Le Port de Poti se situe sur la côte est de la Mer Noire, dans la Ville de Poti, une municipalité de la région géorgienne de Samegrelo-Zemo Svanétie. Le port se situe à l'extrémité de plusieurs voies de transportation internationales, tel que la ligne de chemin de fer transcaucasien (en provenance de la station de Samtredia) et la Route européenne 60 (portant localement le nom de Rue Davit Aghmachenebeli). Au niveau local, la Rue Kldiachvili, l'Avenue du 9 avril et la route côtière de Poti mènent vers le port. L'embouchure du Rioni est à moins d'un 1 km du port, mais aucun lien de communication direct existe entre les deux. Sa location fait du port un important point de passage sur le TRACECA, un corridor liant l'Europe occidentale à l'Asie centrale, ainsi que sur la nouvelle route de la soie.
Le port de Poti couvre une superficie de 49 hectares, en faisant le plus grand port de Géorgie.
Its UN/LOCODE is GEPTI
Its TRACECA location connects it with the Romanian port of Constanta, the Bulgarian Varna Port, and the landlocked countries of the Caspian region and Central Asia
It is located on the territories of the Nabadi and Kundzuli micro-districts
It covers a total area of 49 ha
Poti comme ville côtière
The town of Poti, formerly known as Phasis (homonym of the river), dates back to at least the 7th century BCE when it served as a harbor colony of Miletians.
This view is however disagreed by some scholars, who believe that the town was further south, near the Chorokhi estuary
The town's center and harbor was probably at the time located more south than the current port, on the Rioni entrance
Flavius Arianus and Ammianus Marcellinus talk of 400 Romans garrisoned in Phasis, which had become a trade center of the Colchis region.
The 555 Battle of Poti between Byzantines and Persians during the Great Lazic War led to the death of 10,000 Persians and their ultimate loss of the Black Sea shore
Around the 7th century, it became a port-city of the Kingdom of Abkhazia
It was clearly a port still in the 11th century, as Giorgi Atoneli returned home to Georgia via boat in Poti.
In the 14-15th centuries, the Genoese had a trade center in Poti
In the later centuries, it often traded hands:
Ottomans took it in 1578
Mingrelia captured it in 1640
Ottomans took it back in 1723 and transformed it into a center of the slave trade
In 1770 and 1771, the Russians tried to capture the port city, with their Georgian allies, but failed
Again in 1809, as the Russians were trying to close down on their annexation of Georgian lands. And despite an original loss, Mamia Gurieli eventually captured the town for Russia
The 1812 Bucharest Treaty awarded Poti to the Ottomans
The Russians finally captured the port-city during the 1828-1829 war and started plans for a much grander strategic port.
Ancient trade through the region included iron, timber, gold, flax and leather from Colchis to Greece, while Greeks imported olive oil, grain, jewelry and ceramics
It became an important export point for coal and manganese
It was built between 1889 and 1905 under the initiative and leadership of Niko Nikoladze
In 1889, the project was transferred from the Ministry of Defense to the Ministry of Road Traffic
In October 1889, Colonel Meyer presented a new, extended project for the reconstruction and expansion of the port
A different plan was also presented by the senior engineer of the Commission for the Arrangement of Commercial Ports, Professor N. Voznesensky, which was followed by Nikoladze
Construction efforts began upon approval in 1899
The construction of the main buildings began in 1901 and ended in 1905
On 29 May 1918, German military detachments, along with Georgian prisoners of war trained by the Germans, landed in Poti. They met with DRG reps and recognized the Georgian independence on 31 May (https://civil.ge/archives/244004)
Civilian ships were used for landing operations. Sometimes, cannons were attached to use them for artillery
On 7 December 1919, the port was the site of a clash between the the Tariel and the Dunay, a ship of Denikin's army: Denikin's small ship "Danuy" approached the coastline of Poti from the north at a distance of five versts, with which the small boat of the Georgian border forces "Tariel" left the port to meet it." During the battle, Dunai fired 19 times at Tariel, and the latter fired 25 times, three of which hit the Russian ship. After that, "Danuy" quickly left the battlefield, first in the direction of Batumi, and then headed north
During the Shevardnadze years, the port was owned by the Akhvlediani family, related to Shevardnadze himself. This may be the reason why the 2001 local government reform kept Poti as a city under direct presidential rule (https://civil.ge/archives/100196)
In January 2004, the new authorities announced an investigation into alleged massive corruption at the port under the leadership of Guram Akhvlediani, Eduard Shevardnadze's daughter-in-law's father.(https://civil.ge/archives/105072)
In July 2001, Governor Shashiashvili of Imereti accused the Port (particularly Gogi Akhvlediani) of benefiting from the illegal export of slag with the help of Zestafoni Ferrous Alloys, leading President Shevardnadze to formally order his State Security Minister Vakhtang Kutateladze to launch an investigation (https://civil.ge/archives/100159)
In March 2003, the IMF included an independent audit of the Poti Port as one of the conditions for further cooperation, a condition that was not fulfilled by the Shevardnadze government (https://civil.ge/archives/103565)
Saakashvili was strongly against the privatization of the port as an opposition leader, calling it a strategic interest (https://civil.ge/archives/103818)
In July 2009, 90 kilos of cocaine were found hidden among scrap metal on cargo vessel in the port, eventually headed to Turkey, from Latin America (https://civil.ge/archives/120258)
But Shevardnadze opposed this proposal, because of the piggybacking of an Adjara Free Trade Zone (https://civil.ge/archives/103008)
In August 2003, Georgia announced it would open an operative command center for its coast guard service in Poti with US financial support, from where it would seize ships bound to Abkhazia, receiving the condemnation of the Abkhaz austhorities (https://civil.ge/archives/103845)
The EU's post-invasion humanitarian aid for Afghanistan started to be sent via the port of Poti in September 2003, as part of the TRACECA project (https://civil.ge/archives/100215)
During the Adjara revolution, all cargo meant for Batumi was redirected to Poti on 15 March 2004 (https://civil.ge/archives/105457)
One of Abashidze's demands was the appointment of an Adjara representative to the port of Poti (https://civil.ge/archives/105508)
Regulations (as of 2004) stated that all ships headed to Sokhumi had to a customs clearance in Poti first (https://civil.ge/archives/105970)
During the June 16-17 Brussels' Donors Conference, Georgia asked for funds to rehabilitate damaged roads leading to and from the port (https://civil.ge/archives/106118)
Poti's importance increased as it brought oil and became a gateway for transport corridor across Central Asia (https://civil.ge/archives/106013)
Free access to the Port of Poti for South Ossetian companies became one of the demands issued by the President of NO Alexandre Dzasokhov in November 2004 with his proposal for a Favorable Economic Zone (https://civil.ge/archives/106636)
Kokoity accused Georgia of smuggling weapons through Poti and called on the intl community and Russia to monitor the port (https://civil.ge/archives/108380)
The first-ever US-Georgia navy exercises took place on 2 Aug 2005 off the shore of the Poti Port, including the USS Nashville (https://civil.ge/archives/108610)
There was an increase in trade between Poti and the Port of Klaipeda in Lithuania in 2004-2005 (https://civil.ge/archives/109191)
The Poti-Baku-Aktau-Alma-Aty route, meant to increase the efficiency of TRACECA, was launched on 24 December 2005 when the first cargo train left Poti Port toward Baku via train (https://civil.ge/archives/109453)
Tbilisi, Baku and Kazakhstan also tried negotiating pushing the line to Dostlug at the Kazakh-China station (https://civil.ge/archives/110464)
Russian military maneuvers in the Black Sea sometimes threatened the security of the Poti Port during the 2006 spy row (https://civil.ge/archives/115479)
MS announced plans to set up a FEZ in Poti to be created in 2007, though the original plans included all of the port, but also all of Samegrelo, Guria and Adjara (https://civil.ge/archives/111696)
There were fears in Geogia than the BTK railway would redirect the flow of cargo from the Poti Port (https://civil.ge/archives/111750)
During the Yushchenko visit of March 2007, the sides discussed the launch of a Kerch-Poti ferry line (https://civil.ge/archives/111931)
The Poti-Kavkaz ferry line was the first line of communication restored on 10 April 2007 after Russia had cut off all air, sea and land and railway and postal communication in October 2006, at Armenia's pressure (https://civil.ge/archives/112200)
As the idea for a FEZ started to concretize, Rakeen (UAE) announced that part of its 1.5 billion USD investment package included developing the Poti Port FEZ (https://civil.ge/archives/112528)
During the June 2007 negotiations between Tbilisi and Sokhumi, Tbilisi proposed to allow maritime transit to Abkhazia if inspected in Poti, though the Abkhaz side refused (https://civil.ge/archives/112736)
On 13 September 2007, Caucasus Online and Tyco Telecommunications signed a contract to construct a 1,100 km fiber optic system that would connect the Poti port with Varna (https://civil.ge/archives/113029)
According to Okruashvili, businessman Tamaz Nizharadze became rich out of the Port of Poti during the early Saakashvili years (https://civil.ge/archives/113423)
The 2008 government's economic outlook projected 1.5 billion GEL in investment and 20,000 new jobs by 2012 due to the FEZ (https://civil.ge/archives/114203)
In August 2004, Turkish businessman Mehmet Habbab of Delta Petroleum showed an interest in the privatization of the port (https://civil.ge/archives/115861)
He had already invested 15 million USD in the port's oil terminal
The oil terminal was operated by Channel Energy, a Georgian-Turkish consortium whose charter was 75% owned by Delta Petroleum
The Poti-Kavkaz line was very important for Armenia, as it opened a new route of goods from Russia to Armenia (https://civil.ge/archives/107055)
Tamaz Nizharadze was the owner of the Poti Port Oil Terminal. When he lost ownership, he argued in court that the property had been illegally confiscated (https://agenda.ge/en/news/2015/149)
It was highly understood that Petrocas Energy was owned by Saakashvili and Kezerashvili, and that the fact that the Oil Terminal was never granted strategic status per law was due to their personal interest.
On 11 August at night, pm Lado Gurgenidze started that Russian forces had taken control of the Port, though Moscow denied it (https://civil.ge/archives/117032)
On 13 August, Russian forces destroyed Georgian vessels at the Port of Poti, violaitng the ceasefire (https://civil.ge/archives/117073)
On 19 August, four US Humvees stationed at the port while awaiting shipment back to the US after being used in joint US-Georgia exercises, were seized by Russian forces (https://civil.ge/archives/117185)
The port became a center of delivery of humanitarian aid, such as 220 metric tons of wheat flour by the WFP on 20 August (https://civil.ge/archives/117213)
On 21 August, there were reports that Russian troops blocked the bridge at the entrance of the port and built trenches around to set up mortars facing the town (https://civil.ge/archives/117206)
On 19 August, 22 Georgian officers were detained by Russian troops in the port after the NSC had received confirmation that Georgian forces could enter to guard the port, they would be released on 22 August (https://civil.ge/archives/117219)
The delayed withdrawal of Russian troops from Poti became a point of contention between Moscow and the West, with Washington, Berlin and Paris underlining the need to evacuate Poti (https://civil.ge/archives/117248)
And despite Russia's control, there were attempts to negotiate that U.S. Coast Guard cutter Dallas (WHEC 716) would deliver the second round of US humanitarian aid to the Poti port instead of Batumi (https://civil.ge/archives/117266) But that plan was scrapped (https://civil.ge/archives/117280)
The Poti port had a much greater capacity than the port of Batumi and while Medvedev denied blockading the port on 26 August, he claimed that US ships were delivering weapons (https://civil.ge/archives/117280)
In October 2008, Kazakhstan abandoned its plans to build a grain terminal at the Port of Poti (https://civil.ge/archives/117641)
GIS head Gela Bezhuashvili testified in a parliamentary hearing that his service had no information that Russia was planning to occupy Poti (https://civil.ge/archives/117777)
The Poti Coast Guard base was damaged during the war and replaced in the next three years by the USAID (https://civil.ge/archives/119454)
9 August: Russian blockade begins at 1600. At 1640, Moldovan ship Lotus-1, carrying wheat to Poti, is blocked by the Russian navy (https://civil.ge/archives/218209)
On 5 September, the USS Mount Whitney dropped anchor off of the port to deliver humanitarian aid, despite the fact that Russian forces were still maintaining two outposts in the outskirts of Poti (https://civil.ge/archives/123317)
On 18 October 2008, the USS Barry, a guided missile destroyer, arrived in Poti as a "routine, friendsly visit" for two days (https://civil.ge/archives/117733)
On 25 February 2010, the John L Hall US guided missile destroyer did a port call and led a week-long training with the coast guard (https://civil.ge/archives/119918)
Russians pulled out of Poti Port on 13 August a day after sinking all but two coast guard vessels (https://civil.ge/archives/117050)
A memorial has been set up at the port for port employees killed during the war. President Zourabichvili visited it on 18 August (https://agenda.ge/en/news/2022/3151)
On the accusation that the authorities failed to evacuate the equipment from the Port of Poti during the war, the MIA responded that it lacked the equipment for such a transfer, although opponents claimed a deep lack of preparation despite increasing signs of war, and a lack of alertness level at the Port of Poti from maritime defenses well into August 8, when the war had started (https://netgazeti.ge/news/5518/)
Situation présente
On 25 August 2011, the US launched a 4 million USD project to build a ship maintenance facility for the Coast Guard in Poti, to be built under the management of the US Army Corps of Engineers (https://old.civil.ge/eng/article.php?id=23869)
It was opened in 2013
In February 2019, OPIC issued a 50 million USD loan to Pace Group to develop a multi-functional marine terminal in Poti to expand its operational capacities. (https://civil.ge/archives/275583)
Pace Group itself added another 50 million USD investment
The Pace Terminal project aimed at covering 25 hectares, while deepening the port to 12 meters, thus allowing the docking of vessels of up to 50,000 tons, thus an additional 2.5 million tons of freight per year. The project was meant to be finalized within 18 months (August 2021)
Pace Group had previously put in operation a grain terminal in Poti.
The Pace project was criticized by Anaklia Development Consortium, the private group contracted to develop the Anaklia Deep-Sea Port, who called it an "act of sabotage" that "seriously harmed the attitude of our investors and raised big question marks concerning the government's support for the project" (https://civil.ge/archives/323431)
The Poti Martime Terminal was still in construction in June 2021 during PM Gharibashvili's parliamentary address (https://civil.ge/archives/429232)
It was at the Port of Poti that Saakashvili returned illegally to Georgia on 28 September 2021 via the ship Vilnius, traveling from Chernomorsk (https://civil.ge/archives/449120)
In February 2010, thw US and Georgia signed an investment agreement where the US agreed to invest 124 million USD through USAID to boost Georgia's energy infrastructure, including the building of a new gas pipeline to connect Poti Port and FIZ with the country's major gas pipeline network (https://civil.ge/archives/119920)
In May 2010, the state energy companies of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Romania agreed to set up a Bucharest-based joint venture to proceed with the Romanian-proposed AGRI project to transport 7 billion cubic meters of Azerbaijani gas to Constanta via the port (https://civil.ge/archives/120256)
As of 2022, there seems to have been a restored Sochi-Poti ferry service, which was welcomed by Bzhania (https://civil.ge/archives/504931)
The Anaklia project, launched in 2014, was meant to address needs not met by the ports of Poti and Batumi, despite their annual growths. For instance, the port of Poti was only capable of handling feeder vessels, with a maximum of 1,700 containers, while larger panamax size vessels had to use other ports in the region, like Istanbul (https://civil.ge/archives/123867)
In 2015, APM Terminals (owner of 80% stakes in the port) announced a large-scale port expansion plan to build a mega-port, involving the building of two new deep water berths able to accomodate vessels with capacities of 9000 TEU and an annual throughput capacity of one million TEUs, to be finalized by 2018. (https://civil.ge/archives/124663)
At the time, APM Terminals had already invested 70 million USD since assuming its operation in 2011
This was seen as being a large competition to Anaklia, whose project design started in 2014
On 2 May 2019, the Ministry of Economy granted the Poti Sea Port Corporation (subsidiary of APM Terminals) a permit to build a new, deep sea multi-functional port in Poti, which made Anaklia Development Consortium issue an alert notice (https://civil.ge/archives/307099)
In response, the Ministry claimed that the permit was issued by the Technical and Construction Supervision Agency without prior agreement with the Promerty Management Agency, which made Turnava dismiss Grigol Kakauridze (head of the TCSA) and cancel the permit.
The PACE Group unveiled its new terminal on 31 January 2022. It was valued at 120 million USD, expected to process an additional 2.5 million tons of freight annually, doubling the company;s current annual cargo turnover of three million tons (https://civil.ge/archives/469703)
On 23 October 2020, APM Terminals Poti and Poti New Terminals Corporation signed an agreement by which APM will invest in the construction of a new breakwater, 400 meters of quay wall and dredging of up to 13.5 meters of ship draft, while PNTC will invest in the construction of a new dry bulk terminal, including a patio area and a rail connection to Poti (https://agenda.ge/en/news/2020/3304)
This dry bulk terminal is supposed to handle panamax vessels
In June 2015, it started expanding the port again, building two new deep water berths to be completed in 2018 which would allow the mega-port to have an annual cargo throughput capacity of 50 million tons and two million TEUs, with a depth of up to 16 meters.
Between its acquirement in April 2011 and June 2015, APM Terminals had spent 70 million USD to upgrade the port infrastructure and service facilities, including the construction of a new Customs Centre, new rail and truck facilities.
The New Poti Seaport was launched on 29 January 2022, cost 93 million USD in cosntruction, the Pace Project, with serious involvement from the DFC (https://agenda.ge/en/news/2022/210)
While PACE invested 50 million, and the rest came at 43 million, another 27 million is expected to be spent in the next two phases.
This was the DFC's largest single project in the region
It made the total port throughput in Georgia increase by 3.5 million tons
According to the Head of Business Development for the Black Sea Region at Maersk Sealand Irakli Danelia, interest into the Georgian port infrastructure had grown 250% between the beginning of the Ukraine war and April 2022, though the country was not able to fully serve the cargos previously transported through Ukrainian commercial ports and the Novorossiysk Port of Russia (https://agenda.ge/en/news/2022/952)
In September 2012, President Saakashvili announced that the port of Poti would be expanded, though his expansion plans were never explained (https://netgazeti.ge/news/16118/)
On Nov 2, Poti Port Gen Director Joseph Crowley held a press conference in which he accused the strikers of paraluzing the city and blamed the new government for enciting the strikes (https://netgazeti.ge/news/17205/)
The strike was also opposed by the International Chamber of Commerce, also at the time led by Crowley
In response to the many labor strikes across the country, PM Bidzina Ivanishvili pledged to create a Commission led by him to fix labor and social rights protections that would address the demands of the Poti Port employees, while calling on the strikers to return to work (https://netgazeti.ge/news/17328/)
Since 2002, Bimedia Investments Limited, owned by father and son Tamaz and Zurab Nizharadze, had a contract in overloading railway wagons. The Nizharadzes also owned Mission Investment Limited, which had exclusive rights to process oil products at the port.
On 14 August 2010, Davit Kezerashvili met with Tamaz Nizharadze and forced him through the use of psuchological pressire, cpnstant monitorong and torture to hand over shares of Bimedia to him.
Soon after that meeting, Bimedia, MIL and other Nizharadze companies were handed over to Davor Holding Limited, Axton Overseas Development and Steinlord Enterprises LLP, each offshore companies belonging to Kezerashvili. This is one of the causes for his in absentia conviction (https://netgazeti.ge/news/42371/)
In May 2015, another strike of workers asking for a salary increase by 14%, a 13th salary, and agreements to review the terms of the collective agreement (https://netgazeti.ge/business/40692/)
Another strike in April 2014 to protest APM Terminals' expansion against other cargo outloading companies, which risked up to 5,000 jobs (https://netgazeti.ge/business/30707/)
At some point there was (is) a Supervisory Council of the Port of Poti, of which Mikheil Ninua (https://civil.ge/archives/263105)
The Poti Port Authority was charged with managing and operating the port within the strategic goals of optimizing existing facilities to reach their full potential and increasing capacities by new facilities and infrastructure (http://www.worldportsource.com/ports/review/GEO_Port_of_Poti_2227.php)
All public revenues from the Port of Poti go to the central government. Some have called for decentralization to allow the local government to see some of its funds and invest in local infrastructure (https://netgazeti.ge/news/226790/)
On 28 May 2004, Saakashvili pledged that the port of Poti would not be privatized as it was a strategic object (https://civil.ge/archives/106012)
But Bendukidze retracted that and said that the port should be privatized on 9 June during a parliamentary hearing (https://civil.ge/archives/106082)
This was despite the fact that 80% of the port's shares were already in the private sector at the time (https://civil.ge/archives/106111)
The move was pushed by Gotsiridze, opposed by Papava
In October 2008, the Government announced plans to privatize 24% of its shares in the Poti port in 2009. (https://civil.ge/archives/117691)
At the time, 51 of shares was controlled by RAKIA, which had bought it in 2008 for 90 million USD
RAK Georgia Holding was accused by opposition leader Zurab Noghaideli of using its real estate assets like the port as a way to embezzle funds for the Saakashvili regime's arms deals (https://civil.ge/archives/114835)
October 2007, the Ministry of Economy stated that a total of 12 companies submitted bids for the 49-year lease project, along with the adjacent 400 ha of land for the FEZ (https://civil.ge/archives/113709)
On 15 April 2008, RAK and and the Georgian government signed an agreement on the lease for 49 years, along with an announcement that RAK (now owner of 51% of the shares of the port, with 49% for the government) would build there a new terminal of a 100 ha site in Poti, for 200 million USD over the next three years (https://civil.ge/archives/114734)
Jemal Inaishvili, head of the Port of Poti, resigned from his position on 9 August 2004 when the authroties announced they would privatize it, in protest (https://civil.ge/archives/115829)
Inaishvili eventually became parliamentary vice-speaker and one of the heads of the privatization mission (https://civil.ge/archives/111995)
In May 2005, the Georgian government announced tender offers to operate piers in the port, so not entirely a privatization (https://civil.ge/archives/108168)
On 2 December 2008, RAKIA purchased the remaining 49% stakes owned by the government, making it whole owner of the port, for 65 million USD (https://civil.ge/archives/118001)
Shortly after, RAKIA announced an IPO of the Port in 2011 after announcing a downscale of its foreign investments (https://civil.ge/archives/120398)
In April 2008, Georgia sold a 51 percent stake of the Poti port area to the Ras Al Khaimah Investment Authority (RAKIA), a company owned by the emirate of Ras Al Khaimah, a member of the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
RAKIA was tasked with managing the new port terminal and, through its Georgian subsidiary RAKIA Georgia Free Industrial Zone LLC, with developing a Free Industrial Zone (FIZ) in a 49-year management concession.
In 2009, RAKIA UAE acquired the remaining 49 percent stake of the port. However, following the Dubai debt crisis of November 2009, Sheikh Sheikh Saud Bin Saqr decided to sell off most assets held abroad in October 2010. This focus on domestic priorities was prompted by the disputed succession in Ras Al Khaimah following the death of Saud's father, Sheikh Saqr Bin Muhammad Al Qasimi, and the need for Saud Bin Saqr to provide for his subjects.
Subsequently, 80 percent of the port was sold in April 2011 to APM Terminals, a unit of Denmark's A.P. Moller-Maersk. On 8 September 2011, RAKIA Georgia FIZ decided to alienate 15 percent of its shares in favor of Georgian businessman Gela ("Zaza") Mikadze in recognition of his management, making him a minority partner in the FIZ.
Mikadze owns these shares through the UK based Manline Projects LLP company, which is owned by offshore companies belonging to Mikadze.
On 3 April 2008, just days before privatization, it became a joint-stock company
On 8 April, President Saakashvili signed the agreement granting 51% of the shares to RAKIA
On 6 November 2009, RAKIA became 1005 owner of the JSC Port of Poti
On 2 April 2011, the Ministry of Economic Development, RAKIA and APM signed an agreement transferring RAKIA's 80% to APM Terminals
In March 2015, a share purchase agreement was signed granting the remaining 20% of RAKIA's shares to APM
Right before announcing the sale of its shares, RAKIA had downsized, cancelling two tenant companies in Port of Poti and thus costing the jobs of 400 people (https://netgazeti.ge/life/8560/)
Opponents to Saakashvili criticized the sale to RAKIA as a corrupt deal that was unsafe and eventually ended up with the resale at double the price to another company (https://netgazeti.ge/business/16762/)
Irakli Alasania of the FDs criticized the privatization of the Port of Poti because the conditions were obscure, no serious investment was made, no jobs were added, and it was sold for double profit (https://netgazeti.ge/opinion/10555/)
In 2020, APM Terminals Poti announced its plans to create a deep-water port by investing over 250 million USD of private capital for phase 1 and a substantial amount for phase 2 in an extensive development of the port infrastructure and superstructure.
The first stage includes a breakwater of 1,700m and a 400m multipurpose quay with 13.5 m depth able to handle dry bulk cargo and an incremental 150,000 TEUs.
This berth will be able accommodate container vessels of up to 9,000 TEU.
The second stage will include a 300m container quay equipped with 3 state-of-the-art STS cranes. It will double the annual container capacity at Poti Sea Port to over 1 million TEU.
The timeline for construction is estimated at 24-30 months.
And If as expected this is so, the first stage will be completed in Q2 2022.
It seems that the opening of the PACE Terminal meant the end of the APM monopoly in the port, but the two groups were headed to collision, with indications that the authorities were backing APM, notably with the 2022 amendment proposals to the Maritime Code (https://bm.ge/ka/video/monopoliis-dasasruli---pace-group-vs-apm-terminals/30100/)
The PSPC provides cargo handling operations for containers, bulk, general cargo and liquids, port services (towing, sanitarion, ship tying, watchman's service and water supply to ships) and repairs and ancillary services (crane repair and installation, intraport carriage, utility services, docker services). (https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/project-document/62525/43923-01-geo-rrp.pdf, 6)
Armenia was complaining in 2009 that cargo coming from Poti was too expensive because of high transit fees (https://civil.ge/archives/119082)
On 16 January 2017, the Georgian Government and China Energy Company Limited signed a MoU on the Strenghtening of the New Silk Road Initiatives, which opened the doors for the Chinese group to purchase 75% of the shares of the Poti FIZ (https://civil.ge/archives/126083)
An early consideration of the reopening of the Abkhaz railway was criticized by UNM MP Nika Rurua in February 2017 for potentially decreasing the turnover of the Port of Poti (https://civil.ge/archives/126194)
When the project for the Pace Terminal was announced in February 2019, OPIC Managing Director Kenneth Angell stated that, "this ambitious port project is another sign of strong partnership that OPIC has long shared with Georgia, and the OPIC investment in Pace terminal demonstrates the continued support and commitment of the U.S. government towards Georgia’s development." (https://civil.ge/archives/275583)
The Port of Poti often features as a strategically important commercial point in US State Dept reports (https://civil.ge/archives/366665)
The Port of Poti is also the starting point of the Poti-Tbilisi-Bolnisi-Dmanisi-Armenia link of the Fiber-Optic Telecommunications Network, linking Armenia to the Internet (https://civil.ge/archives/372579)
TI - Georgia claims that the Anaklia deep-sea port project was halted in favor of the expansion of Poti, which is in the hands of businesses with various degrees of linkage to Bidzina Ivaniashvili (https://civil.ge/archives/415564)
A 12 July 2022 report by Reuters claimed that Russia planned to start shipping 3000 tons of LPG to Bulgaria via the Port of Poti, in the midst of supply routes cut off due to the Ukraine war (https://civil.ge/archives/500502)
In April 2012, the Georgian Coast Guard detained two Turkish ships heading to Abkhazia at Poti Port (https://civil.ge/archives/119973)
In December 2014, Rosfnet purchased 49% stakes in Petrocas Energy Limited, owner of Channel Energy, itself owner of the Poti Port oil terminal (https://civil.ge/archives/124281)
Rosfnet had to sell off its shares to Petrocas CEO Ivane Nakaidze on 23 May 2022. The majority shares belongs to Russia-based tycoon David Iakobashvili (https://civil.ge/archives/494557)
In May 2018, four NATO ships (British HMS Duncan, Turkish TCG Gemlik, Bulgarian BGS Drazki, and Romanian ROS Regele Ferdinand), under the guise of the NATO SNMG2, made a port call to the Port of Poti (https://civil.ge/archives/241621)
In August 2018, the USNS Carson City, a Naval Forces' European Command expeditionary fast transport ship, visited Poti to conduct routine maritime security operations in the Black Sea region (https://civil.ge/archives/249963)
In April 2020, five NATO ships (also assigned to NATO's SNMG2 and including the Bulgarian BGS Verni, the Canadian HMCS Fredericton, the Italian ITS Fasan, the Romanian ROS Regina Maria, and the Turkish TCG Salihreis) made a port call in Poti to train the Coat Guard (https://civil.ge/archives/346014)
In May 2021, the USCGC Hamilton, a Legend-class U.S. Coast Guard national security cutter, made a visit to Poti to tour the Joint Maritime Operations Center (https://civil.ge/archives/417590)
In April 2019, four NATO ships (SNMG2, Royal Netherlands Navy’s HNLMS Evertsen, Turkish TCG Yildirim, Bulgarian BGS Drazki, and Romanian ROS Regele Ferdinand) made a port call to train the two US-gifted coast guard ships (https://civil.ge/archives/300531)
In March 2021, four NATO ships (SNMG2, Spanish flagship Cristobal Colon, Bulgarian Smeli, Romanian Regina Maria and Turkish Kemalreis) made a port call for training with the Cost Guard (https://civil.ge/archives/406099)
The 2021-inaugurated new PACE Terminal was done with US federal government help. Ambassador Degnan called it a "big opportunity for Georgia to realize its goal of becoming an East-West hub, bringing goods from Central Asia all the way to Europe, through Georgia." (https://civil.ge/archives/469703)
Rosfnet started considering purchasing the Poti oil terminal in 2014 and was due to the company's gasoline supply to Armenia (https://agenda.ge/en/news/2014/618)
In January 2022, Gharibashvii named the Port as key to the main priority of his government, which was to transform the country into a regional hub (https://agenda.ge/en/news/2022/210)
It is connected to the ports of Ilychevsk (Ukraine), Varna and Kavkaz by a direct ferry railway line, while connect to the ports of Novorossiysk, Burgas and Rize by direct road ferry crossings
Margvelashvili made the promotion of Poti for Central Asian markets as one of the most important talking points during his attendance at a high-level conference in Ashgabat in December 2015 (https://netgazeti.ge/news/85252/)
Since the 2006 agreement to use Georgia as a transit for US military cargo to Afghanistan, military equipment had been shipped through the Port of Poti (https://netgazeti.ge/news/5659/)
China's interest in the Port dates back to at least 2010 when Gilauri talked about it during his visit to China (https://netgazeti.ge/business/7835/)
Universal Capital Group owned 100% of the Poti Terminal Operator UCG Trans LLC. UCG was owned by Russia-based Davit Iakobashvili, a man with ties with Ivanishvili (https://netgazeti.ge/business/23231/)
The Port of Poti is a link between TRACECA and CAREC, the Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation program that seeks to revive the historical route of the Silk Road by building a modern land and sea transport corridor between the three regions (2)
The Port of Poti is also seen as strategic for landlocked nations in the region (Armenia) as the main link toward the Black Sea and the Mediterranean (3)
It is the only universal port in Georgia (5)
Other Black Sea ports in Russia, Turkey and Ukraine provide the main competition to the Port of Poti as ports on the eastern end of the Black Sea (6)
But its competitive advantage lies in its connection capacity to Armenia and Azerbaijan, with ports in Russia and Ukraine not having direct or reliable road or rail connections, and the Turjush ports of Samsun and Trabzon having capacity contraints and poor rail infrastructure (as of 2010, ergo before the BTK) (6)
Poti is on the shortest land-sea route between Central Asia and Western Europe (6)
The port's approach channel is 1.6 km long and consists of 2 elbows, with the first 950 meters long and 100 meters wide and the second 650 m long and 50 m wide. All along, the approach channel is 12.5 m deep (https://www.eisa.com.ge/port/poti/)
The expansion project toward the north first started several years ago and received a land use permit for the first phase of expansion in 2020, although a formal agreement between APM and the government on the project still has not been signed.
The new terminal would allow the port to receive dry cargoes and containers and the main traffic flow would come from Central Asia.
The project includes the construction of an additional 1,800-meter breakwater, a 400-meter coastal berth and a 25-hectare warehouse area with modern working equipment and superstructures.
The expansion project will allow the port to serve 250 m. total length and 13.5 m. deepwater berths allow ships and thus the port to offer improved customer propositions by servicing larger capacity ships and ensuring faster turnarounds, resulting in infrastructure acceleration and supply chain improvements.
In addition, Poti Seaport Corporation has launched a medium- and long-term effort to create a multimodal product, which is expected to include Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, thus turning Poti into a potential hub connecting Central Asia and Europe," said the Poti Port Management Report.
The Poti seaport expansion plan submitted to the Government of Georgia includes two stages of construction and development. The first stage involves the construction of a 1,700-meter-long jetty and a multi-purpose berth with dimensions of 400m [length] - 13.5m [depth]. The mentioned berth will be able to accommodate 9,000 TEU receiving ships with a volume of up to 150,000 TEUs and it will create the possibility of handling bulk cargoes and an additional 150,000 TEU. The second stage envisages the construction of a 300-meter long container berth, on which 3 modern STS (ship-berth) type cranes will be placed.
On 27 October 2020, Anaklia Development Consortium issued a statement stating that the government's support for the Port of Poti's development was in direct opposition to the Anaklia port project and was in direct relation with Bidzina Ivanishvili's business interests with the Poti FIZ (https://bm.ge/ka/article/anakliis-ganvitarebis-konsorciumi-gancxadebas-avrcelebs/67088/)
The expansion plan submitted to the government in January 2020 involves the construction of 1,700 m-long jetty and a multi-purpose berth measuring 400 meters in length and 13.5 m in depth. The bert would be able to receive vessels of up to 9,000 TEU and will create the capacity to handle bulk cargoes and an additional 150,000 TEUs. The second stage evisions the construction of a 300-m long container berth, on which 3 modern STS (ship-berth) type cranes would be placed. In total, the port capacity would double to exceed 1 million TEUs per year.
In May 2014, APM Terminals announced an expansion plan, to be implemented in two phases, 1,600 m long South Pier by 2017, which will include construction of the pier, as well as significant dredging and the construction of a new 600 m berth (https://netgazeti.ge/business/31991/)
On 11 Feb 2020, APM submitted officially a land use permit to the Technical and Construction Supervision Agency (https://netgazeti.ge/news/426435/)
Zone industrielle libre
The FIZ was 100% owned and managed between 2009 and 2016 by RAKIA Georgia Free Industrial Zone LLC (a subsidiary of the RAK Investment Authority of the Emirate of Ras Al Khaimah), before it transferred 85% of its shares to the State in exchange for the forgiving of fines imposed for failure to fulfill contractual obligations (https://civil.ge/archives/126083)
The profitability of the Poti FIZ is directly related to cargo turnover in the Port of Poti, according to TI Georgia (https://civil.ge/archives/446317)
Partie historique
The administrative building of the port was decorated with panels made by Levan Tsutskiridze during the Soviet era (https://netgazeti.ge/news/576468/)
Commerce
The Sanitary, Phytosanitary and Veterinary Control Division of the Customs Dept operates a branch at the port that checks quality of food produce imported via the port (https://agenda.ge/en/news/2021/1743)
As the largest port in Georgia, it handles liquids, dry bulk, passenger ferries and 80% of Georgia's container traffic (https://www.apmterminals.com/en/poti)
Armenia notably legalized the import of used cars. Ukraine lost its transit strength as cargo from Central Asia bypassed Ukraine. New sanctions on Iran forced international cargo to find new shipping routes to avoid Iranian ports.
In October 2018, the US gifted two Island-class patrol boats, the Staten Island and the Jefferson Island, rebaptized Ochamchire and Dioskuria, handed over at Poti Port (https://civil.ge/archives/259562)
Autres usages
In September 2018, students of the Turkey National Defense University Naval Military Academy did military training at the Port (https://agenda.ge/en/news/2018/1922)
The Port was awarded the CR Award 2019 in the category of 'Sustainable Cities & Communities' (UN SDG #11) for its Revolving Spreader Project - a new technology for handling bulk cargo. This initiative provides a unique environmentally friendly solution. A special mobile crane device reduces the environmental impact of processing bulk loads, increases efficiency and decreases the risk to human health and safety.
The CR Award is organized by the UN Global Compact Network Georgia
APM Terminals Poti also received the CR Award 2018 for the Best Human Rights Project, acknowledging the Road-Safety Training offered to truck drivers entering the port premises
APM Terminals Poti launched in February 2021 the APMTerminals4Poti project supporting small businesses in Poti
APM Terminals Poti sponsors crane simulator lab at the Poti Maritime Training Center
(en) International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The Container Port Performance Index 2021, Washington, World Bank Publications, , 104p. (lire en ligne), p.8/
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