ریمون سوم (۱۱۴۰ - سپتامبر/اکتبر ۱۱۸۷) کنت طرابلس از سال ۱۱۵۲ تا ۱۱۸۷ میلادی بود. در دوران کودکی وی بود که پدرش، ریمون دوم، توسط حشاشین نزاری به قتل رسید. بالدوین سوم، پادشاه اورشلیم، پس از این ماجرا به طرابلس رفت و مادر ریمون، هودیرنا، را به‌عنوان نایب کنت‌نشین طرابلس و ریمون سوم منصوب کرد. پس از آن ریمون به اورشلیم رفت تا سال‌های پیش‌روی خود را در دربار سلطنتی بگذارند. او همچنین در لشکرکشی‌ها و نبردها صلیبیون علیه نورالدین، حاکم زنگی دمشق، شرکت کرد تا آن که در سال ۱۱۵۵ به سن قانونی رسید و عازم طرابلس شد. ریمون در سال ۱۱۶۱، دزدان دریایی را اجیر کرد تا با کمک آنها به خطوط ساحلی امپراتوری بیزانس حمله کند؛ چرا که امپراتور بیرانس، مانوئل، با پیشنهاد ریمون مبنی بر ازدواج با خواهرش، ملیساند، مخالفت کرده بود. وی در ۱۰ اوت ۱۱۶۴ در نبرد حارم توسط نیروهای نورالدین زنگی اسیر شد تا ۱۰ سال از عمر خود را در زندان حلب بگذارند. در زمان اسارتش، امالریک یکم، پادشاه اورشلیم، امور کنت‌نشین طرابلس در دست گرفت.
| ریمون سوم | |
|---|---|
 ریمون در اورشلیم | |
| کنت طرابلس | |
| سلطنت | ۱۱۵۲–۱۱۸۷ |
| پیشین | ریمون دوم |
| جانشین | ریموند چهارم |
| نایب السلطنه |
|
| زاده | ۱۱۴۰ |
| درگذشته | ۱۱۸۷ (۴۶−۴۷ سال) طرابلس |
| همسر(ان) | اشیوا بورس |
| خاندان | خاندان تولوز |
| پدر | ریمون دوم طرابلس |
| مادر | هودیرنا |
ریمون پس قرض‌کردن پول فدیه خود از شوالیه‌های مهمان‌نواز، آزاد شد. پس از آن، او با اشیوا بورس ازدواج کرد تا به واسطه یوره اوکساریس، عنوان شاهزاده جلیل را نیز دریافت کند و مبدل به یکی از قدرتمند و ثروتمندترین اشراف پادشاهی اورشلیم شود. با مرگ امالریک، پسر سیزده ساله‌اش، بالدوین، به عنوان جانشین او در ۱۱۷۴ تاج‌گذاری کرد. به‌عنوان یکی نزدیکان پادشاه سیزده‌ساله اورشلیم، ریمون به بیلیف یا نایب پادشاهٔ نوجوان انتخاب شد. ریمون همچنین در درگیری میان جانشینان نورالدین زنگی و فرمانده اسبقش، صلاح‌الدین ایوبی، بی‌طرف ماند که اتحاد میان مصر و بخش‌هایی از سوریه را به دست صلاح‌الدن تسهیل کرد. با رسیدن بالدوین به سن قانونی در سال ۱۱۷۶، با وجود بیماری پادشاه جوان اورشلیم (جذام) ریمون به طرابلس بازگشت.
ریمون و بوهموند سوم، شاهزاده انطاکیه به دنبال کاهش نفود مادر پادشاه جوان، آگنس، و برادرش، ژوسلین، بر دربار پادشاهی بودند. آنها به‌ناگاه به سمت اورشلیم قبل از عید پاک ۱۱۸۰ لشکر کشیدند اما حرکت و حضور آنها به اورشلیم تأثیری معکوس گذاشت؛ بالدوین با ازدواج خواهر و جانشینش، سیبلا، با شخص مدنظر کورتنی‌ها، گی لوزینیان، موافقت کرد و ریمون و بوهموند بدون نتیجه‌ای مجبور به ترک اورشلیم و پادشاهی شدند. با بروز تنش میان بالدوین و گی، پادشاه به به احتضار، پسر خواهرش، بالدوین پنجم، را به عنوان جانشین خود انتخاب کرد. حامیان ریمون در دربار پادشاه را در ۱۱۸۵ متقاعد ساختند که ریمون را به عنوان بیلیف و نایب بالدوین پنجم منصوب کند اما تلاش آنها موفق نبود؛ چراکه ژوسلین سوم به عنوان قیم بالدوین پنجم انتخاب شد و فرقه‌های نظامی کنترل تمامی قلعه‌های دربار در دست گرفتند.
پس از مرگ بالدوین پنجم در تابستان ۱۱۸۶، ریمون بارون‌های پادشاهی را به مجلسی در نابلس دعوت کرد؛ این اتفاق سبب شد تا حامیان سیبلا بتوانند کنترل اورشلیم را در دست بگیرند. ریمون در تلاش بود تا خواهر ناتنی سیبلا، ایزابلا و شوهرش، هامفری چهارم تورون، متقاعد سازد که مدعی تاج‌وتخت پادشاهی اورشلیم شوند اما هموفری در وفاداری به سیبلا و گی سوگند یاد کرد. ریمون از ادای وفاداری به پادشاه جدید اورشلیم خودداری کرد و در عوض با صلاح‌الدین ایوبی متحد شد و اجازه داد که نیروهای صلاح‌الدین طی لشکرکشی خود علیه اورشلیم از جلیل عبور و اردوگاه خود را در طبریه برپا کنند. اما ریمون پس از آن که متوجه شد که صلاح‌الدین درصدد حمله همه‌جانبه علیه دولت‌های صلیبی است، در تابستان ۱۱۸۷ با گی لوزینیان آشتی کرد. او فرماندهی نیروهای صلیبی در نبرد حطین را برعهده داشت که در نهایت با شکست فاجعه‌بار صلیبیون به پایان رسید. ریمون از معدود فرماندهان صلیبی حاضر در نبرد حطین بود که توسط نیروهای صلاح‌الدین اسیر یا کشته نشد. وی پس از حطین به صور و در ادامه به طرابلس فرار کرد؛ جایی که روزهای آخر عمر خود را در آنجا گذراند. ریمون سرانجام در سر اثر بیماری پلوریت یا ذات‌الجنب درگذشت و حکومت طرابلس به فرزندخوانده‌اش، ریمون انطاکیه، رسید.
زاده در سال ۱۱۴۰، ریمون تنها پسر ریمون دوم، کنت طرابلس (حک. ۱۱۳۷–۱۱۵۲) و هودیرنا اورشلیم بود.[1] برای نخستین بار، نام وی در نامهٔ پدرش در سال در ۱۱۵۱ آمده‌است؛[2] نامه‌ای که توسط مادرش نیز امضا شده‌است که همچون خواهرانش، ملکه ملیساند (حک. ۱۱۳۱–۱۱۵۳) و آلیس انطاکیه، از زنان برجسته و فعال در صحنهٔ سیاسی دولت‌های صلیبی بود.[3] اما قدرت هودیرنا در نهایت به حسادت ریمون دوم و بروز اختلاف زناشویی میان آنها در اوایل دهه ۱۱۵۰ میلادی منجر شد.[4] با وجود اینکه ملکه، ملیساند برای واسطه‌گری به طرابلس آمد اما هودیرنا تصمیم به ترک طرابلس گرفت و عازم اورشلیم شد.[5][6] با این حال، اندکی پس از ترک طرابلس، ریمون دوم توسط گروهی از حشاشین در دروازه جنوبی طرابلس به قتل رسید.[5]
خردسالی
پسر ملیساند، بالدوین سوم اورشلیم، که در زمان قتل ریمون در طرابلس بود، هودیرنا را به شهر فراخواند.[7][8] پس از مراسم خاکسپاری، اشراف کنت‌نشین طرابلس را به مجلسی دعوت کرد تا آنها به هودیرنا و دو فرزند خردسالش، ریمون و ملیساند، سوگند وفاداری یاد کنند.[7] پیش از این اتفاق، ریمون دوم طی حکمی، اعلام کرده بود که در صورت مرگ کنت و زیر سن قانونی‌بودن وارث، فرماندهٔ شوالیه‌های مهمان‌نواز در این کنت‌نشین کنترل و اداره امور را در دست بگیرد.[2] با این حال، بالدوین بدون در نظر گرفتن این حکم کنت قبلی، هودیرنا را به‌عنوان نایب فرزندش انتخاب کرد.[2]
ریمون چند سال از دوران نوجوانی خود را در دربار سلطنتی در اورشلیم گذارند.[9] نخستین مدرک و سند از این دوران که به وی اشاره می‌کند، حکمی مربوط به مسائل ۲۳ سپتامبر ۱۱۵۲ یا ۱۱۵۳ که نام ریمون به عنوان شاهد در آن ذکر شده‌است.[9] مورخ کوین جی. لوویس احتمال می‌دهد که بالدوین سوم برای ریمون تعلیمات نظامی و شوالیه‌گیری تحت نظر شوالیه‌های دربار در نظر گرفته بود.[10]
نخستین ایام بزرگسالی
ریمون در سال ۱۱۵۵ به سن قانونی رسید.[9] در نخستین منشور وی، که در ۱۱ ژوئن ۱۱۵۷ صادر گردید، وی حکم پدرش را برای اعطای طرطوس به شوالیه‌های معبد تأیید کرد.[9] ۸ روز بعد، نورالدین، حاکم زنگی حلب و دمشق، (حک. ۱۱۴۶–۱۱۷۴) بالدوین سوم را در قلعه یعقوب در نزدیکی رود اردن غافلگیر کرد؛[11] صدها نفر از نیروهای مسیحی اسیر و کشته شدند و پادشاه نیز به صفد فرار کرد.[12] پس از آن که نورالدین بانیاس را محاصره کرد، بالدوین فرستادگان خود را به طرابلس و انطاکیه برای جلب کمک ریمون و رینالد شاتیون (حک. ۱۱۵۳–۱۱۶۰) فرستاد.[10] آنها به‌سرعت به همراه نیروهای خود در شاستل نؤف (هونین امروزی) به نیروهای شکست‌خوردهٔ اورشلیم پیوستند.[13][10] پس از رسیدن آنها، نورالدین با اطلاع از رسیدن نیروهای کمکی طرابلس و انطاکیه، محاصره را بدون مقاومتی رها کرد و به دمشق بازگشت.[13][10]
An earthquake destroyed Tripoli, Arqa and Krak des Chevaliers in August 1157.[10] Taking advantage of the arrival of Thierry, Count of Flanders (حک. 1128–1168) at the head of a sizeable army in October, Baldwin III, Raynald of Châtillon and Raymond decided to launch a joint campaign against the Muslim towns of North Syria which had also been ruined by the catastrophe.[10][14] The crusaders first attacked Chastel Rouge near the border of the County of Tripoli, but they could not force the defenders to surrender.[15] They could not seize Shaizar, either; Thierry of Flanders and Raynald of Châtillon claimed the town even before it was occupied, and they could not reach a compromise.[16][17] The siege of Harenc (now Harem in Syria) was a success, but the crusading leaders finished the campaign after they captured it in January 1158.[17][18]
Seeking a wife from the crusader states, the widowed Byzantine emperor Manuel I Komnenos (حک. 1143–1180) sent envoys to Baldwin III in 1160.[19] Manuel said that he was willing to marry Maria of Antioch or Raymond's sister, Melisende, who were both closely related to the king.[20] Baldwin proposed Melisende, and the emperor acknowledged his choice.[20] Twelve galleys were built at Raymond's order, because he wanted to have a magnificent retinue for his sister during his voyage to Constantinople.[20] Their mother and aunt spent a considerable amount of money to buy precious jewelry for the future empress.[21] The emperor then changed his mind and began negotiations about his marriage to Maria with her mother, Constance of Antioch (حک. 1130–1163).[22][23] Feeling slighted for himself and his sister, Raymond crewed his newly built fleet with criminals and sent them to raid the Byzantine coasts and islands in August 1161.[23][24] The pirates captured and plundered sacred places, and attacked pilgrims.[24]
Nur ad-Din raided Krak des Chevaliers and laid siege to Harenc in the summer of 1164.[25] Raymond marched out to join the crusaders (who were assembling to relieve the fortress),[26] but they were defeated in the Battle of Harim on 10 August.[27] Thousands of crusaders fell during the battle and Raymond, Bohemond III of Antioch (حک. 1163–1201), Joscelin III of Edessa, Hugh VIII of Lusignan and other commanders were captured.[27][28]
اسارت
The crusader leaders captured at Harim were taken to Aleppo, where they were imprisoned.[28][29] William of Tyre's report about Raymund's captivity is contradictory.[28] He claimed that Raymond had spent his imprisonment "in beggary and iron", but he also emphasized that Raymond had learnt to read and acquired a high level of education in the prison.[28] Modern historians assume, without positive evidence, that Raymond also learnt Arabic during his captivity.[30] Raymond instructed his "loyal vassals" to acknowledge King Amalric of Jerusalem (حک. 1163–1174), who had succeeded Baldwin III, as the lawful ruler of Tripoli for the duration of his captivity.[30] Amalric hurried to Tripoli[31] and took full responsibility for its government, assuming the title of "administrator of the county of Tripoli".[30] He could persuade Nur ad-Din to release Bohemond III and Thoros II, Prince of Armenia (حک. 1144–1169), because they were the Byzantine emperor's vassals; Raymond, however, remained imprisoned.[31]
Bertrand de Blanchefort, Grand Master of the Knights Templar, reminded Louis VII of France (حک. 1137–1180) in November 1164 that Amalric would be unable to defend the crusader states alone.[32] Nur ad-Din captured the fortress at al-Munaytira in 1165 (or 1166), and destroyed the Templars' castles at Halba, Araima and Safita in the summer of 1167.[32] According to Kevin James Lewis, Nur ad-Din captured Gibelacar during the latter campaign; the fortress was recaptured in late 1169 or early 1170.[33]
The date and the circumstances of Raymond's release are uncertain.[34][35] According to William of Tyre, Raymond was set free after spending eight solar years in captivity; however, Ibn Jubayr said that Raymond had been imprisoned for twelve lunar years.[35] Ali ibn al-Athir incorrectly recorded that Raymond was released after Nur ad-Din died on 15 May 1174,[36] but Raymond had witnessed a royal charter in Jerusalem on 18 April of that year.[35] Lewis writes that Raymond was released because of developing conflict between Nur ad-Din and his ambitious commander, Saladin, who was Egypt's actual ruler (حک. 1169–1193).[37] The ailing Nur ad-Din (or his advisors) most probably regarded the crusader states as a buffer between his Syrian realm and Saladin's Egypt.[38]
William of Tyre reported that Raymond had to pay 80,000 pieces of gold as ransom, but could only pay 20,000.[39] To guarantee payment of the arrears, Raymond surrendered hostages.[38] Muslim authors wrote that Raymond's ransom amounted to 150,000 Syrian dinars.[40] According to a charter of Bohemond III of Antioch, Raymond borrowed money from the Knights Hospitaller to pay at least part of his ransom.[40]
نخستین نایب السلطنگی
Walter of Saint Omer, Prince of Galilee, died in early 1174.[41][42] Amalric of Jerusalem gave Walter's widow Eschiva of Bures in marriage to Raymond, enabling him to seize a large fief in the kingdom.[41][42] Their marriage was childless, according to William of Tyre, but Raymond loved his wife and brought up her children by her first husband as if they were his own.[43] King Amalric died on 11 July 1174.[44] His only son Baldwin was crowned king four days later, although he was a minor and had lepromatous leprosy.[45][46] The seneschal Miles of Plancy took charge of the government,[46] but was unable to persuade the commanders of the army to cooperate with him.[47]
Taking advantage of the seneschal's unpopularity, Raymond visited the king at Jerusalem in August and laid claim to the regency.[48][42] He argued that he was the closest male relative and the most powerful vassal of the child king.[49][50] Raymond also emphasized that since he had appointed the king's father to administer Tripoli during his captivity, he was entitled to claim the same treatment.[49] Miles of Plancy postponed the decision about Raymond's claim, saying that only the plenary session of the High Court of Jerusalem could hear it.[51]
Raymond returned to Tripoli,[52] and Miles of Plancy was murdered in Acre in October 1174.[46] The most powerful noblemen and clergymen assembled in Jerusalem to decide on the administration of the kingdom,[46][53] and the bishops unanimously supported Raymond's claim to regency.[44][52] The constable Humphrey II of Toron, Reginald of Sidon, and the Ibelin brothers Baldwin and Balian also stood by him, but Raymond was elected bailiff (or regent) only after a two-day debate, most probably because other aristocrats distrusted him.[53][52] Raymond was installed at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the traditional venue for royal coronations, in an extravagant ceremony.[54] He allowed the king's mother Agnes of Courtenay to return to the royal court, enabling her to strengthen her influence on the young monarch.[55] Raymond made the erudite William of Tyre chancellor, but left the office of seneschal vacant.[56]
Saladin had expanded his rule to Damascus, Baalbek, Shaizar and Hama, taking advantage of the minority of Nur ad-Din's son As-Salih Ismail al-Malik.[57][58] He occupied Homs in early December 1174, but the garrison at the citadel resisted.[46] Without forcing the garrison to surrender, Saladin left Homs for Aleppo (the seat of the Zengids in Syria)[58] and left a small army in Homs' lower town.[58]
Saladin's fierce determination to unite Egypt and Syria threatened the crusader states.[57] Raymond mustered the troops of Jerusalem and Tripoli at Arqa in early 1175, but did not intervene in the conflict between Saladin and the Zengids.[57][58] The defenders of the Homs citadel offered to set their Christian prisoners free if he provided military assistance for them;[57] the prisoners included the hostages held as a guarantee for the arrears of Raymond's ransom.[57] According to Ali ibn al-Athir, the Muslim burghers of Aleppo also urged Raymond to attack Saladin's troops.[57] Raymond was willing to assist the defenders of Homs only if they immediately released their prisoners, but they refused his demand.[58] William of Tyre later emphasized that the commanders of the crusader army doubted if the defenders of the Homs citadel actually wanted to release their prisoners.[59]
Saladin returned to Homs soon after he was informed about the negotiations between the crusaders and the garrison.[60] Instead of attacking him, the crusader army retreated to Krak des Chevaliers;[60] this enabled Saladin to capture the citadel on 17 March 1175.[61] He sent envoys to the crusaders' camp to secure their neutrality in his conflict with the Zengids.[60] After Saladin agreed to release the hostages who were surety for Raymond's ransom, the crusader army withdrew to Tripoli.[60] William of Tyre blamed Humphrey II of Toron for the crusaders' decision.[62]
Saladin defeated the united armies of Aleppo and Mosul in the Battle of the Horns of Hama on 13 April,[61] and concluded a peace treaty with Aleppo which consolidated his rule in South Syria.[60] After he allowed his Egyptian troops to return home, the crusader army was also disbanded in early May.[60] Raymond proposed a truce to Saladin, which was signed on 22 July.[61][62] The truce enabled Saladin to march through Oultrejordain—the easternmost territory of the Kingdom of Jerusalem—without resistance during his new campaign against Ghazi II Saif ud-Din of Mosul (حک. 1170–1180) in the summer of 1176.[63]
لشکرکشی‌ها
Baldwin IV came of age at his fifteenth birthday on 15 July 1176.[62] With the end of his regency, Raymond returned to Tripoli.[62] Count Philip I of Flanders (حک. 1168–1191) landed at Acre at the head of a large army of crusaders from Europe on 1 August 1177.[64][65] The young king and his advisors made several efforts to persuade him to join a military campaign against Egypt, Saladin's principal power base, but Philip kept making excuses.[66] According to rumours spreading among the crusaders, Raymond and Bohemond III convinced the count to resist because, as William of Tyre recorded it, they wanted to "entice him to their own lands, hoping with his help to undertake something which would benefit their states".[67][68]
Philip came to Tripoli in late October.[69] Roger de Moulins, Grand Master of the Knights Hospitallers, and more than 100 knights and 2,000 foot soldiers from the Kingdom of Jerusalem joined them in November.[70][71] They attacked Hama, taking advantage of its governor's illness.[71] The siege lasted only four days, because Bohemond persuaded them to join him in attacking Harenc.[72] They laid siege to the fortress in early December, but could not capture it.[73] Bohemond made peace with the Zengid ruler of Aleppo in early 1177.[73]
Raymond attacked a group of Turkmen and seized considerable booty from them in 1178 or 1179, but Saladin strengthened his border defence to prevent further raids.[74] Saladin also dispatched a group of horsemen to raid the Sidon region in early June 1179,[75] and Baldwin mustered his troops to prevent their retreat.[75][76] Raymond, who was staying at Tiberias, joined the royal army.[74] They routed the raiders at a ford on the Litani River, but Saladin suddenly marched into Galilee and defeated the crusaders in the Battle of Marj Ayyun on 10 June.[74][75][76] Although Raymond (who watched the battle from a hill) escaped to Tyre, his stepson Hugh of Saint Omer was captured.[74]
According to the Estoire de Eracles (which contains many folkloristic elements), Raymond pledged the first wealthy heiress in his county in marriage to the Flemish knight Gerard of Ridefort.[77][78] When William Dorel, Lord of Botrun (now Batroun in Lebanon) died—leaving a daughter as his heir—Raymond instead gave her to Plivain, a wealthy merchant from Pisa who had promised her weight in gold to him.[77][79] Raymond's perfidy outraged Ridefort, who left Tripoli and settled in the Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1179.[80]
جناح‌های خاندانی
Raymond and Bohemond III mustered their troops and marched to Jerusalem in April 1180.[81][82] Although they ostensibly came to celebrate Easter in the Holy City, the ailing Baldwin IV feared that they wanted to depose him.[81][82] He hastily married his sister and heir presumptive, Sibylla, to Guy of Lusignan (a knight who had recently arrived from Poitou), although she had been promised to Duke Hugh III of Burgundy (حک. 1162–1192).[83][84] After studying the controversial reports of the events, historian Bernard Hamilton concluded that Raymond and Bohemond wanted to stage a coup; they were concerned about the growing influence of the king's mother and her brother, Joscelin III of Edessa.[85] According to Hamilton, Raymond and Bohemond wanted to forcibly persuade the king to marry Sibylla to Baldwin of Ibelin (a local candidate of their choosing) instead of Hugh, who was related to the Courtenays; Sibylla's marriage to Guy, however, destroyed their plan.[85] Since Raymond and Bohemond had lost the king's favor, they left Jerusalem shortly after Easter.[86]
[T]he lord Prince Bohemond of Antioch and the lord Count Raymond of Tripoli, entering the kingdom with an army, terrified the lord king who feared lest they should attempt to organise a revolution by deposing the king and laying claim to the kingdom for themselves. For the king was afflicted more grievously than usual by his illness and day by day the symptoms of leprosy became more and more evident. The sister of the king ... was awaiting the arrival of [Hugh III of Burgundy] ... When the king knew that these noblemen had come, although both of them were his kinsmen, he viewed them with suspicion and hastened his sister's marriage. ... [B]ecause certain things had happened, she was unexpectedly married to a certain young man called Guy of Lusignan.
— William of Tyre: History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea[87]
They were crossing Galilee when Saladin invaded the principality, and their arrival forced him to retreat.[81] Saladin and Baldwin signed a two-year truce.[81][88] The truce did not cover Tripoli, enabling Saladin to launch a sudden raid on the county.[86] Since the surprise attack prevented Raymond from mustering his troops, he fled to the fortress of Arqa.[81] Saladin's army pillaged the northern plains of the county, and his fleet captured the island of Ruad at Tortosa (now Arwad in Lebanon).[81] He withdrew his troops only after Raymond signed a truce.[89] Over the following years, Raymond strengthened the county's defence by granting new territories to the Knights Hospitaller or confirming his vassals' grants to them.[89]
After a two-year absence, Raymond decided to again visit Galilee in April 1182.[90] Agnes of Courtenay and Joscelin III persuaded Baldwin IV to forbid his entrance to the kingdom, however, forcing him to turn back at Beirut.[90][91] Before long, certain "princes and greater men of the realm" (whom William of Tyre failed to identify) convinced the king to allow Raymond to come to Jerusalem.[90][92] At the following general assembly, Raynald of Châtillon, Lord of Oultrejordain, proposed a military expedition across the Jordan River to prevent Saladin's march from Egypt to Syria in May 1182.[93] Although Raymond opposed Châtillon's plan because it would have left the western lands of the kingdom undefended during the campaign, Châtillon convinced most of the realm's barons to accept his proposal.[93]
درگیری‌های جدید
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Raymond accompanied the royal army to Oultrejordain.[90] During his absence, troops from the nearby Muslim towns invaded Galilee and captured 500 women.[95][96] The invaders also seized a fortified cave near Tiberias, with the assistance of the local Christian garrison.[95][97] The royal army returned to the kingdom's central territories, because Baldwin suspected that Saladin was planning further raids.[98] Raymond went to Tiberias, where he fell seriously ill.[96] When Saladin besieged the castle of Bethsain (now Beit She'an in Israel) on 13 July, Raymond dispatched his stepson Hugh to command the troops of Galilee[96] and join the royal army assembling near Saffuriya.[98] The royal army forced Saladin to lift the siege and withdraw his troops from the principality.[98]
Raymond made a plundering raid on the region of Bosra in late 1182.[96] According to Hamilton, it was "a reconnaissance expedition" because Bosra was an excellent location to study the southward movements of the Damascus army.[99] Kevin James Lewis writes that Raymond must have also participated in the king's unsuccessful campaign against Syria before Christmas, because the royal army had assembled at Tiberias.[94] Saladin seized Aleppo, the Zengids' last important stronghold in Syria, on 12 June 1183;[100] he soon decided to invade the kingdom and bring the crusaders to a pitched battle.[101][102] At Baldwin's order, more than 1,000 knights and about 15,000 foot soldiers gathered at Saffuriya;[101][102] Raymond also hurried to the mustering point.[94] Baldwin developed a fever, which forced him to appoint Guy of Lusignan bailiff.[103] Saladin crossed the Jordan and pillaged Bethsan on 29 September.[104] Although he continued his campaign for nine days, the crusaders refrained from attacking his troops.[105] William of Tyre reported that most common soldiers accused Guy's opponents of refusing to attack the invaders because they feared that a victory would strengthen Guy's position.[94]
Relations between Guy and the king became tense during the following months.[106][107] Baldwin summoned the realm's barons to an assembly to discuss the future of the kingdom's administration.[108] Raymond, Bohemond, Reginald of Sidon and the Ibelin brothers easily persuaded him to dismiss Guy.[94][109] They also convinced the king to make Guy's infant stepson, Baldwin of Montferrat, his heir,[94][109] and the child was crowned on 20 November 1183.[109] William of Tyre reported that it was "the general wish" that the king should also appoint a regent, and most of the barons said that only Raymond "was suited to hold this office".[110] The assembly was soon dissolved, because news about Saladin's sudden attack against Châtillon's Kerak Castle reached Jerusalem.[111] The king mustered an army, but could not personally participate in the campaign for long and appointed Raymond to command the army before it crossed the Jordan.[112] Learning about the arrival of the relief army, Saladin lifted the siege on 3 or 4 December.[112]
دومین نایب السلطنگی
Heraclius (the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem) and the grand masters of the Templars and Hospitallers tried to mediate a reconciliation between Baldwin IV and Guy of Lusignan, but the king did not forgive his brother-in-law.[112] In October 1184, Guy raided the Bedouin tribes who grazed their herds in the royal domain of Deir al-Balah.[94] This action enraged the king, who (according to William of Tyre) soon assembled the realm's barons and handed over "the government of the kingdom and its general administration" to Raymond.[94] However, Ernoul's chronicle and the Estoire de Eracles state that Baldwin IV decided to appoint a regent only after the members of the High Court had warned him that Guy (who was the minor Baldwin's stepfather) was still entitled to govern the kingdom after his death.[113] The dying king asked them to name their candidate, and they unanimously nominated Raymond.[114] According to Ernoul's chronicle, Baldwin IV accepted their choice and asked Raymond "to act as regent of the kingdom and of the child for ten years until the child came of age".[114] Although most sources failed to mention the date of these events, one version of the Estoire de Eracles states that Raymond was made regent in 1185.[115][116]
Ernoul and the Estoire de Eracles recorded that the High Court passed specific rules about the regency before Raymond was installed;[117] the barons chose Joscelin III as the child king's guardian.[117][118] The High Court also stipulated that the military orders would hold all royal fortresses during the king's minority, but Beirut was granted to Raymond to compensate him for the expenses of state administration.[117][118] The High Court also ruled that if the child king died before reaching the age of majority, the pope, the Holy Roman emperor and the kings of France and England would be approached to decide whether his mother or her half-sister, Isabella, had the stronger claim to succeed him.[117][118] Although some versions of the Estoire de Eracles hint that Raymond persuaded the High Court to pass these rules, most of them were clearly adopted to limit the regent's authority.[117]
The date of Baldwin IV's death is unknown, but it is certain that he died before 16 May 1185.[118] The king was still alive when Raymond sent envoys to Saladin to begin negotiating an armistice.[119] Saladin granted a four-year truce, and a continuator of William of Tyre's chronicle wrote that "the land was free from external battles" during Raymond's second regency.[119] Saladin agreed to make peace with the crusaders because Izz ad-Din Mas'ud, the Zengid ruler of Mosul (حک. 1180–1193), had formed a coalition against him.[120] He made a series of attacks against Mosul, forcing Izz ad-Din to accept his suzerainty in March 1186.[118][121] Raymond could not strengthen his authority during his regency;[122] Joscelin III of Edessa, Patriarch Heraclius and Peter, Archdeacon of Lydda (who had succeeded William of Tyre as chancellor) were Guy of Lusignan's supporters,[122] and the Knights Templar elected his enemy Gerard of Ridefort as their grand master.[122][77]
به سمت حطین
Baldwin V died unexpectedly in Acre during the summer of 1186.[118] Joscelin III convinced Raymond to go to Tiberias to make preparations for a general assembly and let the Templars deliver the young king's body to Jerusalem.[123][124] Taking advantage of Raymond's absence, Joscelin took control of Acre and seized Beirut.[124][125] Raymond summoned the barons to Nablus, the fief of Balian of Ibelin (one of his main supporters).[123][124] According to Arnold of Lübeck and Ali ibn al-Athir, Raymond tried to seize the throne at the assembly.[124] The reliability of their reports is questionable; neither was at the meeting, and they wrote their allegations years after the events.[124][126] The reports, however, are clear evidence of a "widespread belief" in Raymond's ambitions to seize the crown.[124][126]
While most of the barons were assembling at Nablus, Sibylla and Guy of Lusignan attended the king's funeral in Jerusalem.[124] The patriarch of Jerusalem, the grand masters of the Templars and Hospitallers, and Raynald of Châtillon were also present.[127][123] Staunch supporters of Sybilla, they decided to offer her the crown without waiting for the decision of the four Western monarchs (as the High Court had stipulated in early 1185).[127] Although she invited the barons at Nablus to attend her coronation, they did not acknowledge her right to rule, forbade the ceremony,[128][129] and sent two Cistercian abbots to Jerusalem to inform her of their veto.[130] Raymond dispatched one of his retainers to accompany the abbots in disguise, to spy in the capital.[130]
.jpg)
Sibylla's supporters ignored the barons' opposition, and Patriarch Heraclius crowned her before the end of September.[118] She soon put the crown on Guy's head, and the patriarch anointed him.[130][129] According to the Estoire de Eracles, Ridefort proudly declared "this crown well worth the marriage of Botrun" in reference to Raymond's betrayal.[130] Raymond and his supporters decided to elect Sibylla's half-sister Isabella and her husband, Humphrey IV of Toron, king when they learned about the coronation.[130] Humphrey—who was Châtillon's stepson—secretly left Nablus for Jerusalem and paid homage to Guy because he did not want to begin a civil war.[130] Most barons followed Humphrey's example, swearing fealty to the royal couple before the end of October.[130][131] After his former partisans abandoned him, Raymond returned to Tiberias without paying homage to Sibylla and Guy.[132]
Guy accused Raymond of betrayal, and invaded Galilee in October.[118][132] The king also demanded an accounting of Raymond's regency, but Raymond answered that he had spent all royal income on state administration.[133] Raymond decided to resist, and sought assistance from Saladin.[132] The sultan sent troops to Tiberias, forcing Guy to withdraw.[132][134] According to Ibn al-Athir, Saladin offered to make Raymond "an independent king for the Franks one and all".[135] Arnold of Lübeck also wrote that Raymond pledged to allow Saladin's army to invade the kingdom across Galilee in exchange for the sultan's assistance in seizing the throne.[136]
Lewis suggests that the Occitan troubadour Peire Vidal visited Raymond's court in Tiberias around the time of the conflict between Raymond and the royal couple.[137] Raymond provided patronage to Vidal, who dedicated a eulogy to him in one of his poems.[138] Lewis also says that it was around that time that Raymond offered to appoint a member of the House of Toulouse his heir if he was willing to settle in the County of Tripoli.[139] Since Raymond's offer is only recorded in a version of a late source, the Lignages d'Outremer, it may have been invented by its author.[139]
But upon Tripoli I rely
Because whereas the other barons Chase away glory, he retains it
And does not let it depart from him
— Peire Vidal[138]
Saladin decided to launch a full-scale invasion against the kingdom, and began mustering forces from his whole empire in early 1187.[140] The barons convinced Guy to seek reconciliation with Raymond.[141] The masters of the two military orders, Joscius, Archbishop of Tyre, Raynald of Sidon and Balian of Ibelin, were appointed to begin negotiations with Raymond in Tiberias.[140][141] Saladin's son, Al-Afdal, sent Muzaffar al-Din, lord of Harenc and Edessa, to raid the kingdom.[142] In accordance with his treaty with Saladin, Raymond allowed the Syrian troops free entry into Galilee.[143] After Al-Afdal began raiding the Nazareth region, the masters of the military orders (Gerard of Ridefort and Roger des Moulins) attacked the invaders; the enemy forces, however, seriously outnumbered their retinue.[144] The raiders almost annihilated the crusaders at the springs of Cresson on 1 May;[143] only Ridefort and three knights escaped the battlefield.[143] The Estoire de Eracles blamed Ridefort for the catastrophe, emphasizing that Raymond's envoys had warned him not to attack the large Syrian army.[144] The invaders rode back to Syria across Galilee, displaying the severed heads of crusaders killed in battle on the points of their lances.[144]
Balian of Ibelin and the archbishops of Tyre and Nazareth arrived at Tiberias the following day.[144][145] Ernoul—who was present, as Ibelin's squire—wrote that the news of the crusaders' catastrophe came as a shock to Raymond,[146] and he soon agreed to pay homage to Guy.[146] He also expelled the Muslim garrison which had been stationed in Tiberias since his alliance with Saladin.[147] According to Ali ibn al-Athir, Raymond agreed to come to terms with the king only after his vassals threatened him with disobedience, and the prelates announced that they were ready to excommunicate him and annul his marriage.[144][148] Raymond and the king met near Jerusalem, at Fort St Job, which was held by the Hospitallers.[149] After they dismounted, Raymond knelt to the king in homage.[149] According to Ernoul, Guy soon lifted him up[149] and expressed regret for his irregular coronation.[146]
حطین و نتایج آن
The king ordered the assembly of the kingdom's troops at Saffuriya.[141][150] Raymond joined the royal army with all the knights from Galilee, leaving his wife in Tiberias at the head of a small garrison.[151] Knights from the County of Tiberias also came to Saffuriya.[152] On 2 July 1187, Saladin invaded Galilee and besieged the town.[153] His troops outnumbered the crusaders' by over 30 percent.[147] Eschiva sent messengers to the crusaders' camp to inform them of Saladin's attack.[151]
The news about the siege of Tiberias aroused fresh conflict among the crusaders, because Raymond and Ridefort proposed opposite strategies.[151] Emphasizing that the town could resist even a prolonged siege, Raymond wanted to avoid a pitched battle[151] and proposed that Guy send envoys to Antioch asking Bohemond III for reinforcements.[154] Ridefort and Châtillon accused him of cowardice, adding that passivity would cost the king his kingdom.[154][151] Since the king was obviously willing to accept Raymond's proposal, Ridefort reminded him of Raymond's previous alliance with Saladin.[154][151] The king finally decided to attack, and ordered his army to march towards Tiberias.[154]
As lord of the region, Raymond was appointed to guide the army across Galilee.[155][156] After Saladin's troops began attacking the rear held by the Templars, the crusaders halted at Maskana; however, the local well could not provide enough water for a large army.[155][156] Ernoul blamed Raymond for this decision, but the anonymous author of the Libellus de expugnatione Terrae Sanctae per Saladinum—who also participated in the campaign—wrote that the king decided to stop against Raymond's advice.[157] Saladin's troops encircled the crusaders' camp and killed all crusaders who left it in search of water.[158] The army continued marching towards Tiberias the following day, with Raymond commanding the vanguard and Saladin's troops attacking them.[159][160] A group of thirsty foot soldiers which tried to break through enemy lines towards the distant Sea of Galilee was massacred,[160] and five of Raymond's knights defected to Saladin's side.[160] Raymond led a cavalry charge against the right wing of Saladin's army in an attempt to reach the springs near Hattin, forcing the Muslim troops to open a pass without resistance.[161] Instead of turning back, Raymond and the crusaders who had accompanied him (including Reynald of Sidon, Balian of Ibelin and Joscelin III of Edessa) hurried to Safed and then to Tyre.[161][162]
The rest of the crusader army was annihilated;[150][163] Raymond's many vassals—Plivain of Botrun, Hugh II Embriaco and Melioret of Maraqiyya—were captured.[162] The towns of the kingdom, left nearly defenseless, could not resist, and Saladin captured almost all of them over the following month.[164] Eschiva of Bures surrendered Tiberias to Saladin, and joined Raymond in Tyre;[165] Embriaco surrendered his fief of Jubayl to Saladin in exchange for his release on 4 August.[162] After Saladin occupied Beirut on 6 August, Raymond fled to Tripoli because he thought that Saladin could also easily capture Tyre.[166] His old allies, Balian of Ibelin and Raynald of Sidon, soon joined him.[165]
Raymond fell seriously ill in Tripoli,[167] and Baha ad-Din ibn Shaddad recorded that he had pleurisy.[167][168] Other sources—Ernoul, the Estoire de Eracles and Abu'l-Fida—emphasized that Raymond's sorrow for the crusaders' catastrophic defeat at Hattin caused his illness.[168] The childless Raymond willed the County of Tripoli to the eldest son of Bohemond III of Antioch, Raymond, who was his godson.[168] The contemporaneous Ralph of Diceto recorded that Raymond died fifteen days after the fall of Jerusalem, on 17 October 1187.[169] However, Lewis proposes that Raymond probably died in September.[170]
William of Tyre, who held Raymond in high regard,[171] described him as a man with "much foresight" in politics and warfare.[170] His praise was tempered with criticism, however,[171] and he called Raymond's 1179 escape from the battlefield at Marjayoun "disgraceful".[74] Although William (who was made chancellor and archbishop during Raymond's first regency) cannot be regarded as a neutral observer,[43] his chronicle strongly influenced the works of Steven Runciman, Marshall Baldwin and other 20th-century historians.[170] According to Baldwin, William's account of Raymond's political and military talents should be regarded "more a statement of fact than an expression of opinion".[170] Lewis refutes Raymond's positive assessment, however, saying that his "career reads as a veritable litany of inconsequential, misguided, or downright disastrous endeavours".[170] Barber also emphasizes that Raymond's "actions were usually driven by his own personal ambitions and needs".[43]
[Raymond] was a slight-built, thin man. He was not very tall and he had a dark skin. He had straight hair of a medium colour and piercing eyes. He carried himself stiffly. He had an orderly mind, was cautious, but acted with vigour. He was more than averagely abstemious in his eating and drinking habits, and although he was liberal to strangers he was not so affable towards his own men.
— William of Tyre: History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea[171]
Contemporary Muslim authors described Raymond as an intelligent, astute politician.[30] Ali ibn al-Athir wrote that the crusaders "had nobody more influential than him, none braver and none more excellent in councel"[172] when Raymond was made regent for the second time.[173] Al-Athir also emphasized Raymond's bad reputation among the Muslims, however, saying that Raymond was "the devil among the Franks and the most unyieldingly hostile to the Muslims".[174][175] Abu Shama also regarded Raymond as one of the principal enemies of the Muslim world, and urged Saladin to capture (and kill) him and Raynald of Châtillon.[174]
Marshall, Runciman and other historians, who based their works primarily on the chronicles of William of Tyre and Ernoul, regard Raymond as a leader of the pullani (natives) who wanted to keep peace with Saladin because they wanted to ensure the survival of the crusader states.[54][176][177] These scholars see Raymond's opponents as newcomers whose aggressive policy led to the fall of the kingdom.[176][177] They accept the positive picture of Saladin in his official biographies, which describe him as a trustworthy man who never broke his word.[176] Andrew Ehrenkreutz was the first historian to emphasize that Saladin's biographies should be treated critically, due to their similarity to hagiographies of canonized European monarchs.[178] Accepting this critical approach, Hamilton doubts Saladin's willingness to "live at peace with his Christian neighbors" and allow them to keep Jerusalem (one of Islam's holiest cities).[178]
The fall of Jerusalem and nearly the entire Holy Land after the Battle of Hattin was a terrible blow to the Christian world.[179] Raymond's alliance with Saladin and his escape from the battlefield aroused suspicion, and many Christian writers regarded him a traitor.[174] About 60 years after the events, Alberic of Trois-Fontaines said that Raymond and Saladin solidified their alliance by drinking each other's blood.[174] The Minstrel of Reims believed that Saladin reminded Raymond of his oath to persuade him to leave the battlefield at the Horns of Hattin.[180] Robert of Auxerre, William of Nangis and other medieval European historians accused Raymond of apostasy, saying that he had been circumcised shortly before God killed him for his betrayal.[180] Muslim historians also knew that the Christians thought that Raymond had converted (or, at least, wanted to convert) to Islam.[174] Imad ad-Din al-Isfahani wrote that Raymond did not convert only because he was afraid of his co-religionists.[174] Modern historians agree, however, that the stories of Raymond's conversion were invented.[174]
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