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Government and headquarters of the Dervishes From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Haroun, also called Fadhiweyn,[1] and natively transliterated as Xarunta in Somali, was a government and headquarters of the Dervishes, headed by Faarax Mahmud Sugulle.[2] According to Claude Edward Marjoribanks Dansey, the political officer in the British Somali Coast Protectorate consisted of 400 individuals.[1] The capture of the haroun was regarded as conceivably resulting in the Sayyid's surrender.[3] In the third expedition, major Paul Kenna was tasked "by every means" to find where the haroun is.[4]
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The Darawiish haroun was preceded by the Darawiish legal court tariqa (Somali: Maxkamadaha Darawiish) which existed among the Dhulbahante as early as 1895. "He acquired some notoriety by seditious preaching in Berbera in 1895, after which he returned to his tariga in Kob Faradod, in the Dolbahanta," according to the Official History of the operations in Somaliland 1901-1904.
The legal court Darawiish tariqa according to Douglas Jardine, was primarily engaged in settling legal disputes. This early Darawiish court tariqa was also described as friendly to the British government:[5]
he ... was regarded by the local Government as being on the side of law and order. From time to time he corresponded with the Vice-Consul at Berbera about tribal matters, and occasionally he would send down as prisoners to the Vice-Consular Court Somalis who had been guilty of criminal offences in the interior. Thus, he acquired very considerable influence over the tribesmen...
— Douglas Jardine
In Darawiish nomenclature, a person learned in the rulings, legal codes and stipulations of this early Darawiish court, was referred to as a muqaddim, which roughly translates as arbitrator.[6]
The British newspaper Chester Courant, rehashing British intelligence reports, stated that the early Darawiish community existed as early as 1895 as a court of appeal community:[7]
After his return from Mecca in 1895, he retired to Kob fardod, his place of residence and a village inhabited by Mullah's in the Dolbahanta country ... tribes electing to regard him as a court of appeal in their tribal disputes ... he strove to put down raiding.
— Chester Courant
The head of the Haroun presided over the Darawiish government, and oversaw commerce, domestic and foreign affairs, as well as other Darawiish-related oversight.[6] The head of the haroun, i.e. the head of the dervish government has been described in various sources, with Farah Mahamud Sugulle described as the head of the haroun during the 1890s and 1900s decades:
I am strengthening the Darud by the issue of over 200 rifles, and an attack on the Haroun under Omar Doreh, who is to take place of Farah Mahmud, is being organized[2]
As head of the haroun, it was the norm to consult the Head of Haroun, Faarax Maxamuud Sugulle, for any important matter requiring decisions within the Darawiish. For example, upon the first military defeat suffered by Darawiish at the battle of Jidbaale in 1904, despite the presence of qusuusi, Faarax Maxamuud Sugulle was typically singled out to provide deliberation. However out of humility, he would defer to the deputy Head of Haroun, Carab Illaawe:[6]
Iyadoo kumanyaal talo aqoon ah ama dagaalyahan ahi xarunta joogaan ayaa Sayidka waxa caado u ahayd inuu u yeero Faarax Maxamuud Sugulle oo ka mid ahaa madaxda Daraawiishta. Iyadoo markaa talo ribbatay Sayidkii wuxuu yiri, "Faaraxow tali." Faarax markaas wuxu yiri, "Sayidii talo ma aqaan." Mar labaad ayaa Sayidkii ku celiyey oo wuxuu yiri, "Faaraxow tali." Wuxuu yiri, "Sayidii, maantoo kale nin walba talo lama weydiiyo ee Carab Illaawe talo weydii." Markaasaa Carab Illaawe wuxuu yiri, "Sayidii, maantoo kale waxaa la oran jirey dad cadaabeed dal cadaabeed baa laga galaa." Dad cadaabeed wuxuu ula jeedaa gaalada iyo dadka la jira dal cadaabeedna wuxuu ula jeedaa dhulka dhagaxa iyo buuraha ah oo cagaagga iyo kulaylka badan. |
Although there were a thousand seniors or warriors within the haroun, it was nonetheless stereotypical for the Sayid to consult Faarax Maxamuud Sugulle on critical matters as he was among the heads of the Darawiish. As there was a sense of agitation for some resulution, the Sayid said "Oh Faarax (Maxamuud Sugulle), gives us your verdict", whereby Faarax replied "I'm not sure"; he repeated once more "Oh Faarax (Maxamuud Sugulle), give us your verdict", whereby (Faarax Maxamuud Sugulle) said "Oh Sayid, I defer the verdict to Carab Illaawe". As such Carab Illaawe said "Oh Sayid, since we went face-to-face with the vexed people, let's enter the vexed terrain". By vexed people Carab Illaawe meant the colonisers and their lackeys; by the vexed land, he meant the land of stones and hot hills (to the north of Nugaal) |
Henry Francis Battersby, in his 1914 book on the Darawiish, described Farah Sugulleh as "one of the biggest men" in the Darawiish.[8]
The son of Faarax Maxamuud Sugulle, Jama, lived through the final decade of Dervish resistance to colonialism, and would continue to be influential in the Dervish realm upon the independence of Somalia in 1960. For example, upon Somalia's independence Jama revived the Darawiish heritage by becoming the founder as well as head executive of the Somali Dervish unit, and he also was the overseer of the widely publicised coronation of Garaad Abdiqani in 1985.[9]
Since the advent of the federal era in Somalia, several police units modelled after the Somali Dervish unit created by Jama Sugulle have surfaced, including Galmudug Dervish, Hirshabelle Dervish, Jubaland Dervish etc.[10]
According to Claude Edward Marjoribanks Dansey, Barni Maxamuud Sugulle, the sister of Faarax Maxamuud Sugulle and fifth wife of the Sayid, was the commander of Indhabadan (lit. "Many Eyes"), a 600 member Darawiish division with 400 spearmen and 200 riflemen of which half was composed of Naleeye Axmed subclan of Ugaadhyahan Dhulbahante and the other half Qayaad Dhulbahante:[6]
INDHABADAN, waxay ka koobnaayeen Aadan Naaleeye, barka kalana Qayaad bay ahaayeen, Barni Maxamuud oo ahayd naagtii 5aad ee Sayidka ayaa magac ahaan ugu talin jirtey, 400 – 200 |
Indhabadan; it was composed of half Adan Naleeye, and the other half Qayaad; Barni Mahamuud, the 5th wife of the Sayid would nominally control it (400 - 200) |
According to Richard Corfield, Sugulle family member Abbane Mohamud Sugulle was likewise a commander in the Darawiish, particularly, the base at Haysimo, which according to British officer Dansey, was a base held by Burcadde-Godwein administrative division. The name of Cabbane Sugulle is misspelled as Abaim Sugulleh; he commanded the Burcadde-Godwein base together with Askar Doreh:[11]
The following Mullah's headman are reported in the Warsangli “karias” at Haisamo:—Asker Doreh, Mijjertein, and Abaim Mahomed Suggulleh, Dolbahanta Ba Ararsama.
British intelligence reports further state that one of the Taargooye subdivisions was commanded by Badhiidh Sugulle.
In this meeting several senior members of the Daraawiish called for sedition in one way or another. Individuals who took part in this conspiracy include:[12]
Three plans were put forth, including (a) killing the Sayyid and replacing him with a new leader, (b) replacing him without killing him, and (c) deserting the Darwiish en masse. At the end, the third plan was carried out.
The Sayyid was informed about the conspiracy by a man of the Jama Siyaad subclan called Shire Cumbaal, also spelled Shire Umbaal.[14] The exact words spoken by Shire Cumbaal was:[15]
Rag caawuu geedkii Canjeel ku shirey, waxayna ku tashadeen inay xarunta ka guuraan |
This evening, a few men held a meeting at the Tree of Canjeel. They decided to abandon the haroun (government) |
Due to Shire Umbaal's defection from the seditious meeting, and the subsequent notification, the Daraawiish managed to capture many leading conspirators. Haan 'Awl was subsequently killed. Farah Mohamud Sugulle as the leader of Anjeel who sought to usurp the Sayyid's position had his father killed, although his own life was spared. Qoriyow was punished by the decision to have him demoted by stripping him of his previous position. Other figures had fled.[15] The Reer Khalaf, a Majeerteen subclan who had previously been of the Taargooye wing of Darwiish, joined the defectors. As such, they were decimated in retaliation.[12] Confrontations between Darwiish defectors and persistent Darwiish endured for a couple of years, but among the most prominent of these confrontations was the Hadega battle in March 1910 wherein the defectors had been aided by the Issa Majeerteen tribe. Nonetheless, at Hadega, notable casualties occurred on both sides, with Darwiish leader Nur Hidig, permanently debilitated from wounds sustained at this battle,[16] with Nur Dolbas (Dhalbaas) and Adan Egal (Cigaal) dead on the defectors side[17] and Darwiish leaders Shire Umbaal and Adam Maleh were dead on the Darwiish side, with Shire Umbaal later being described by Robert Crewe-Milnes as "a very important leader of the Dervishes".[18]
The British parliament described the polity over which Diiriye Guure held regency as a "strong and stable native state"; and the only one that managed to militarily overcome British military power:[19]
will they remember that he is the only potentate alive to-day who has four times defeated the British Army, and who has for fifteen years maintained himself against the might of the British Empire. He is one of the great men whom Africa has produced: a great military leader, a great statesman ... He quickly obtained through his marriage connections great influence over the Dolbahanta tribe, and he established a native power in the interior ... in setting up a strong and stable native State
— British parliament
Capital | Time | Landform | Remark |
---|---|---|---|
Ali Geri homelands, i.e. Ballishiil | 1895 - 1897 | Carro Ciideed, south of Buuhoodle: "Mullah to flee eastwards and rejoin his old allies, the Ali Gheri, south of Bohotele, where he would be difficult to get at, either by the Abyssinians or ourselves"[20] | "This Haji Muhammad Abdullah belongs to the Habr Suleiman Ogaden tribe; he married into the Dolbahanta Ali Gheri, amongst whom he now lives"[21] |
Buuhoodle | 1898 - 1899 | Carro Ciideed | "if joint operations with the Abyssinians cannot be arranged, he must move out alone with all available forces and tribal levies from the Ishak tribe to punish the Mullah's allies round Bohotele"[22] |
Buuhoodle & Baran (Las Anod area) | 1900 | Carro Ciideed & Nugaal Valley | "the Mullah retired eastward into British territory to the Bohotle area, where he was assured of a welcome from his own kinsmen, the Dolbahanta." "MULLAH'SFORCES; 12,000 Horsemen \ Near Baran (i.e. the Baran in the south)"[23] |
Docmo in Bookh district | 1901 | Carro Ciideed | bulk of the Mullah's force ... 3,000 had been left at Damot ; i.e. Docmo[23] |
Beerdhiga, located between Tuurgasangas and Qoriley | 1902 | Carro Ciideed | |
Halin / Xalin (Sool) | 1903 - 1904 | Nugaal Valley | |
Kheman (Sanaag), Eyl, Bixin, Qawlo / Gaulo & Goriasan | 1905 - 1910 | Nugaal Valley | [23] |
Taleh | 1910 - 1920 | Nugaal Valley | [23] |
The Darawiish were also chauvinistic with regards to themselves in juxtaposition to their European colonial counterparts, stating that pre-colonial Africa was superior to the arrival of colonial customs and norms [original research?]. For example, a letter written in March 1909 states that pre-colonial life was good, whilst its aftermath brought seizures of the natives Darawiish property, unprecedented taxation and other ills:[citation needed]
At first the country was quiet, and the people were contented, also there was much stock in the country ... We are looted, our men are killed and imprisoned, and our dhows were seized; we are taxed, and our country is taken away from us by force. We sent letters to Cordeaux, and we wrote and said: "You must return our stock, release our women and our dhows, and depart from our country.
The two most common themes in the immediate post-Darawiish community of Haysimo regarding xeer laws were either which penalty ensues in cases of murder and marriage. Ali Dhuh was a poet who defected from the Darawiish and subsequently became a literary opponent. Since Dhuh hailed from the Ali Gheri clan of the Dhulbahante, with Ali Gheri being the clan whom founded the Darawiish, his diatribes held extra weight, and also highlighted protocol or cultural customs which appealed to Darawiish. In one of his poetic diatribes he vilifies the Sayyid for being a satyriasist and being incestual:[citation needed]
Nonetheless, the Darawiish considered explicitness and unequivocality to be preferable to prudishness, as with the line about Axmed Taajir in the poem Gaala-leged, wherein anatomically correct phraseology was used publicly and not considered as an expletive or profanity. Being referred to as "Axmed Taajir" meaning "Ahmed the penis beneficiary" in lyricisms which were promulgated around children, the elderly and throughout wider society shows that Darawiish perception of what constituted fahisha (lewdness) differed extensively from that of the Arab world which was far more prudish.[24]
The Nur Ahmed were the Galool Oriye lineage whom hosted the Darawiish bases in Haysimo. Their view on marriage was that a girl's betrothal should only be controlled by her male relatives according to a 1946 las anod district letter which says "man of the Nuur Aḥmad marries a girl of the Nuur Aḥmad he shall pay damages valued at twenty camels to the girl's father. A man guilty of illicit relations with an unmarried girl shall pay five camels in compensation to her father." This also shows that the Darawiish clans viewed males as being in charge of the household, that marriage is among the most important institutions in society and that they did not see adultery as big as an issue as murder, with a rather low comparative penalty.[25] Unlike the 21st century, wherein a woman accepting male dominance may be discredited with derogatory terms such as a pick-me girl, the female equivalent of simp,[26] these series of post-Taleh-bombing laws show that women in Ciid-Nugaal were traditionally submissive towards the men in their households or accepting of patriarchy.[25]
The verbal exchange between Ismail Ishaaq Urwayni and the Sayid in 1920 addresses the notion that during the medieval era, the ability to get married was limited for men of low socioeconomic status such as slaves:[citation needed]
They tell me you now claim to be a Dolbahanta. You are nothing of the sort. You were my slave. Your father was my father's slave. No one knows who your father's father was. For your father was a foundling in the bush. No woman would marry him until I arranged to marry him to Fatima Gorbat (white ankle). You are the offspring of that marriage, and now you pretend you are a Sheikh and a religious man.
The 1920 Dardaaran poem speaks about masculinity as with Afbakayle verse 37. In the Dardaaran verse the Sayid states that a race being forcibly disarmed is akin to emasculation. The following verse is about the Sayid making a prophecy wherein he correctly predicts the British ceding the Huwan to Ethiopia in 1948:
54 Dirhankuu idiin qaybahayaad, dib u go’aysaane |
54 the dirhams (money) he distributes to you now will turn around to be a subterfuge of poison |
The Maqashiiya uunka poem at times concerns itself with ancient customary practises like the mawaacidada (circle of vows) refer to an ancient Somali practise when taking oaths, like in Afbakayle verse 42:
Mawaacidada diinkii, ma wax laysku maagaa? |
the circle of solemn and sacred vows; is that something to cackle about? |
The Darawiish poem Dacwad Bann Ka Leeyahay, also called Ogadeen haa ii dirin, starts with berating the Ogaden clan saying that the Darawiish polity is at odds politically with the Ogaden. This was after a series of events whereby the Ogaden and Darawiish were raiding one another, and whereby the British consul Cordeaux states that he can't do anything about it as Ogaden was an Amhara subject rather than a British subject. The British counter-complained that the Darawiish had tergiversated the Warsangeli clan over to the Darawiish side. The next verses of the poem extolls nativism through clan relations:[27]
Warsangeli doc uga bayr, dacwad baan ka leeyahay |
with regard to us avoiding tergiversating the Warsangeli, I have a complaint |
The poem Mariyama shiikh asserts that the Darawiish have a fixed and assigned territory, akin to Afbakayle verses 32 and 44, by stating that those seeking to join Darawiish need to become muhajir (emigrant). It states that over the years, a thousand people had become emigrants in the Nugaal Valley and Ciid regions,[28] the original habitat of Darawiish:
5 Kun lag oo muhaajiriina waa, ma hurihiisiiye |
5 a thousand emigrants have arrived; and she (Mariyama) is indispensable for them |
The term haddaan waayay literally means if I fell short and is throughout inundated with rhetorical questions asking whether the Darawiish were really defeated. As one of the Sayid's last poems of 1920 created after the Fall of Taleh, and thereby decisive defeat of Darawiish and gives a retrospect of his life work and that despite the Fall of Taleh, and that despite the fact that the majority of Somalis were dismissive or apathetic to anti-colonialism, he succeeded in displaying Darawiish courage and the resolute stance of Darawiish in the face of colonialism. The third line of the poem states that the Darawiish sought to establish the Nugaal Valley and Ciid regions as their definitive territory:[29]
2 Miyaan waayay naamuus janniyo, daalac iyo naasil ? |
2 Did I not reach utopia, via military victories and defeats that caused attrition? |
In the first and second lines of the poem Cali-Geri Aboodiga Ku Lalay the Sayid similarly confines the territorial delimitations of Darawiish to the 'Iid and Nugaal. In the 80th line of the poem Xuseenow Tabtaan Ahay, the Sayid likewise rejects the notion of a Somali identity, and even disparages the Somali identity as the antithesis of being Darawiish.[30]
Among Darawiish, here was also nativism with regards to foreign consumer culture, with those wearing clothes associated with colonialists being castigated:[31]
They called me a Kafir, and laughed at my uniform, saying that I smelt, and asking me why I wore the Sircars clothes.
Darawiish rhetoric often makes links between being a xenophilic or xenocentric doormat and an infidel, as the following exchange recalls:
Nin Ashahaadada qiraya, salaaddiina tukanaaya, |
A man who declares testimony of faith, and prays |
The Sayid replied as follows:[citation needed]
Nin aqdaamo Ferenji ah, maantiyo abuurriin |
A man who is the European's flunkey, today or since creationism |
When the scramble for Africa reached Darawiish territories, the racial stratification professed by European colonialists wasn't limited to a binary suggesting a European supremacy over Africans; rather notes written by British colonial administrators professed a general Eurasian genetic determinist supremacy over the peoples of the African continent. For instance, a contemporary archeologist refused to believe that the native Darawiish constructed the long series of Dhulbahante garesa fortifications, instead attributing their buildings to Himyarites and Sabeans:[32]
The offices of the official arm of the British army likewise had a condescending and patronizing view of native Darawiish and Horn Africans alike, attributing to them the sweeping label of Darawiish being an "uncivilised and comparatively unknown country".[citation needed] British general Malcolm McNeill who operated in the first two expeditions, likewise considered native Africans, as unsophisticated, stating the roads at Beretableh near Boocame were created by "the Phcenicians in some bygone age."[33]
In terms of military expertise, Golaweyne was most known for being over-represented during the early battles during the first two expeditions. Miinanle was best known for typically being in close proximity of the pastoral Darawiish supporting communities; as such, Miinanle was also typically at the front line whenever confronted with raiding parties from European colonial armed Somali clans such as Rayid, Koufur, Dhabayaco or Huwan. Since Shiikhyaale were the principal as well as the supreme division, any decisions made within the Shiikhyaale was pivotal, and would directly affect the other Darawiish divisions as well. The close proximity of Miinanle to the pastoral communities of Ciid-Nugaal also meant that Miinanle were probably the second wealthiest administrative division, after Shiikhyaale, due to tax-revenue generated.[34]
Major administrative division | Number | Tribe | Quote |
---|---|---|---|
(1) Shiikhyaale | 1000 spearmen, 800 riflemen; Total: 1800 soldiers | Cali Geri (Dhulbahante), Baharsame (Dhulbahante), Qayaad (Dhulbahante), Maxamuud Garaad (Dhulbahante), Xasan Ugaas (Dhulbahante) | largest and most important division, probably looked upon as the reserve composed of Ba-Ararsama, Aligheri, Kayad, Mahomed Gerad and many Hassan Agaz |
(2) Dooxato [a] | 1500 (permanent cavalry)[b] | Dhulbahante | the Mullah had collected 3,500 foot and horsemen on hearing that an expedition was being sent against him ... They were all Dolbahanta men;[36] "He achieved little success with the tribe as a whole, however, and finding that his Dolbahanta horsemen would not tarry so far in Ishaak territory"[37] |
(3) Golaweyne | 700 spearmen, 200 riflemen; Total: 900 soldiers | Nuur Axmed (Dhulbahante), reer Khayreh (Dhulbahante),[c] Yaxye (Dhulbahante), Wacays Diiriye (Ararsame Dhulbahante) | "the men who made the Gallas run away at Ergo composed of Nur Ahmed, Rer Khiueh, Yehya and Wais Deria"; |
(4) Miinanle | 600 spearmen, 200 riflemen Total servicemen: 800 |
A) Ali Gheri (Dhulbahante); B) Ogaden (Absame), C) Bah-geri (Dhulbahante Odala & Egal Naleye uterine lineage) | Aligheri, chiefly Ogaden and Bagheri under the Mullah |
The Taargooye subdivision was disbanded in 1910 upon the Anjeel incident after its constituent Majeerteen became mutinous,[12] and was also known for its mechanical expertise. The Dharbash division was the westernmost Darawiish division and was regarded as among the most pious. The Indhabadan administrative division of Darawiish was regarded as having the most scouts. The servicemen of the Burcadde-godwein division was primarily tasked with coercion against neighbouring tribes.[40]
Medium administrative division | Number | Tribe | Quote |
---|---|---|---|
(5) Taargooye | 500 spearmen, 200 riflemen Total servicemen: 700 |
Majeerteen (Harti) | Mijjertein men, 500 – 200 |
(6) Dharbash | 400 spearmen, 200 riflemen Total servicemen: 600 |
A) Baharsame (Dhulbahante); B) Adan Madobe (Habar Jeclo, Isaaq); C) Ararsame (Dhulbahante) | (people who God helps in a fight) Adan Madhoba, Ba-arasama, Ararsama |
(6) Indhabadan | 400 spearmen, 200 riflemen Total servicemen: 600 |
A) Qayaad (Dhulbahante); B) Aden Naleeye Axmed (Dhulbahante) | waxay ka koobnaayeen Aadan Naaleeye, barka kalana Qayaad bay ahaayeen. |
(8) Burcadda (buraad)-Godwein | 540 riflemen Total servicemen: 540 |
Warsangeli (Harti), Dhulbahante (Harti)[41] | *Burcadda-godwein numbers (540 riflemen): 40 mounted men all with rifles at Bohol Waraba, 100 riflemen at Halin and about 400 rifles ... Rifles issued to Bur-aad and Godwein can be deducted from these divisions *Burcadda-godwein clans:Bur'ad fanned out from the Dervish capital to loot and terrorize clans loyal to the British and Italians. The Dhulbahante and Warsangeli Daarood played an important role in this program of agitation [41] because of troubles caused by the Buraad and the Warsangeli, and not because our mind has changed and turned from peace |
Minor administrative division | Number | Tribe | Quote |
---|---|---|---|
(9) Ragxun | 400 spearmen, 73 riflemen Total servicemen: 473 |
Cali Geri (Dhulbahante), Ogaden (Absame). | (bad men) so called because they had many camels taken from them by Mijjertein (Ogaden and half Aligheri) |
(10) Madhiban | 250 spearmen, 200 riflemen Total bodyguards: 450 |
Madhiban [42] | Madhibans are said to be about 2 to 3 hundred with 200 rifles acting as personal guard to the Mullah |
(11) Bah-udgoon | 400 spearmen, unknown riflemen Total servicemen: 400 |
Qayaad (Dhulbahante) | Qayaad, 400 – Lama yaqaan; ... Darwiish la oran jirey Faarax Qashe iyo dhawr nin oo la socda (The Darawiish Faarax Qarshe took his own people (i.e. the Qayaad) with him)[43] |
(12) Garbo Darawiish | Total servicemen: 350 | Dhulbahante, Warsangeli | di circa 350 uomini[39] |
(13) Shacni-Cali | 200 spearmen, 30 riflemen Total servicemen: 230 |
Warsangeli (Harti) | WARSANGELl, men in Haroun; RAGGA WARSANGELI ... waxa loogu magac daray Shacni Cali |
Shiikhyaale was one of the divisions where conscript reserves could be attached; one such regiment was the Bah in Nur Hedik, which literally means, the group of Ina Nur Hedik, referring to Abdi Nur Hedik, often simplified to Nur Hedik; the commander of the entire Darawiish cavalry.[44] The 12 May 1907 intelligence report from the British Aden Colony describing Nur Hedik as commander of the Darawiish cavalry is as follows:[45]
Rumours of the desertions of Nur Hedik ( leader of the Dervish horse ) and his following are still current.
In the post-Dervish period, Nur Hedik was the leader of DHulbahante in Erigabo.[46] A 1910 intelligence report from the British Aden colony documenting a battle between Darawiish and native auxiliaries who were signatories to the Italians, Nur Hedik was described as one of three Darawiish commanders, alongside Adam Maleh and Shire Cumbaal:[47]
The Dervishes loss was undoubtedly severe, and included the following leaders: Adam Maleh, also Shireh Ambaleh, killed. Nur Hedig[sic], shot through both legs.
The Times news sources states that Nur Hedik was shot through both his legs.[47] On occasion, rumours were spread in the Dervish territories of 'Iid and Nugal that Nur Hedik, misspelled as Nur Nedik, had abandoned the Dervishes along with his cavalry, as reported by the British War Office, who refers to Nur Hedik as the overall commander of the Dervish cavalry.[48]
A universal rumour is current that Nur Nudik, a leader of the Dervish horse, has deserted with a number of men, ponies and rifles, to the Southern Mijjertain.
The third person narrative using the native transliteration of Nuur Xiddig is used to describe Nur Hedik as a qusuusi, i.e. a counciller during a scaled back phase of anti-colonial resistance:
15 sano ayaan qusuusidda Daraawiishta ka mid ahaa, 6 bilood markaa ka horna xaruntaan ka baxsaday, aniga iyo Cabdi Nuur Xiddig, xagga dalka iyo dadkaba aqoon baanu u lahayn [49] |
From the perspective of country and communnity, myself and Nur Hedik were well versed, and had been qusuusi (counsillers) for 15 years; nonetheless we defected from the government roughly six months beforehand |
Nur Hedik, according to the British War Office report, initially controlled only his Ali Naleye subclan:[50]
Nur Hedig (All Naleya, Yusuf AU) visited the Mullah at Gaolo, and brought him a present of 10 ponies. He promised that he and his own followers should throw in their lot with the Mullah, but Abbas cannot tell what the remainder of the Ali Naleya will do
The Darawiish haroun, the name of the dervish government, was at Galo, near Halin, and Nur Hedik was one of the rare named visitors there:[50]
Nur Hodig, with 30 men paid a visit to the Mullah at Gaolo, to come to terms with him, nothing further is known about him.
During the fourth expedition, the only Dervish commander to be appended with their name in the official British documentation of the staff diary of H. E. Stanton was Nur Hedik; the following report about Nur Hedik was given prior to the Battle of Jidbali:[50]
Reconnoitring party of Tribal Horse returned on the 25th to Badwein after spending the night of the 24th in the neighbourhood of Jidbali. Report force there considerably strengthened and zariba extending to Chidan, 1 1/2 miles south. Also that Nur Hedig's raiding party from the north has joined them.
British intelligence reports gave the following details on subdivisions of Darawiish administrative divisions:[51]
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