Negative verb

Dryer^[1] defined three different types of negative markers in language. Beside negative particles and negative affixes, negative verbs play a role in various languages. The negative verb is used to implement a clausal negation. The negative predicate counts as a semantic function and is localized and therefore grammaticalized in different languages. Negation verbs are often used as an auxiliary type which also carries φ-feature content. This could be visualized for example in the inflectional character of the negation verb while combined with the main verb. Dryer^[2] observes a tendency to place the negation verb before the finite verb. Miestamo^[3] researched four different types of negations and proposed a distinction between symmetric negation in which a negative marker is added and asymmetric negation in which, beside the added negation marker, other structural changes appear.

English

In English, a standard negation (SN) is used to negate declarative main clauses. The verbal negation predicate is 'not'. To negate other clauses, the negation construction differs from SN. The English auxiliary 'do', in combination with the negative verb, indicates whether one or multiple individuals are involved, while the verb referring to the negated activity remains non-inflected. Concluding this, ordinary verbs take the auxiliary do when negated by not.

Tense	Affirmative	Negative
		With a negative verb	With a negative adverb
Nonpast	I go there he goes there	I don't go there he doesn't go there	I never go there he never goes there
Past	I went there he went there	I didn't go there he didn't go there	I never went there he never went there

Uralic languages

Uralic languages differ from each other in the particulars of negation predicate use but continue to show specific similarities.^[4] For defining different patterns of negation predicates it is necessary to know about the lexical verb (LV) and the finite form (FE). Miestamo defined four types of asymmetry in negation verbs. The first type shows a prominent appearance in Uralic languages. It is defined as A/Fin (A = asymmetry | Fin = finiteness) and describes that influenced by the negation verb, the finiteness of the LV is reduced or lost. For example, the LV loses the finiteness because the clause is marked by the de-verbalizing negative morpheme. Therefore, the copula is added as a type that holds the finite status (FE). In some Uralic languages, speakers produce^{[clarification needed]} connegatives to construct the syntactically acceptable word form used in negative clauses.

Finnish

The standard negation (SN) in the Finnish language is realized by a verbal complex.^[5] First the LV with a non-finite character is formed followed by the finite element which is presented as the negative auxiliary. The root of the auxiliary is 'e-'. The ending gives information about person and number. The marker for tense is not presented on the auxiliary and is only dependent on the clausal context. Therefore, tense is marked on the LV separated from the auxiliary and appears as connegative form in present tense and past participle in past tense.

Negative Verb - Overview for clausal negations

SN in main clauses	- AUX(iliary) 'ei': 'e-' + Person/Number marking - Main verb: connegative or participle - Asymmetric
Non-verbal predicates	SN
Imperatives/Prohibitive sentences	AUX 'äl-' + idiosyncratic Person and mood marking
Negation in dependent clauses	Finite: SN

Indicative, conditional, and potential

Person	Singular	Plural
1.	en	emme
2.	et	ette
3.	ei	eivät

Imperative

Person	Singular	Plural
1.	-	älkäämme
2.	älä	älkää
3.	älköön	älkööt

Estonian

The Estonian language uses a particle-like non-inflectional negative auxiliary^[6] which is hierarchically presented on a pre-verbal slot. The auxiliary is realized as 'ei'. A special form differs from the SN while forming the connegative in the present tense, in the past form, or in the active past participle. In the Estonian language, the flectional character doesn't seem to be a necessary feature for the negative auxiliary, which differs from other Uralic languages. This is important because the question appears, if the auxiliary has to show a flectional marker even if the LV is not showing any flectional marker without using the negation modus.

Negative Verb - Strategies in clausal negations

Clausal SN; finite: indicative, conditional, evidental	'ei-' (uninflected) + verb in connegative
Prohibitive sentences	'ära' (inflected) + verb in connegative or inflected (variation)
Negation in locative, equative, inclusive, attributive constructions	'ei' (uninflected) + copula in connegative

Indicative, conditional, and oblique

Person	Singular	Plural
1.	ei	ei
2.	ei	ei
3.	ei	ei

Imperative

Person	Singular	Plural
1.	-	ärgem; ärme
2.	ära	ärge
3.	ärgu	ärgu

Skolt Saami

In Skolt Saami the SN shows a negative auxiliary compared with a non-finite LV. For imperative a special case is provided.^[7]

Negative Verb - Summary

SN	- Negation AUX: 'ij' + LV - Negation copula (replaces Positive copula) + verb
Negation of imperatives	Negation AUX + Imperative + verb
Negation of non-verbal predicates	-SN - Negation copula (general stative negator, alternative to SN)
Negation in dependent clauses	- finite: SN - non-finite: verbal abessive

South Saami

In South Saami, the SN is realized by a negative auxiliary. This form is used in present tense and the preterite. The LV is presented as a connegative form. A special case is presented while creating the imperative.^[8] In this case the negative auxiliary gets a full personal paradigm except for the third person 'dual'. The third person in singular in present tense of the negative auxiliary is prohibited as a negative reply.

Negative Verb - Strategies in clausal negations

SN	Negative AUX + connegative verb
Imperative/prohibitive sentences	- Negative AUX 'aell-' (prohibitive) + connegative verb - Negative AUX 'oll-' (apprehensive) + connegative verb
Negation of non-verbal predicates	Negative AUX + connegative verb
Negation in dependent clauses	Negative AUX + connegative verb

Inari Sami

The negative verb is conjugated in moods and personal forms in Inari Sami.

Indicative, conditional, and potential mood

Person	Singular	Dual	Plural
1.	jie´m	eän	ep
2.	jie´h	eppee	eppeđ
3.	ij	eä´vá	eä

Imperative

Person	Singular	Dual	Plural
1.	eällum	eäl´loon	eällup
2.	ele	ellee	elleđ
3.	eä´lus	eällus	eällus

Northern Sami

The negative verb is conjugated in moods and personal forms in Northern Sami.

Indicative, conditional, and potential mood

Person	Singular	Dual	Plural
1.	in	ean	eat
2.	it	eahppi	ehpet
3.	ii	eaba	eai

Imperative

Person	Singular	Dual	Plural
1.	allon	allu	allot
2.	ale	alli	allet
3.	allos	alloska	alloset

Lule Sami

The negative verb is conjugated in moods and personal forms in Lule Sami.

Indicative, conditional, and potential mood

Person	Singular	Dual	Plural
1.	iv	en	ep
2.	i	ähppe	ehpit
3.	ij	äbá	e

Hungarian

Hungarian has lost most evidence of a negative verb, but the negation particle 'nem' becomes 'ne' before verbs in the jussive/imperative (also sometimes called the conditional mood or J-mood). Furthermore, the 3rd person present indicative of the copular verb ('lenni') has unique negative forms 'nincs(en)' and 'nincsenek' as opposed to 'nem van' and 'nem vannak', but only when the particle and verb would occur adjacently. In all other instances, the copular verb acts regularly. These forms are also unique in that they have an existential role "there is (not)" and "there are (not)". In the present indicative 3rd person, copular verbs are not used; rather the absence of a verb (with or without a negation particle) implies the copula.

Komi

In the Komi language, the negative marker and the form of the negative construction are dependent on the clausal tense.^[9] If the corresponding affirmative predicate is based on a verbal form, a negative auxiliary is used. This is not convertible for affirmative verbs with nominal forms. The negative auxiliary is used in present tense, future tense, 1st past tense of indicative, and in the imperative and optative mood.

Negative Verb - Strategies in clausal negations

SN	- present & future tense - 1st past tense - 2nd past tense - 3rd past tense - 4th past tense - 5th past tense - 6th past tense	'o-' + V - Connegative (CNG) 'e-' + V - Connegative 'abu' + V 'veli' + 'o-' + V - Connegative a) 'abu' + 'veli' + V b) 'e-' + 'be' - CNG + V 'velem' + 'o-' + V - CNG 'velem' + 'ab' + V
Negation of imperatives	Imperative (2nd person only) Optative (3rd person only) Conditional (all tenses)	'e-' + V - CNG 'med' + 'o-' + V - CNG '(v)éske(u)' + SN
Negation in dependent/subordinate clauses	- finite subordinate clauses - non-finite subordinate verb forms: i. Infinitives ii. participles iii. converbs	SN 'ńe' + V-infinitve V + 'tem' V + 'teg'

Korean

Korean verbs can be negated by the negative verbs 않다 anta and 못하다 mothada or by the negative adverbs 안 an and 못 mot. The copula 이다 ida has a corresponding negative copula 아니다 anida. (anida is an independent word like anta and mothada, unlike ida which cannot stand on its own and must be attached to a noun.)

Verb	Tense	Affirmative	With a negative verb		With a negative adverb
			않다 anta	못하다 mothada	안 an	못 mot
가다 gada to go	Nonpast	간다 ganda	가지 않는다 gaji anneunda	가지 못한다 gaji mothanda	안 간다 an ganda	못 간다 mot ganda
	Past	갔다 gatda	가지 않았다 gaji anatda	가지 못했다 gaji mothaetda	안 갔다 an gatda	못 갔다 mot gatda
먹다 meokda to eat	Nonpast	먹는다 meongneunda	먹지 않는다 meokji anneunda	먹지 못한다 meokji mothanda	안 먹는다 an meongneunda	못 먹는다 mot meongneunda
	Past	먹었다 meogeotda	먹지 않았다 meokji anatda	먹지 못했다 meokji mothaetda	안 먹었다 an meogeotda	못 먹었다 mot meogeotda

References

1. Schulze, Wolfgang (2007). "Haspelmath, Martin & Matthew S. Dryer & Davil Gil & Bernard Comrie. 2005.The World Atlas of Language Structures". Studies in Language. 31 (2): 445–463. doi:10.1075/sl.31.2.08sch. ISSN 0378-4177.
2. Dryer, Matthews (2011). Order of negative morpheme and verb. Munich: Max Planck Digital Library.
3. Miestamo, Matti (2008). Standard Negation. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co.KG. doi:10.1515/9783110197631. ISBN 978-3-11-019763-1.
4. Miestamo; Tamm; Wagner-Nagy (2015). "3.2". Negation in Uralic Languages. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. pp. 13–22. ISBN 9789027206893.
5. Vilkuna, Maria (2015). Negation in Uralic Languages. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. pp. 457–487. ISBN 9789027206893.
6. Anna, Tamm (2015). Negation in Uralic Languages. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. pp. 399–433. ISBN 9789027206893.
7. Miestamo, Matti (2015). Negation in Uralic Languages. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. pp. 353–377. ISBN 9789027206893.
8. Blokland, Rogier (2015). Negation in Uralic Languages. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. pp. 377–399. ISBN 9789027206893.
9. Hamari, Arja (2015). Negation in Uralic Languages. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. pp. 239–265. ISBN 9789027206893.