurin. Në pjesë të kësaj zone ata formuan një shumicë i plotë deri rreth 1900. Në kuadër i Atikës, disa lagje të kryeqytetit Athinë dhe rrethinat e tij ishin banuar nga arbëreshë deri në fund të shekullit të 19-të.[29][30][31] Ka edhe vendbanime në disa pjesët e tjera të Peloponezit, dhe në Ftiotis.
Nuk ka shifra të besueshme për numrin e arbëreshëve në Greqi sot (nuk ekzistojnë të dhëna zyrtare për etninë në Greqi). Një burim venecian prej mesit të shekullit 15, llogarit se 30.000 shqiptarë jetonin në Peloponez në atë kohë.[32] Në mesin e shekullit 19, Johann Georg von Hahn llogariti numrin e tyre në Greqi të jetë në mes të 173,000 deri në 200,000 njerëz.[33] Shifrat e fundit zyrtare e regjistrimit të popullsisë në dispozicion vijnë nga vitit 1951. Që atëherë, vlerësimet e numrit të arbëreshëve varionin prej 25.000 deri në 200.000 njerëz. E mëposhtme është një përmbledhje e vlerësimeve gjerësisht divergjente (Botsi 2003: 97):
Regjistrimit të popullsisë te vitit 1928: 18.773 shtetas të vetë-identifikuar si "shqipfolës" në të gjithë Greqinë.
Regjistrimit të popullsisë te vitit 1951: 22.736 shtetas të vetë-identifikuar si "shqipfolës" në të gjithë Greqinë.
Furikis (1934): llogariti 70.000 arbëreshë në Atikë.
Trudgill/Tzavaras (1976/77): llogaritën 140,000 arbëreshë në Atikë dhe Beoci.
Sasse (1991): llogariti 50.000 shqipfolës arbëreshe në të gjithë Greqinë.
Ethnologue, 2000: 150,000 arbëreshë, që jetojnë në 300 fshatra.
Bashkimi federal i kombëve evropiane, 1991: 95.000 "Shqiptarët e Greqisë" (MRG 1991: 189).
Grupi i të drejtat e pakicave ndërkombëtare, 1997: 200,000 arbëreshë të Greqisë.[34]
Jan Markusse (2001): 25,000 arbëreshë në Greqi.[35]
Ashtu si pjesa tjetër e popullsisë greke, arbëreshët kanë emigruar nga fshatrat e tyre në qytete dhe veçanërisht në kryeqytetin Athinë. Kjo ka kontribuar në humbjen e gjuhës në brezat e rinj.
Emri Arvanites dhe ekuivalentet e saj janë sot të përdorura në greqisht (Αρβανίτες/Arvanítes, forma njëjës Αρβανίτης/Arvanítis, forma femërore: Αρβανίτισσα/Arvanítissa) dhe në dialektin arbërisht e shqipes: (Arbëreshë ose Arbërorë). Në shqipen standarde, të tre emrat janë të përdorur: Arvanitë, Arbëreshë apo Arbërorë. Emri Arvanites dhe ekuivalentet e saj ishte në kohet më para një emër kombëtar të vjetër që është përdorur në greqisht për t'iu referuar të gjithë shqiptarët deri në fillim të shekullit 20.[36][37] Ajo emër fillimisht i referonte banorëve të atij rajonit mesjetare Arbëria, që në greqisht ishte quajtur: Άρβανον/Árvanon ose Άρβανα/Árvana.[38] Në gjuhën shqipe vetë-emërtimi Arbëror, e cila është ende në përdorim nga arbëreshë të Greqisë (arvanitas) dhe arbëreshë të Italisë, ishte shkëmbyer për emrin i ri Shqiptar, që prej shekullit të 17, një risi që nuk ishte përdorur nga komunitetet e emigrantëve shqipfolës në jug të Greqisë. Emri alternative: Albanian, e cila është përdorur nga jo shqiptarët mund së fundi të jetë i lidhur etimologjikisht me fjalën Αρβανίτη/Arvaníti, por preardhja është më pak të qartë. Në përdorim të mëvonshëm bizantin, termat Arbanitai dhe Albanoi, me një sërë variante, janë përdorur i këmbyeshme, ndërsa nganjëherë grupet e njëjta janë quajtur edhe me emra klasike si ilirët. Në shekullin 19 dhe në fillim të 20, fjala Αλβανοί/Alvanoí (shqiptarët) ishte përdorur kryesisht në regjistrat formale, kurse fjala Αρβανίτες/Arvanítes në gjuhën e popullit të greqishtes, por të dy fjalë ishin përdorur pa dallim për shqipfolës myslimanë dhe të krishterë brenda dhe jashtë Greqisë. Në rrjedhën e shekullit të 20-të, u bë zakonore për të përdorur vetëm fjalën Αλβανοί/Alvanoí për popullin e Shqipërisë, dhe vetëm Αρβανίτες/Arvanítes për arbëreshë e Greqisë, duke theksuar ndarjen kombëtare midis të dy grupeve. Ky ndryshim duke përdorur fjalë të ndryshme për të përshkruar të ngjashme ose të njëjta popullsi shqiptare ka ndodhur për shkak të ideologjisë së shtetit grek, i cili minimizon dallimeve të brendshme etnike duke distancuar këtyre popullsive nga popullsitë të ngjashme në shtetet fqinje.[39]
Ka disa pasiguri në çfarë mase termi Αρβανίτες/Arvanítes gjithashtu përfshin grupe të vogla të mbetura popullsisë i krishterë shqipfolës në Epir dhe Maqedoni perëndimore Greke. Ndryshe nga arbëreshët jugore, këto shqipfolësit janë raportuar të përdorin emrin Shqiptar si për veten e tyre dhe për shtetasit shqiptarë,[40] kurse këto komunitete gjithashtu përkrahin një identitet kombëtar grek në ditët e sotme.[41] Fjala Shqiptar është përdorur edhe në disa fshatra të Trakës, ku populli shqipfolës ortodokse emigruan nga malet e Pindit gjatë shekullit 19,[42] dhe ata gjithashtu përdorin emrin Αρβανίτες/Arvanítes duke folur në greqisht dhe Shqiptar në gjuhën shqipe. Për shkak të ngjarjeve së Luftës së Dytë Botërore, emërtimet rajonale të vetës shqiptare si fjala çame janë, si Euromosaic (1996) raporton, kundërshtuar nga shqipfolësit ortodokse në Çamëri (Thesprotia e sotme). Raporti nga GHM (1995) i përfshin shqipfolës të Epirit greke nën termin: Αρβανίτες/Arvanítes, megjithatë ajo vëren se vetë-emërtimi të ndryshëm gjuhësore,[17] nga ana tjetër, vlen termin Αρβανίτες/Arvanítes vetëm për popullatat e zonave kompakte të banimit e arbëreshëve në jug të Greqisë, në përputhje me vetë-identifikimin e këtyre grupeve. Gjuhësisht, Ethnologue[43] identifikon dialekte të sotme e shqipes të Greqisë veri-perëndimore (në Epir dhe fshatrat të Follorinës) me ato të çamëve dhe toskëve, dhe prandaj i klasifikon ato së bashku me gjuhën standarde e shqipes të bazuar prej dialektin toskërisht, më vend të arbërishtes i vërtetë në Greqi jugore. Megjithatë, Ethnologue raporton se në Greqi, varietetet dialektore e shqipes në Epirin greke janë gjithashtu shpesh të përfshirë nën fjalën për gjuhën: Αρβανίτικα/Arvanítika me një kuptim më të gjerë që përfshin të gjitha dialektet e shqipes në Greqi. Gjithashtu dialektet periferike të shqipes në Trakë janë të përfshira në këtë kategori të arvanitikës.[44]
Vargjet e hapjes të një poeme e përbërë në arbërisht, me përkthimin greke, që nderon martesën mes Aleksandra dhe Dukë Pali të Rusisë. 1889.
Ndërsa arbërishtja ishte quajtur shpesh si shqip në Greqi deri në shekullin e 20-të, dëshira e arbëreshëve të shprehin identifikimin e tyre etnike si grekë ka çuar në një qëndrim të refuzojnë identifikimin me gjuhën të preardhjes e dialektit e tyre, ajo e shqipes.[6] Në kohët e fundit, arbëreshët kishin vetëm nocione shumë jo i saktë për mënyrën se sa i afërm ose jo i afërm arbërishtja ishte nga gjuhës shqipe.[45] Që arbërishtja është pothuajse vetëm një gjuhë e folur, Arbëreshët gjithashtu nuk kanë asnjë përkatësi praktike me gjuhën standard e shqipes që përdoret në Shqipëri dhe Kosovë, sepse ata nuk e përdorin këtë formë më shkrim ose në mjete të komunikimit publike. Çështja e afërsisë gjuhësore ose largësi mes arbërishtes dhe gjuhën shqipe ka ardhur në vëmendjen publike, sepse veçanërisht që nga vitet 1990-të, kur një numër i madh të emigrantëve shqiptarë filluan të hyjnë në Greqi dhe ranë në kontakt me komunitetet vendas arbëreshe.[17] Që nga vitëve të 1980-të, ka pasur disa përpjekje të organizuara për të ruajtur trashëgiminë kulturore dhe gjuhësor të arbëreshëve. Organizata më e madhe të promovimit e arbërishtes është "Lidhja Arbëresh i Greqisë" (Αρβανίτικος σύλλογος Ελλάδος).[46]
Arbëreshët janë konsideruar si të dallueshme etnikisht nga grekët në shekullin e 19-të, ndërsa pjesëmarrja e tyre në Luftën greke të Pavarësisë dhe Luftës Civile greke ka çuar në rritjen e asimilimit.[47] Feja krishterë ortodokse që arbëreshët e kishin përbashkët me pjesën tjetër të popullatës vendase ishte një nga arsyet kryesore që çoi në asimilimin e tyre.[48][49] Megjithëse studimet sociologjike mbi komuniteteve arbëresh vërejtur se një ndjenjë i identifikueshëm i një identitet "etnik" të veçantë ekziston në mesin e arbëreshëve, autorët nuk kanë identifikuar një ndjenjë të "përkatësisë për Shqipërinë ose për kombin shqiptar".[50] Shumë arbëreshë e gjenë emërtimin "shqiptarë" si fyes, se ata identifikojnë në shkallë kombëtare dhe etnike si grekë dhe jo shqiptarë.[6][51][52] Teori të ndryshme, të tilla si preardhja prej Pelazgët të lashtë, kanë ardhur gjithashtu në ekzistencë për rehabilitimin e arbëreshevet në shoqërinë greke duke pohuar një të kaluar të lashtë dhe duke qenë paraardhësit e grekëve modernë. Këto teori kanë tani edhe janë miratuar nga shqiptarët nga Shqipëria në lidhje me ata mënyrë të parë veten e tyre dhe marrëdhënieve me grekët.[53]
Tradicionalisht arbëreshët kishin konsideruar veten e tyre si të ndryshme nga fqinjët e tyre që flasin greqisht. Ky ndryshim u shpreh në fjalën shkljershtë që është përdorur për të përshkruar njerëzit greqishtfolës[54] (në shqipja e sotme kjo fjalë është e përshkruar si shqa dhe është përdorur ende si përbuzës për të përshkruar njerëzit sllave. Të dy format e kësaj fjale në gjuhën shqipe tregojnë një kuptim si "tjetri" ose atë që nuk është shqiptar).[55] Kjo fjalë shklirë që kishte konotacione përbuzës ka pësuar një transformim që hodhi ato konotacione, kur populli arbëreshe u bë gjithnjë pjesë e shtetit grek. Kuptimi i hershëm të fjalës ende ka mbijetuar në disa fshatra të veçuar si Sofiko deri 1970-të.[56] Marrëdhëniet mes arbëreshët dhe shqipfolësit, të cilët e quajnë veten e tyre si shqiptar, ndryshonte sipas fesë. Me fillimin e Luftës Greke e Pavarësisë, shumë arbëreshë konsiderohen disa arbëreshë që kishin pranuar fenë Islam në rajone si Bardhunja të jenë "Turq".[57] Një pjesë e konsiderueshme e arbëreshëve dhe udhëheqësve e tyre si Kollokotroni, që luftuan gjatë luftës, morën pjesë në spastrimit etnik të myslimanëve arbëresh nga rajone si Llalla apo i masakruan popullsitë e mëdha urbane musliman si e qytetit Tripolicë, e cila ishte populluar kryesisht nga arbëreshët (shqiptarët) myslimanë.[58][59] Pas luftës, ata arbëresh myslimanë të cilët mbetën në shtetin e ri grek, kryesisht në Bardhunj, u lejuan të jetojnë aty pas konvertimit e tyre në fenë ortodokse.[60]
Në fund të shekullit 19, disa intelektualë Arbëresh mbështetnë për një shtet të ardhshëm greko-shqiptare. Nga viteve 1920-të, udhëheqësit të shquar nga komuniteti i tyre u ngrit si gjeneral Theodor Pangallo, i cili ndaloi deportimin e të gjithë çam shqiptarë myslimane dhe dëshironte marrëdhënie më të ngushta me Shqipërinë. Megjithatë ndërveprime të vogla kanë ndodhur në mes të dy popullatave deri 1990. Në vitet 1990-të, shumë emigrantë shqiptarë erdhën në Greqi. Ata u panë me dyshim nga arbëreshët për të qenë "komunistë" ose "myslimanë" dhe të raportuara ishin incidente të dhunës ndodhur prej arbëreshëve mbi emigrantët shqiptarë. Në të viteve 2000-të dhe më gjerë, arbëreshët ende shikojnë popullsitë e tjera shqipfolës si të ndryshme nga veten e tyre sipas fesë.[61] Edhe shqipfolësit ortodoks nga Çamëria sot janë konsideruar të ndryshme nga arbëreshët dhe janë dyshuar, sepse një herë ka pasur muslimanë shqiptarë në mesin e tyre.[62] Në kohët e fundit, disa arbëreshë ishin pjesë e grupit që themeloi partinë djathtiste e Agimi i Artë (gr. Χρυσή Αυγή/Khrisí Avgí), e cila ka përqafuar pikëpamjet anti-shqiptare[63] dhe disa prej ministrave të saj në kuvend janë arbëreshë.[64]
Fara
Arbëreshi i ri nga Louis Dupré.
Fara (greqisht: φάρα, prej fjalës shqipe fara[65] 'pasardhësit' ose nga vllahishtja fară[66] 'fis') është një model e prejardhjes, të ngjashme me fiseve skocez dhe fiseve të Malësisë në Shqipërinë Veriore. Arbëreshët janë organizuar në fara kryesisht gjatë sundimit të Perandorisë Osman. Paraardhësi apikal ishte një shef ushtarak dhe fara u emëruar pas tij. Në një fshat arbëreshe, çdo farë ishte përgjegjës për të mbajtur të dhënat gjenealogjike, që janë të ruajtura deri sot si dokumente historike në bibliotekat vendore. Zakonisht, ka pasur më shumë se një farë në një fshat arbëreshe dhe nganjëherë ata ishin organizuar në farefis që kishin konfliktet e interesit. Këto farefis nuk duruan për shumë kohë, sepse secili udhëheqës i një farës dëshiruan të jenë udhëheqës të farefis dhe nuk dëshironin të jenë nën udhëheqjes së tjetër.[67]
Roli i Grave
Gratë kanë mbajtur një pozicion relativisht të fortë në shoqërinë tradicionale arbëresh. Gratë kishin një rol në çështjet publike në lidhje për farën e tyre, dhe gjithashtu shpesh mbanin armë me vete. Vejat mund të trashëgonin statusin dhe privilegjet e burrave të tyre dhe kështu të fitonin role udhëheqëse brenda në farës, si e bëri, për shembull, Laskarina Bubulina.[68]
Këngët Arbëreshe
Këngët tradicionale popullore arbëresh ofrojnë informacion të vlefshëm për vlerat shoqërore dhe idealet të shoqërive arbëreshe.[69]
== Personalitete te njohura
Revolucion grek
Laskarina bubulina
Odyseas andrucos
Andrea miauli
Gjergj kuntrioti
Marko boqari
Walter Breu: Sprachliche Minderheiten in Italien und Griechenland. Aus: Spillner, Bernd (Hrsg.): Interkulturelle Kommunikation. (Forum angewandte Linguistik. Bd. 21). Frankfurt a. M. / Bern / N.Y. / Paris (Lang). 1990. S. 169-170.
Alain Ducelier: Traveaux et memoires. Bd. 3. L’ Albanon et les Albanais au 16 siècle. S. 354-368. Paris (Centre de recherches d’ histoire et civilisation byzantine). 1968.
Claus Haebler: Grammatik der albanischen Mundart von Salamis. Albanische Forschungen. Bd. 3. Wiesbaden (Harrassowitz). 1965.
Eric P. Hamp: On the Arvanitika Dialects of Attica and the Megarid. In: Balkansko Eznikoznanie III. 2. 1961. S. 101-106.
Titos P. Jochalas: Über die Einwanderung der Albaner in Griechenland. Eine zusammenfassende Betrachtung. München (Rudolf Trofenik). (Sonderdruck aus Dissertationes Albanicae). 1971.
Hans-Jürgen Sasse: Arvanitika. Die albanischen Sprachreste in Griechenland. Wiesbaden. 1991.
Georg Stadtmueller: Forschungen zur albanischen Frühgeschichte. (Albanische Forschungen. Bd. 2). Wiesbaden (Otto Harrassowitz). 1966.
Lukas D. Tsitsipis: Language change and language death in albanian speech communities in Greece. A sociolinguistic study. University of Wisconsin-Madison (Dissertation). 1981.
Frashëri, Kr.: Historia Shqiptare, Tiranë 1964, fq. 58.
Inalcik, H. Hicri 835 Tarihli Suret-i Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid. Ankara, 1945 dhe Puto, A.: Historie de le Albanie de origines a nos jours Roan 1974, fq.75
Peter Trudgill & George A. Tzavaras (1977). "Why Albanian-Greeks are not Albanians: Language shift in Attika and Biotia." në H. Giles (ed.). Language, ethnicity and intergroup relations. Academic Press.
Θεόδωρος Κ. Τρουπής. Σκαλίζοντας τις ρίζες μας. Σέρβου. f. 1036. "Τέλος η εσωτερική μετακίνηση εντός της επαρχίας Ηπειρωτών μεταναστών, που στο μεταξύ πλήθαιναν με γάμους και τις επιμειξίες σταμάτησε γύρω στο 1600 μ.Χ."
Θ. Κ. Πίτσιος (1978). Ανθρωπολογική Μελέτη του Πληθυσμού της Πελοποννήσου. Η Καταγωγή των Πελοποννήσιων. Βιβλιοθήκη Ανθρωπολογικής Εταιρείας Ελλάδος Αρ. 2.
Philippe de Commyne. Ήσαν άπαντες Έλληνες, ελθόντες εκ των πόλεων ας κατέχουσα εν Ελλάδι οι Βενετοί, τινές μεν εκ του Ναυπλίου εν Πελοποννήσω, άλλοι δε εξ Αλβανίας, ενώπιον του Δυρραχίου (përkthimi: Σπ. Λάμπρου).
Demetrius J. Georgacas (1974). “Historical and Language Contacts and a Place-Name on Samos and in Macedonia (Greece): Karlóvasi." Names. 22. (1). f . 10-11. “The Albanian-speaking settlers in Samos seem to have come here from Greek Arvanitochoria because, for one thing, Kılıc Ali wished settlers from Greek parts to participate in this colonization; secondly, the indications become forceful through the settlement results. There is no denying that Albanian settlers came to Samos for the evidence is anthroponyms such as Γκέγκης “Geg,” Λιάπης, Σκούρας, which are found also in other parts of Greece. A settlement was called ’Αρβανίτες and then it developed into two hamlets: Avo Άνω ’Αρβανίτες (renamed Πάνδροσον in 1959) and Κάτω ’Αρβανίτες (renamed Μεσόγειον in 1959). There is also a place called τά Αρβανίτικα Καλύβια, ruins of a settlement outside Chora on the road between the latter and Pyrgos; 12 the first part of the expression is a derivative of ‘Αρβανίτης. The designation ‘Αρβανίτης does not necessarily mean “Albanian of Albania” but usually signifies the “Greek-Albanian” or “Albanian-speaking Greek citizen.” The hamlet ‘τού Λέκα (officially ή Λέκα) in the NW region of Samos was named from the family name τού Λέκα, which, originally Albanian, occurs in parts of continental Greece. From the name Σκούρας derives a toponym τού Σκούρα (in the area of Furrii) and (from the plural) the toponym of Σκούρηδες (in the area of the town Κοντακαίικα), also the name of a village east of Marathokambos: τά Σκουραίικα (derivative of Σκουραίοι, collective of the family name Σκούρας). There is τού Σκούρα in the Peloponnesus and Σκουροχώρι in Elis. An Albanian toponym is Ψάρι in Samos below the village Kastanéa; this is an Albanian name in Triphylia, Corinthia, Gortynia, and elsewhere.”
Lukas Tsitsipis (1981). Language change and language death in Albanian speech communities in Greece: A sociolinguistic study. (Tezë). University of Wisconsin. f. 104-105. " In the shaping of their attitudes towards Arvanitika, speakers have been influenced by the way members of the dominant culture, namely, Greek monolinguals view them their language. One example of the criticism that an old women experienced for her Arvanitika at a hospital in Athens was presented in Chapter IV. Kazazis (1976:47) observes with regard to this matter, that:
The attitude of other Greeks certainly reinforces the low opinion so many Arvanites have (or profess to have) of Arvanitika, and other Greek are probably the main source of that opinion. Once or twice, Arvanitika was described to me by non-Arvanites as “ugly” and several people . . . have told me how “treacherous and sly” . . . “uncivilized” . . . and “stubborn” . . . the Arvanites are.
That the view of the Greek monolingual segment of the society has been a major source for the development of negative attitudes among Arvanites toward their language can be substantiated on evidence including earlier and more recent information.
In the discussion of the Linguistic Policy in Greece (Chapter IV) I observed that the seeds of Arvanitika language are to be sought in the efforts of the intellectuals to bring about the regeneration of Greek nationalism by promoting Greek as the only legitimate language of the nation.
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 110-111. "How closely the official state policy and the popular ideology have interacted and which is their relation historically, is not easy to determine. There is no doubt though that both have reinforced each other and have shaped the general image of Arvanites and their language. Arvanites themselves have been led to adopt the negative attitude toward their speech, as the only means to relax the negative stereotyping. Hamp reports that his 1955-1961 Arvanitika informants had adopted the attitude, a process that this scholar calls “self-deprecation” (personal communication).
Hamp (1978: 161-162) then, compares French cultural exclusionism with English oblivious culture and the Greek combination of French exclusionism with British oblivion:
French culture (and language) is not merely the best – it is there, it is logical, it is French. The pragmatic English view is that if trade is prospering and if law and government are exercising an orderly non-interference, people like the Welsh and the Nepalis are entitled to their funny little habits.. Greek culture is exclusionisitic, tenacious, proud, retrospective. Arvanitika speakers, who are Greek citizens, unflinchingly and happily accept the axioms that Greek is the oldest culture, Greek literature the first, . . and that the Greek language the oldest, the richest (two or more words for every notion), the hardest (even we make mistakes often!), the only one with a true grammar. Why indeed should they persist with a crude tool that does not even have a grammar!" ;f. 113-115. "Informants’ statements reflect, then, the values filtered to them over the years as to how they should speak in order to be more acceptable by the larger society. They are concerned with eliminating the speech markers that most readily reveal their “peasant” or “backward” status. The barber from Kiriaki and his son who is a terminal speaker of the sample offered excellent opportunities for the study of the natural emergence of their attitudes. They are both quite argumentative and an intensive competition is going between them because of the son’s growing up and his questioning of the parental authority. In (6), where the son uses the terms /evjeni̇́stika/ and /shkljiri̇́shtika/ examined above, the discussion is about a young fellow villager who managed to polish his speech style by staying in the city for some time. The son says that “if you see him now, you’ll say this is from the city.” In another context where he criticizes his father’s speech and the atmosphere is very tense, he says: “. . . this is why I keep on telling you to make some effort; but you don’t care. If you go to the city and speak like that, they’ll certainly say that you are a shepherd.” The same message is transmitted by the old man in (3), who expresses his complaint that, whenever he tries to speak to somebody who is “a lawyer,” “a gentleman,” or “a European" (the term European is used all over Greece to refer to “a civilized person”), his speech always includes something which is bastardized. This informant is equally concerned with the impression he conveys to people of the city culture. This is further obvious in a comment he makes that, despite his basterized speech, his behavior has “something” that people do not take him for an Arvanitis. The conversation inference of this statement provides a very strong evidence for the stereotypical view that the Greek society has for Arvanites which causes their anxiety to conform to a more acceptable image. This informant’s reasoning is that, as long as Arvanites are perceived of as being rude and backward, his own behavior has been such that outsiders have not been able to read these features in him.
The attitude expressed by the middle-aged women from Spata in (13) is along the same lines. She strongly resents seeing younger people speaking Arvanitika in developed areas such as Spata or Villia, now that tourists and foreigners are attracted there.. She mentions that in old times young girls spoke Arvanitika, but now the use of the language is a cosmopolitan milieu which is almost “a second Paris” is unacceptable.
One powerful factor then, subtracting a great deal of the ideological support that Arvanitika might have among its speakers, is the way they internalize the larger society’s views of their language and habits. This is further reinforced by the association they make of Arvanitika with a past of rough conditions and few opportunities.
Another factor specifically related to language is the set of norms or principles pertaining to the proper use of a language. Although these norms focus on the Greek they are largely used by Arvanitika speakers as the yardstick to evaluate their own language. Despite the fact that the only major channel for the transmission of such rules is the school, non-illiterate speakers equally adhere to them because of their exposure to the mass media, and the introduction by younger members of the communities at home.
The norms are: a proper language should be pure, written, and have a historical tradition. In terms of all these three principles Arvanitika gains no support whatsoever. It is not written, it is not free from interference, and it has no written historical tradition. Informants have repeatedly asked me if Arvanitika could be written, but as long as they cannot write it they are not willing to credit it with any value. The factor of writing as influencing the maintenance or the decline of a minority language has also been stressed to me by Street (personal communication)."
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 83-84. "Due to the conditions which existed when Greece regained its freedom from Ottoman rule during the revolution of 1821, a rigid official position developed which did not allow any deviation from the “one nation, one language” principle. A unifying symbol was needed for the beginnings of a new state. The Greek language was to become this symbol for two reasons: first, it was spoken by the majority of the people, and second, it was backed by a long written tradition.
This nationalistic element merged with a new social order then establishing itself: the intellectually-orientated middle class….. It seems, then, that two factors, nationalism in an emerging state, and the aspirations of a certain class of people, reinforced the establishment of Greek as the only acceptable official language.
Lukas D. Tsitsipis (2003). "Implicit linguistic ideology and the erasure of Arvanitika (Greek–Albanian) discourse." Journal of pragmatics. 35. (4): 546-547. “The army, the state bureaucracy, schooling, and academic discourse form the sociostructural domains or institutions which combine coercion and hegemony to various degrees. The most transparent and straightforward relations are articulated in the domain of the army, whereas academic discourse is much subtler (Bourdieu et al., 1994). Older Arvanitika speakers (those that became literate), in their self-reports and informal narratives, claim that they learned to speak and write ‘‘coherent’’ Greek in the army. Their draft period therefore fulfilled a double function: a practical one, that of learning Greek, and a state-ideological one, that of inculcating a principle of nationhood which was saturated through and through with the monoglot Greek standard (notice that the practical part was not merely practical, after all). In addition, some of the domains referred to above carry an implicational relationship among themselves with regard to speaker access, whereby who learned Greek in the army were the least likely to have had access to the subtler domain of academic discourse. Since no normalization or legitimation of Arvanitika has ever been attempted or achieved, its non-state character is covertly opposed through ideology via code-switching to the state, public, and secular character of Greek.”
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 85-86. "In later periods of modern history, political events reinforced this trend toward the Greek monolingual ideal. During the 1930s strong emphasis was placed on the promotion of the Greek language as a “salvation” formula for the unifying the nation and its aspirations. This was the period of the Metaxás dictatorship (1936), some years before the Italian invasion of Greece. Vakalopoulos observes (1979: 323):
Metaxas exercised control on education in a way that left no doubt about the state’s linguistic policy at that time. He sponsored the publication of a “Grammar of the Dēmotikḗ language” and “with this act of his. . . Metaxas emphasized the need to cultivate the long neglected language of the national anthem of Greeks” (Vakalopoulos 1979:384; my translation from Greek). (The national anthem is considered as symbolizing the Greek language par excellence.)
This period is well-remembered by older and middle-aged Arvanitika informants who unanimously agree that during this time they experienced the strongest discrimination against their language. During the political era the use of Arvanitika in the classroom or on the playground was severely penalized. Similar experiences have been narrated to and reported by other investigators who have worked with various Arvanitika communities in Greece, or who are themselves native speakers of the language as well as linguistic scholars (Tzavaras, personal communication). Trudgill and Tzavaras report (1977:174-175):
Some answers (on the part of informants) . . . showed that a number of Arvanites had suffered from what they regarded as discrimination, particularly during military service and at school . . . There were reports, for example, that army officers attempted to stop the speaking of Arvanitika, and that Arvanites were given the worst jobs to do. Discrimination of this type, however, appears to have led to a determination on the part of those who have experienced it that their children will not suffer in the same way because they will speak Greek . . . They did have trouble . . . because teachers regarded them as “foreigners” and actively discouraged the speaking of Arvanitika. Many of the informants resented this, particularly where Arvanites were humiliated in front of non-Arvanites in “mixed” schools."
Dimitra Gefou-Madianou (1999). "Cultural Polyphony and Identity Formation: Negotiating Tradition in Attica." American Ethnologist. 26. (2): 420-421. "Those speakers of Arvanitika who were living in or near the capital came under greater criticism since their presence allegedly embodied the infection that contaminated the purity of the ethnic heritage. Thus, some decades later, during the dictatorship of August 4, 1936, the communities of Arvanites suffered various forms of persecution at the hands of the authorities, though during the 1940s their position improved somewhat as their members helped other Greek soldiers and officers serving in the Albanian front. Later, during the 1950s, 1960s, and early 1970s, especially during the years of the military junta (1967-74), their lot was undermined once more as the Greek language, and especially katharevousa during the junta, was actively and forcibly imposed by the government as the language of Greek nationality and identity."
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 106-110. "In Greece, in addition to the overt attitude of the state, the Arvanitika-speaking element became the target of negative stereotyping at earlier times on the part of their lower social and peasant strata. This stereotyping is encapsulated in those sayings which belong in the Greek folk-tradition. Their careful examination reveals a powerful dimension of the ideology surrounding the Arvanitika world, and sheds light on the present efforts by Arvanites themselves to conform to a more prestigious image.
Furikēs (1931:16-17) in his detailed analysis of the origin and morphological shapes that the ethnic name Arvanitis has taken in history cites literature including sayings that served as unambiguous stereotyping markers. Furikēs’ sources are quite reliable. He has used the “Archives of the Historical Dictionary of the Greek Language” and the collections by the father of the Greek scientific study of folklore, Nikos Politēs. The following eight traditional expressions Furikēs classifies as proverbs (1-6), traditional sayings (7), and riddles (8), and considers all of them as being “folklore species” or what we would call in the modern jargon “genres.” I cite them in a somewhat free English translation, with parenthetical clarifications when the message is elliptical:
1)God is not Arvanites
2)If you have an Arvanites friend, hold a piece of wood. (To beat him up for his bad behavior)
3)You behave like an Arvanites.
4)When an Arvanites washes himself, his apron is delighted. (Because Arvanites are not considered clean people).
5)Arvanitika brains are like empty zucchini. (Arvanites are mindless, retarded people.)
6)Arvanitika brain is like a clay bowl.
7)Why are Gypsies and Arvanites illiterate?
8)Arvanites with a shadow-producing hat, and the single leg.
Some of the components of the above cited sayings, participate also in other constructions of the Greek verbal culture, not necessarily expressing ethnic clichés but addressing pejorative or derogatory meanings. Thus, the second part of (5) “ . . . empty zucchini,” is used generally as a response to something that somebody says and does not make sense to the hearer, or it is not credited with any value and its therefore meaningless. This expression is largely used by modern Greek speakers in the appropriate contexts, although it is semantically opaque to them, functioning as an idiom. Expression (3) “you behave like . . .” is also very common, and yet the ethnic term “Arvanites” is not the necessary complement of the sentence. Every property could be the complement of “you behave like . . .,” such as “. . . a stupid man, “ “. . . a coward, “ “. . . a rich” etc., but the intended meaning is critical. Furikēs classifies (7) as a “traditional saying,” but its meaning is not very clear. It is, nevertheless, alluding to the Arvanitika illiteracy. This scholar considers (8) as a riddle, and the second part of the sentence “. . . the single leg,” attributes a feature of deficiency to Arvanites, while the first “. . . the shadow producing hat” refers to a special kind of hat used in the peasant areas for protection from the sun during the harvest (Dimitrakos 1964:vol. 8). The combination of the two apparently unrelated concepts in the same sentence could be explained on the basis of rhyme considerations, and also as an attempt to correlate the “single legged” (deficient) Arvanites with a peasant context. (Street has suggested to me, on the basis of Turkish parallels that the answer to the riddle should be “Mushroom”.)
Given that Furikēs, classifies the other folk-sayings as “proverbs,” according to the criteria of the modern folklore scholarship they should always appear in fixed form (Dundes 1975:95). However, this is true only to a certain extent. There are slight modifications of the sayings with regards to their verbal rendering and yet, whatever their phrasal form, they preserve the same meaning. I have even heard, for example in Livadhia from Greek monolinguals the expression “if you talk with an Arvanites, you should protect your ass,” which implies that Arvanites exhibit a sly behavior and are potential molesters. This saying can be reasonably considered as semantically equivalent to (2) above, both cautioning the people in contact with Arvanites to be prepared for the worst.
The monolexemic expression /skatarvanítis/ Grk., meaning “shit-Arvanitis” and functioning more as an address rather than as a reference term, is one of the most frequent fixed-phrase forms. The consequences of its usage vary from half-joking arguments to open hostility depending on who is using the term and in what context. I have heard it in the Livadhia Cafeteria in arguments between Arvanites and non-Arvanites, but in a context where a previous friendship had been established and both interlocutors knew the rules of the games without jeopardizing their relationship. I have, however heard it uttered to an Arvanitis during a soccer game in the atmosphere of tension and fanaticism, and there it led to a physical fight.
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 86-87. "In this attitude toward Arvanitika, and other minority languages for that matter, earlier periods differ from the present only in degree, not in kind. The views of the state and the educational authorities have not changed. The decline of Arvanitika simply poses less of a problem and less of a threat nowadays. In field work this author encountered situations where the national inflexibility, or a poor understanding of the naturalness of being bilingual, showed up. In Kiriaki, the more conservative linguistic community of the two, grade or high school teachers of ten hold informal sessions instructing parents to stop speaking Arvanitika to their children. Their assumption is that Arvanitika interferes with an adequate learning of Greek; consequently, its perpetuation is pernicious to the proper linguistic enculturation of children.
This long-standing policy has strongly influenced not only the educational functionaries who follow the Ministry of Education rules, but also scholars who have otherwise offered significant contributions to the study of Arvanitika history and culture. Mpirēs for instance (1960:321-332), in his discussion of the factors which have been responsible for the long persistence of Arvanitika language, is uncritical in his examination of earlier unsophisticated views of the structural in his examination of earlier unsophisticated views of the structural differences between Greek and Arvanitika. He cites opinions which state, in effect, that Arvanites must have had problems in grasping the structural subtleties of the “superior” Greek language, and consequently have been slow to become competent in Greek. This folk-linguistic concept of the grammatical complexity and superiority of Greek, reiterated in some of the literature, echoes the gradual effect that the national policy has had on the thought of various linguistically naïve historians and folklorists.
The fact that Arvanitika has always been outside the established norm of an acceptable language underlines the kinds of reactions that this researcher has encountered in studying the dynamics of this language. When this author offered a popular article on Arvanitika to one of the Livadhia local newspapers, the mayor of the city reacted critically. He suggested that instead of praising Arvanitika to informants, they should be advised to abandon what is left of this “useless” language which contributes to “their intellectual retardation.”
This ethnocentric view, which assesses speakers’ intellectual abilities on the basis of the official status and prestige of the language they speak, emanates from the educational system and the state. It has, nevertheless, influenced the stereotypical linguistic images of both educated and uneducated Greeks. In several conversations Greek monolinguals markedly emphasized the need for only one language “as far as we are all Greeks.” In attempting to carry out field work for this study, this researcher found that the state attitude towards Arvanitika was expressed by the Livadhia education headquarters, which refused permission to interview school children.
Gefou-Madianou. Cultural Polyphony. 1999. f. 412-413. “At the turn of this century, standing at the top of Hymettus mountain which separates Athens from the Messogia region, Dimitrios Kambouroglou, an eminent Athenian historian and nationalist who belonged to the Athenian elite, looked toward Athens and exclaimed, “The city of spirit (Reason),” and then, turning toward the Messogia region, he said, “the countryside of spirits [alcohol and implied debauchery)” (1959[1891], 3:97; 1920:12). As the quote in the beginning of the article suggests, since the late 19th century the Messogitic communities have been represented by the Athenian elite as culturally degenerate, uncivilized, and marginal. This view was, and still is, based on the Arvanitic language (known throughout Greece as Arvanitika), which is Albanian idiom interspersed with some Greek and Turkish words, and retsina, a popular resinated white wine.”
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 75. "Spata modernization is strongly felt among local people. Old and middle-aged community members regret socio-cultural innovations, adhering mostly to traditional values. They all explicitly state that people in Athens keep on wondering why there are still speakers of Arvanitika around when Spata is so close to the capital city. The spontaneous narratives by older informants serve as social commentaries on changes, and show how these changes are interrelated to language:
In Athens, in the hospital where I was, we all talked in Greek; but the way they talked was quite different from mine. They told me “you are in Athens and you speak Arvanitika! You’ve got to get used to Greek and you’ll make some improvements over time. When Spata is one step distant from Athens you should be ashamed to speak Arvanitika” (Spata, female informant, 81 years old, natural conversation)."
Udhëtarët në shekullin 19 ishin njëzëshme në identifikimit të lagjes Pllaka si një vend e dendur dhe populluar me "shqiptare" në Athinë. John Cam Hobhouse (1813). A Journey through Albania, and other provinces of Turkey in Europe and Asia, to Constantinople, during the years 1809 and 1810. vëllimi I. James Cawthorn. f. 293. "The number of houses in Athens is supposed to be between twelve and thirteen hundred; of which about four hundred are inhabited by the Turks, the remainder by the Greeks and Albanians, the latter of whom occupy above three hundred houses."
Eyre Evans Crowe (1853). The Greek and the Turk; Or, Powers and Prospects in the Levant. Richard Bentley. (përkthimi prej: La Grèce contemporaine. 1854). f. 99. "The cultivators of the plain live at the foot of the Acropolis, occupying what is called the Albanian quarter..."
Edmond About (1857). Greece and the Greeks of the present day. Thomas Constable & Co. f. 32. "Athens, twenty-five years ago, was only an Albanian village. The Albanians formed, and still form, almost the whole of the population of Attica; and within three leagues of the capital, villages are to be found where Greek is hardly understood."; f. 49-50. “The Albanians form about one-fourth of the population of the country; they are in majority in Attica, in Arcadia, and in Hydra.... Every evening at sunset, long files of Albanians are to be met on the roads, coming back with their wives from the labour of the fields. They almost all dwell on the slopes of the Acropolis."; f. 160. "The Turkish village which formerly clustered round the base of the Acropolis has not disappeared: it forms a whole quarter of the town.... An immense majority of the population of this quarter is composed of Albanians."
Era Vranoussi (1998). "Deux documents byzantins inedits sur la presence des Albanais dans le Peloponnese au XVe siècle". në H. Gasparis (ed.). Οι Αλβανοί στο Μεσαίωνα. Institute for Byzantine Research, f. 294.
Johann Georg von Hahn (1854). Albanesische Studien. f. 14, 32; cituar në A. Vasiliev (1958). History of the Byzantine Empire, 1324-1453. University of Wisconsin Press. f. 615.
Jan Markusse (2001). "Territoriality in national minority arrangements: European-wide legal standards and practices." në Gertjan Dijkink & Hans Knippenberg (eds.) The Territorial Factor. Vossiuspers UvA. f. 260.
John Van Antwerp Fine (1994). The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. University of Michigan Press.
Michael Attaliates. History. f. 297. përmenden "Arbanitai"
si pjesë të një ushtri mercenare (rreth vitit. 1085); Anna Comnena. Alexiad VI:7/7 dhe XIII 5/1-2
përmend një rajon apo qytet të quajtur Arbanon apo Arbana, dhe "Arbanitai" si banorët e saj (1148). Shih edhe Vranousi (1970) dhe Ducellier (1968).
John Bintliff (2003). "The Ethnoarchaeology of a “Passive” Ethnicity: The Arvanites of Central Greece" in K.S. Brown & Yannis Hamilakis, (eds.). The Usable Past: Greek Metahistories. Lexington Books. f. 138. “While compiling my maps of village systems across the post-medieval centuries from the Ottoman sources (archives so remarkably discovered and tabulated for us by Machiel Kiel; see Kiel 1997; Bintliff 1995, 1997), I was careful to indicate in the English captions which of them were Albanian-speaking and which Greek-speaking villages. A strong supporter of the project, the Orthodox bishop of Livadhia, Hieronymus, watched over my shoulder as the maps took shape. "Very interesting," he said, looking at the symbols for ethnicity, "but what you have written here is quite wrong. You see the people in Greece who speak a language like Albanian are Arvanites, not Alvanoi, and they speak Arvanitika not Alvanika. In this seemingly innocuous, and of course technically correct, comment lies a much deeper layer of ideology, signified by the mere substitution of an "r" for an "l." The bishop was voicing the accepted modern position among those Greeks who are well aware of the persistence of indigenous Albanian-speakers in the provinces of their country: the "Albanians" are not like us at all, they are ex-Communists from outside the modern Greek state who come here for work from their backward country; as for the Arvanites (traditional inhabitants of the Greek countryside speaking Albanian)—well, they are a kind of ethnic Greek population from somewhere on the northwest borders of Greece, where the line between the Greek state and that of Albania has always been fuzzy and permeable to intermarriage. Thus the difference between an "l" and an "r" neatly allows the modern Greeks to divorce themselves and their history from that of the unpopular but widely employed, modern Gastarbeiter of post-Communist Albania. Shortly after this conversation, I saw the bishop pass across the courtyard of our project base—a converted monastery run as a research center—to talk to the genuine Albanian guestworkers who were restoring its stonework. I knew he was himself an Arvanitis, and listened with interest as he chatted fluently to them—and it wasn't in Greek! I was tempted, but wisely forbore, to ask him which language they were conversing in—Arvanitika or Alvanika?”
Emanuele Banfi (1996). "Minoranze linguistiche in Grecia: Problemi storico- e sociolinguistici". në C. Vallini (ed.). Minoranze e lingue minoritarie: Convegno internazionale. Universitario Orientale.
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 115-116. "Informants in (9) claim that they have no idea of the origin of Arvanitika. They imagine that this language, bastard as it is, might very well be of Turkish-Arvanitika origin. Although informants do not know the origin of the language, they do not hesitate to offer it a classification. The significant point is that they provide a negative frame for their classification. Turkish people and culture stand out as symbols of inferiority in the popular ideology widespread in Greece. Kazazis reports for Sofiko (1976: 46):
Besides calling Arvanitika “bastardized,” some Arvanites have claimed to me that it is not a language at all. Their usual argument would run: “it is not written, is it”? . . . one shopkeeper in Sofiko went so far as to maintain that Arvanitika, unlike Albanian, had been “damned by the Lord,” since the Holy Scriptures have been translated into Albanian, but not into Arvanitka.
When I mentioned to the young man in (9) that Albanian and Arvanitika are related languages he strongly resisted this view on the grounds that Albanian is a written language, while Arvanitika is not. I responded that Arvanitika could be written and he asked me to write a few words for him. But, as soon as I prepared a brief passage written with Latin characters, his reaction was very suspicious and almost hostile. The speaker claimed that “it is not possible for you to be a Greek and to know how to write Albanian; you are Albanian and you are telling us lies.” Many other speakers have expressed their surprise and suspicion when I informed them about the potential written status of Arvantika. My statement contradicted in a very conspicuous way the deeply rooted attitude that a language, enjoying a very low prestige, could ever take on a written form.
Arvanitika speakers in both communities are vaguely aware their language is somehow related to Albanian, although not all of them have access to this information as we saw. Speakers’ knowledge of this relation stems from two main sources: (1) middle-aged and older men who fought against the Italians and Albanians during World War II, when Mussolini invaded Greece from Albania; and (2) commercial and cultural exchanges between Greece and Albania which have started on a limited scale in recent years."
Adrian Ahmedaja (2004). "On the question of methods for studying ethnic minorities' music in the case of Greece's Arvanites and Alvanoi." në Ursula Hemetek (ed.). Manifold Identities: Studies on Music and Minorities. Cambridge Scholars Press. f. 55.
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 157. "No service of the Christian church takes place in Arvanitika in the present-day communities. Modern speakers know the expression /érdhi búbuli/ “Bubuli came,” which refers to the 19th century during which the service, traditionally conducted in Arvanitika, was switched to Greek when the priest was notified about the local authority’s arrival. The historical location of this incident is on the island of Spetsae, in the Aegean. For the majority of the inhabitants the service was probably more intelligible in Arvanitika than in Greek, and only the local leading family of the island demanded the introduction of Greek for the orthodox mass. The existence of religious texts in Arvanitika provides good evidence that this language was widely known in the communities in the past."
Harold A. Koster & Joan Bouza Koster (1976). " Competition or Symbiosis?: Pastoral Adaptive Strategies in the Southern Argolid." Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. 268. (1): 278. “The region extending south and east to the sea from the line of Dhidhima through to the Fanaris, is ethnically dominated by Arvanites, or Hellenized Albanians. In the nineteenth century, the islands of Idhra, Spetsai and Poros were also recognized as having distinct Arvanites majorities, although this identification has not been as strong in more recent decades. The overall region can still be thought of as Albanian in ethnic composition, although the population as a whole is deeply concerned with being identified as Greek in every respect. In many of the villages of the southern Argolid, the Arvanites population remains bilingual, speaking both Arvanitika as well as Dhimotikí. In their winter pastures, therefore, the Sarakatsani, who are a distinct ethnic group, and the Valtetsiotes, who function in this area as an ethnic group, move in a Greco-Albanian social context.”
Peter Trudgill (1977). "Creolization in reverse: reduction and simplification in the Albanian dialects of Greece." Transactions of the Philological Society. 75. (1): 32, 38. “It is not too widely known that a majority of villages in the Athens area of Greece are inhabited by people of Albanian rather than Greek ethnic origin. These people are not recent immigrants, but the descendants of Albanians who entered the country at various times, for the most part between the 11th and 15th centuries. These Greek Albanians long retained a clearly separate ethnic identity, apparently, but gradually this identity has been eroded. Today they refer to themselves not as Albanians but as Arvanites, and call the language they speak not Albanian but Arvanitika. They are also very concerned to explain to outsiders that they are not only Arvanites but Greeks as well (see Trudgill and Tzavaras, forthcoming). The result of this development is that the main, perhaps only identifying characteristic of the Greek Albanians is now their language. Our evidence on the restriction in use of Arvanitika comes from two sources. First, observations we made over several months in the villages showed that there were clear age-group differences in the use of Greek and Arvanitika. Greek-Arvanitika bilingualism is now the norm for all age-groups, but there are many situations where older speakers employ Arvanitika and younger speakers Greek. The pattern appears to be that the oldest Arvanites use Arvanitika for most purposes except the most formal (and for communication with non-Arvanites). Middle-aged speakers and younger adults indulge in a considerable amount of switching according to factors such as formality, location, subject-matter, the presence of outsiders, and the linguistic ability of interlocutors. Many younger adults, though, will often use Arvanitika only if the situation is one that is particularly homely or informal, or if they are talking to elderly people who they know prefer conversing in Arvanitika.”
Gilles De Rapper (2009). "Pelasgic Encounters in the Greek–Albanian Borderland: Border Dynamics and Reversion to Ancient Past in Southern Albania." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures. 18. (1): 60-61. “In 2002, another important book was translated from Greek: Aristides Kollias’ Arvanites and the Origin of Greeks, first published in Athens in 1983 and re-edited several times since then (Kollias 1983; Kolia 2002). In this book, which is considered a cornerstone of the rehabilitation of Arvanites in post- dictatorial Greece, the author presents the Albanian speaking population of Greece, known as Arvanites, as the most authentic Greeks because their language is closer to ancient Pelasgic, who were the first inhabitants of Greece. According to him, ancient Greek was formed on the basis of Pelasgic, so that many Greek words have an Albanian etymology. In the Greek context, the book initiated a ‘counterdiscourse’ (Gefou-Madianou 1999: 122) aiming at giving Arvanitic communities of southern Greece a positive role in Greek history. This was achieved by using nineteenth-century ideas on Pelasgians and by melting together Greeks and Albanians in one historical genealogy (Baltsiotis and Embirikos 2007: 130—431, 445). In the Albanian context of the 1990s and 2000s, the book is read as proving the anteriority of Albanians not only in Albania but also in Greece; it serves mainly the rehabilitation of Albanians as an antique and autochthonous population in the Balkans. These ideas legitimise the presence of Albanians in Greece and give them a decisive role in the development of ancient Greek civilisation and, later on, the creation of the modern Greek state, in contrast to the general negative image of Albanians in contemporary Greek society. They also reverse the unequal relation between the migrants and the host country, making the former the heirs of an autochthonous and civilised population from whom the latter owes everything that makes their superiority in the present day.”
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 100-101. "For the present-day communities, a salient attitude which speakers volunteer early in any discussion about their language is that Arvanitika is a “bastard” language….. The term /evjeni̇́stika/ meaning “polite”, used by the young speaker to refer to Greek, is offered as synonymous to /shkljiri̇́shtika/ one of the various morphological shapes of the Arvanitika word /shkljeri̇́shtë/ which refers to “the Greek language”. Thus, Greek is equated with the more refined, soft, and polite talk. The concept of politeness is occasionally extended from the language to its speakers who are the representatives of the urban culture. In conversations in Kiriaki, I heard the word /shklji̇́ra/ (fem.) referring to a city women who exhibits polite and fancy behavior according to the local view. As I stated in the introduction to this dissertation, most of the occurrences of the term /shkljeri̇́shtë/ are not socially marked, and simply refer to the Greek language. But a few are so marked and these are the ones that reflect the speakers’ attitudes. The term /shkljeri̇́shtë/ is ambiguous. This ambiguity offers a valuable clue to the gradual shift in attitudes. It points to the more prestigious Greek language and culture, and also has a derogatory sense. In my data only the first meaning of the socially marked senses of the word occurs."
Arshi Pipa (1989). The politics of language in socialist Albania. East European Monographs. f. 178. "North Albanian call Slavs shqé (sg. shqá <shkjá <shklá, from sclavus), whereas to Greco-Albanians shklerisht means ‘in the Greek language.’ Hamp observes that “obviously the meaning is traditionally ‘the neighbouring foreigner,’ as with Welsh, Vlah, etc.’"
Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 101-102. "The second meaning is offered by Kazazis in his description of the Arvanitika community of Sofikó, in the Peloponnese (1976:48):
. . . two older people from Sofiko told me independently that, to the not-so-remote past, it was those who spoke Greek with their fellow-Arvanites who were ridiculed. Even today, if an older inhabitant of Sofiko were to speak predominantly in Greek with his fellow villagers of the same age, he would be called i shkljerishtúarë, literally “Hellenized” but used here as a derogatory term denoting affectation. One of those two informants, a woman, said that, until about 1950, it was a shame for a girl in Sofiko to speak Greek with her peers, for that was considered as “putting on airs.”
In Spata, /shkljeri̇́shtë/ is used only to refer to “the Greek language” although speakers are aware of the other meanings of the word."
John N. Andromedas (1976), "Maniot folk culture and the ethnic mosaic in the southeast Peloponnese”. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. 268. (1): 199-200. "Religion was such an important component in one’s identity that it superseded national membership. Thus Greeks called all Moslems Turks, regardless whether they were Slavs, Albanians, or descendants of Byzantine aristocrats.
Thus, for instance, speakers of the Albanian language could be divided from one another on the basis of religion: Christian versus Moslem… and so on."
Alexis Heraclides (2011). The essence of the Greek-Turkish rivalry: national narrative and identity. Shkresë akademike. The London School of Economics and Political Science. f. 15. "On the Greek side, a case in point is the atrocious onslaught of the Greeks and Hellenised Christian Albanians against the city of Tripolitza in October 1821, which is justified by the Greeks ever since as the almost natural and predictable outcome of more than ‘400 years of slavery and dudgeon’. All the other similar atrocious acts all over Peloponnese, where apparently the whole population of Muslims (Albanian and Turkish-speakers), well over twenty thousand vanished from the face of the earth within a spat of a few months in 1821 is unsaid and forgotten, a case of ethnic cleansing through sheer slaughter (St Clair 2008: 1-9, 41-46) as are the atrocities committed in Moldavia (were the “Greek Revolution” actually started in February 1821) by prince Ypsilantis."
Theodoros Kolokotrones & Elizabeth Mayhew Waller Edmonds (1892). Kolokotrones the klepht and the warrior. Sixty years of peril and daring. An autobiography. T. F. Unwin. f. 156-159. "Inside the town they had begun to massacre. ... I rushed to the palace ... "If you wish to hurt these Albanians," I cried, "kill me rather; for, while I am a living man, whoever first makes the attempt, him will I kill the first." ... I was faithful to my word of honor ... Tripolitsa was three miles in circumference. The [Greek] host which entered it, cut down and were slaying men, women, and children from Friday till Sunday. Thirty-two thousand were reported to have been slain. One Hydriote [boasted that he had] killed ninety. About a hundred Greeks were killed; but the end came [thus]: a proclamation was issued that the slaughter must cease. ... When I entered Tripolitsa, they showed me a plane tree in the market-place where the Greeks had always been hung. I sighed. "Alas!" I said, "how many of my own clan — of my own race — have been hung there!" And I ordered it to be cut down. I felt some consolation then from the slaughter of the Turks. ... [Before the fall] we had formed a plan of proposing to the Turks that they should deliver Tripolitsa into our hands, and that we should, in that case, send persons into it to gather the spoils together, which were then to be apportioned and divided among the different districts for the benefit of the nation; but who would listen?"
Andromedas. Maniot folk culture. 1976. f. 200. "In 1821, then, the ethnic mosaic of the southeastern Peloponnese (the ancient Laconia and Cynouria) consisted of Christian Tsakonians and Albanians on the east, Christian Maniats and Barduniotes, and Moslem Albanian Barduniotes in the southwest, and an ordinary Greek Christian population running between them. In 1821, with a general Greek uprising impending, rumors of a “Russo-Frankish” naval bombardment caused the “Turkish” population of the southeastern Peloponnese to seek refuge in the fortresses of Monevasia, Mystra, and Tripolitza. Indeed, the Turkobarduniotes were so panic stricken that they stampeded the Moslems of Mystra along with them into headlong flight to Tripolitza. The origin of this rumor was the firing of a salute by a sea captain named Frangias in honor of a Maniat leader known as “the Russian Knight.” Some Moslems in Bardunia,’ and elsewhere, remained as converts to Christianity. Thus almost overnight the whole of the southeastern Peloponnese was cleared of “Turks” of whatever linguistic affiliation. This situation was sealed by the ultimate success of the Greek War for Independence. The Christian Albanians, identifying with their Orthodox coreligionists and with the new nationstate, gradually gave up the Albanian language, in some instances deliberately deciding not to pass it on to their children."
Marko Hajdinjak (2005). Don't want to live with them, can't afford to live without them: Albanian labor migration in GreeceArkivuar 1 korrik 2015 tek Wayback Machine. Shkresë akademike. International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations (IMIR). pp. 8-9. "What is striking is that IMIR’s team encountered exceptionally negative attitude towards the Albanians even among those Greeks, who are of Albanian origin. Arvanitis are ethnic group of Albanian descent. According to Greek historians, they were an Albanian speaking Christian population, which was hired by Venetians as sailors in the 14th century to fight against the Ottomans. Arvanitis have long since abandoned Albanian language for Greek and integrated fully into the Greek ethnos. Arvanitis respondents IMIR’s team spoke with talked about Albanians with disgust, saying that “they have flooded Greece,” that “they were not good people” and that they “steal, beat and kill.” Some were afraid that Greeks might start to identify them, Arvanitis, with Albanians and their condemnable behavior, and as a result start to reject them. The one thing Arvanitis, who are devout Christians, cannot forgive Albanians, is their apparent lack of respect for religion. In order to facilitate their integration, a large number of immigrants from Albania has been changing their names with Greek ones and adopting Orthodox Christianity, but only nominally, as a façade."
Ahmedaja. Arvanites and Alvanoi. 2004. f. 60. "That although the Albanians in Northwest Greece are nowadays orthodox, the Arvanites still seem to distrust them because of religious matters."
Kostas Biris (1960). Αρβανίτες, οι Δωριείς του νεότερου Ελληνισμού: H ιστορία των Ελλήνων Αρβανιτών; Aristidis Kollias (1983). Αρβανίτες και η καταγωγή των Ελλήνων.
