Siege of Jerusalem (70 CE)

For the siege by Nebuchadnezzar that led to the destruction of the First Temple, see Siege of Jerusalem (587 BC). For other sieges upon the city of Jerusalem, see Siege of Jerusalem.

The siege of Jerusalem of 70 CE was the decisive event of the First Jewish–Roman War (66–73 CE), in which the Roman army led by future emperor Titus besieged Jerusalem, the center of Jewish rebel resistance in the Roman province of Judaea. Following a five-month siege, the Romans destroyed the city, including the Second Temple.^[1][2][3]

Siege of Jerusalem (70 CE)
Part of the First Jewish–Roman War
Destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem by Francesco Hayez. Oil on canvas, 1867.
Date 14 April – 8 September 70 CE Location Jerusalem, Judaea 31°46′41″N 35°14′9″E Result Roman victory Territorial changes Roman rule of Jerusalem restored
Belligerents
Roman Empire	Judean provisional government loyalists Sadducees Pharisees Peasants Idumaeans	Zealots
Commanders and leaders
Titus Julius Alexander	Simon bar Giora	John of Giscala (POW) Eleazar ben Simon †
Strength
70,000	15,000–20,000	10,000
Casualties and losses
Unknown	15,000–20,000	10,000

In April 70 CE, three days before Passover, the Roman army started besieging Jerusalem.^[4][5] The city had been taken over by several rebel factions following a period of massive unrest and the collapse of a short-lived provisional government. Within three weeks, the Romans broke the first two walls of the city, but a stubborn rebel standoff prevented them from penetrating the third and thickest wall.^[4][6] According to Josephus, a contemporary historian and the main source for the war, the city was ravaged by murder, famine, and cannibalism.^[7]

On Tisha B'Av, 70 CE (August 30),^[8] Roman forces overwhelmed the defenders and set fire to the Temple.^[9] Resistance continued for another month, but eventually the upper and lower parts of the city were taken as well, and the city was burned to the ground. Titus spared only the three towers of the Herodian citadel as a testimony to the city's former might.^[10][11] The siege had a major toll on human life, with many people being killed and enslaved, and large parts of the city destroyed. This victory gave the Flavian dynasty legitimacy to claim control over the empire. A triumph was held in Rome to celebrate the victory over the Jews, with two triumphal arches erected to commemorate it, including the Arch of Titus, which still stands today. The treasures looted from the Temple were put on display.^[7]

The destruction of Jerusalem marked a major turning point in Jewish history.^[7][12][13] The loss of the mother-city and Second Temple necessitated a reshaping of Jewish culture to ensure its survival. With sacrificial worship no longer possible, Jewish practices shifted to prayer, Torah study, and synagogue gatherings. According to Rabbinic tradition, Yohanan ben Zakkai escaped Jerusalem during the siege and secured Roman permission to establish a study center in Yavneh.^[13][14][15] This event was foundational in the development of Rabbinic Judaism, which emerged from Pharisaic traditions and eventually became the mainstream form of Judaism.^[2][7][16] Jewish sects such as the Sadducees and Essenes faded into obscurity,^[17] while surviving followers of Jesus of Nazareth continued to spread his teachings, leading to the rise of Christianity as a new, separate religion.^[7] After the war, Legio X Fretensis established a military camp on Jerusalem's ruins.^[18][19] The city was later re-founded as the Roman colony of Aelia Capitolina and foreign cults were introduced, with a temple to Jupiter being erected on the Temple Mount.^[20][21][22] This is often seen as a catalyst for the Bar Kokhba revolt.^[23][24]

Background

Further information: Jerusalem during the Second Temple Period

During the Second Temple Period, Jerusalem was the center of religious and national life for Jews, including those in the Diaspora.^[25] The Second Temple attracted tens and maybe hundreds of thousands during the Three Pilgrimage Festivals.^[25] The city reached a peak in size and population during the late Second Temple period, when the city covered two square kilometres (3⁄4 square mile) and had an estimated population of 200,000.^[21][26] In his Natural History, Pliny the Elder celebrated it as "by far, the most famous of the cities of the East".^[27]

In the early Roman period, Jerusalem had two distinct precincts. The first encompassed the regions within the "first wall", the City of David and the Upper City, and was heavily built up, though less so at its wealthy parts. The second, known as the "suburb" or "Bethesda", lay north of the first and was sparsely populated. It contained that section of Jerusalem within the Herodian "second wall" (which was still standing), though it was itself surrounded by the new "third wall", built by king Agrippa I.^[28]

Josephus stated that Agrippa wanted to build a wall at least 5 meters thick, literally impenetrable by contemporary siege engines. Agrippa, however, never moved beyond the foundations, out of fear of emperor Claudius "lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs."^[29] It was only completed later, to a lesser strength and in much haste, when the First Jewish–Roman War broke out and the defenses of Jerusalem had to be bolstered. Nine towers adorned the third wall.

Outbreak of rebellion

The First Jewish–Roman War, also known as the Great Jewish Revolt, broke following the appointment of prefect Gessius Florus and his demand to receive Temple funds. Nero entrusted the job of crushing the rebellion in Judaea to Vespasian, a talented and unassuming general. In early 68 CE, Vespasian landed at Ptolemais and began suppression of the revolt with operations in the Galilee. By July 69 all of Judea but Jerusalem had been pacified and the city, now hosting rebel leaders from all over the country, came under Roman siege.^[30]

A fortified stronghold, it might have held for a significant amount of time, if not for the intense civil war that then broke out between moderates and Zealots.^[30] In the summer of 69 CE, Vespasian departed Judea for Rome and in December became Emperor, with command of the Roman legions passing to his son Titus.^{[citation needed]}

Siege

Progress of the Roman army during the siege

Josephus places the siege in the second year of Vespasian,^[31] which corresponds to year 70 of the Common Era. Titus began his siege a few days before Passover,^[4] on 14 Xanthicus (April),^[5] surrounding the city with three legions (V Macedonica, XII Fulminata, XV Apollinaris) on the western side and a fourth (X Fretensis) on the Mount of Olives, to the east.^[32][33] If the reference in his Jewish War at 6:421 is to Titus's siege, though difficulties exist with its interpretation, then at the time, according to Josephus, Jerusalem was thronged with many people who had come to celebrate Passover.^[34]

The thrust of the siege began in the west at the Third Wall, north of the Jaffa Gate. By May, this was breached and the Second Wall also was taken shortly afterwards, leaving the defenders in possession of the Temple and the upper and lower city.

The Jewish defenders were split into factions. Simon Bar Giora and John of Giscala, the two prominent Zealot leaders, placed all blame for the failure of the revolt on the shoulders of the moderate leadership. John of Gischala's group murdered another faction leader, Eleazar ben Simon, whose men were entrenched in the forecourts of the Temple.^[4] The Zealots resolved to prevent the city from falling into Roman hands by all means necessary, including the murder of political opponents and anyone standing in their way.^[35]

There were still those wishing to negotiate with the Romans and bring a peaceful end to the siege. The most prominent of these was Yohanan ben Zakkai, whose students smuggled him out of the city in a coffin in order to deal with Vespasian. This, however, was insufficient to deal with the madness that had now gripped the Zealot leadership in Jerusalem and the reign of terror it unleashed upon the population of the city.^[35] Josephus describes various acts of savagery committed against the people by its own leadership, including the torching of the city's food supply in an apparent bid to force the defenders to fight for their lives.

The enmities between John of Gischala and Simon bar Giora were papered over only when the Roman siege engineers began to erect ramparts. Titus then had a wall built to girdle the city in order to starve out the population more effectively. After several failed attempts to breach or scale the walls of the Fortress of Antonia, the Romans finally launched a secret attack.^[4] Despite early successes in repelling the Roman sieges, the Zealots fought amongst themselves, and they lacked proper leadership, resulting in poor discipline, training, and preparation for the battles that were to follow. At one point they destroyed the food stocks in the city, a drastic measure thought to have been undertaken perhaps in order to enlist a merciful God's intervention on behalf of the besieged Jews,^[36] or as a stratagem to make the defenders more desperate, supposing that was necessary in order to repel the Roman army.^{[37][unreliable source?]}

According to Josephus, when the Romans reached Antonia they tried to destroy the wall which protected it. They removed four stones only, but during the night the wall collapsed. "That night the wall was so shaken by the battering rams in that place where John had used his stratagem before, and had undermined their banks, that the ground then gave way, and the wall fell down suddenly." (v. 28)^[38] Following this, Titus had raised banks beside the court of the Temple: on the north-west corner, on the north side, and on the west side (v. 150).^[39]

Josephus goes on to say that the Jews then attacked the Romans on the east, near the Mount of Olives, but Titus drove them back to the valley. Zealots set the north-west colonnade on fire (v. 165). The Romans set the next one on fire, and the Jews wanted it to burn (v. 166), and they also trapped some Roman soldiers when they wanted to climb over the wall. They had burned wood under the wall when Romans were trapped on it (v. 178–183).

After Jewish allies killed a number of Roman soldiers, Josephus claims that Titus sent him to negotiate with the defenders; this ended with Jews wounding the negotiator with an arrow, and another sally was launched shortly after. Titus was almost captured during this sudden attack, but escaped.

Overlooking the Temple compound, the fortress provided a perfect point from which to attack the Temple itself. Battering rams made little progress, but the fighting itself eventually set the walls on fire; a Roman soldier threw a burning stick onto one of the Temple's walls.

Destruction of the Temple

The account of Josephus described Titus as moderate in his approach and, after conferring with others, ordering that the 500-year-old Temple be spared. According to Josephus, it was the Jews who first used fire in the Northwest approach to the Temple to try and stop Roman advances. Only then did Roman soldiers set fire to an apartment adjacent to the Temple, starting a conflagration which the Jews subsequently made worse.^[40] Later Christian sources, traced back to Tacitus, claim that Titus personally authorized the destruction, a perspective that modern scholars generally support, though the debate remains unsettled.^[41]

Josephus had acted as a mediator for the Romans and, when negotiations failed, witnessed the siege and aftermath. He wrote:

Now as soon as the army had no more people to slay or to plunder, because there remained none to be the objects of their fury (for they would not have spared any, had there remained any other work to be done), [Titus] Caesar gave orders that they should now demolish the entire city and Temple, but should leave as many of the towers standing as they were of the greatest eminence; that is, Phasaelus, and Hippicus, and Mariamne; and so much of the wall enclosed the city on the west side. This wall was spared, in order to afford a camp for such as were to lie in garrison [in the Upper City], as were the towers [the three forts] also spared, in order to demonstrate to posterity what kind of city it was, and how well fortified, which the Roman valor had subdued; but for all the rest of the wall [surrounding Jerusalem], it was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundation, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe it [Jerusalem] had ever been inhabited. This was the end which Jerusalem came to by the madness of those that were for innovations; a city otherwise of great magnificence, and of mighty fame among all mankind.^[42]
And truly, the very view itself was a melancholy thing; for those places which were adorned with trees and pleasant gardens, were now become desolate country every way, and its trees were all cut down. Nor could any foreigner that had formerly seen Judaea and the most beautiful suburbs of the city, and now saw it as a desert, but lament and mourn sadly at so great a change. For the war had laid all signs of beauty quite waste. Nor had anyone who had known the place before, had come on a sudden to it now, would he have known it again. But though he [a foreigner] were at the city itself, yet would he have inquired for it.^[43]

Destroying the Temple was not among Titus's goals, possibly due in large part to the massive expansions done by Herod the Great mere decades earlier. Titus had wanted to seize it and transform it into a temple dedicated to the Roman Emperor and the Roman pantheon. However, the fire spread quickly and was soon out of control. The Temple was captured and destroyed on 9/10 Tisha B'Av, sometime in August 70 CE, and the flames spread into the residential sections of the city.^[4][33] Josephus described the scene:

As the legions charged in, neither persuasion nor threat could check their impetuosity: passion alone was in command. Crowded together around the entrances many were trampled by their friends, many fell among the still hot and smoking ruins of the colonnades and died as miserably as the defeated. As they neared the Sanctuary they pretended not even to hear Caesar's commands and urged the men in front to throw in more firebrands. The partisans were no longer in a position to help; everywhere was slaughter and flight. Most of the victims were peaceful citizens, weak and unarmed, butchered wherever they were caught. Round the Altar the heaps of corpses grew higher and higher, while down the Sanctuary steps poured a river of blood and the bodies of those killed at the top slithered to the bottom.^[44]

Josephus's account absolves Titus of any culpability for the destruction of the Temple, but this may merely reflect his desire to procure favor with the Flavian dynasty.^[44][45] According to Josephus, the excitement of the Roman troops led them to fuel the flames beyond control. In contrast, another historiographic tradition, which traces back to Tacitus and is later reflected in Christian writings, asserts that Titus explicitly authorized the destruction of the Temple, which was also functioning as a key fortress.^[41] Modern scholarship generally supports this latter account, although the issue remains debated.^[41]

The Roman legions quickly crushed the remaining Jewish resistance. Some of the remaining Jews escaped through hidden tunnels and sewers, while others made a final stand in the Upper City.^[46] This defense halted the Roman advance as they had to construct siege towers to assail the remaining Jews. Herod's Palace fell on 7 September, and the city was completely under Roman control by 8 September.^{[47][page needed][48]} The Romans continued to pursue those who had fled the city.

Conclusion and destruction of the city

Further information: Burnt House and Second Temple § Archaeology

With the city's fall, Titus ordered its systematic destruction.^[49][50] According to Josephus, Titus "ordered the whole city and temple to be razed to the ground," leaving intact just the three towers of Herod's palace to exhibit the city's former grandeur and the western wall to safeguard the Roman garrison stationed there. However, "all the rest of the wall encompassing the city was so completely leveled to the ground as to leave future visitors to the spot no ground for believing that it had ever been inhabited."^[51][50]

The historical account provided by Josephus is well supported by archaeological evidence from 70 CE, uncovered throughout the remains of the ancient city.^[1][52][53] Ronny Reich wrote that "While remains relating to the destruction of the Temple are scant, those pertaining to the Temple Mount walls and their close vicinity, the Upper City, the western part of the city, and the Tyropoeon Valley are considerable. [...] It was found that in most cases the archaeological record coincides with the historical description, pointing to Josephus' reliability".^[52]

A fresco showing signs of burning, Wohl Archaeological Museum, Jewish Quarter

In the 1970s and 1980s, a team led by Nahman Avigad discovered traces of great fire that damaged the Upper City's residential buildings. The fires consumed all organic matter. In houses where there was a beamed ceiling between the floors, the fire caused the top of the building to collapse, along with the top rows of stone, and they buried everything that remained in the home under them. There are buildings where traces remain only in part of the house, and there are buildings that have been completely burned. Calcium oxides have been discovered in several locations, indicating that a lengthy burning damaged the limestones. The Burnt House in the Herodian Quarter, for example, shows signs of a fire that raged at the site during the city's destruction.^[52][54] The fire left its mark even on household utensils and objects that were in the same buildings. Limestone vessels were stained with ash or even burned and turned into lime, glass vessels exploded and warped from the heat of the fire until they could not be recovered in the laboratory. In contrast, pottery and basalt survived. The layer of ash and charred wood left over from the fires reached an average height of about a meter, and the rock falls reached up to two meters and more.^[52]

Stones from the Western Wall of the Temple Mount (Jerusalem) thrown onto the street by Roman soldiers on the Ninth of Av, 70

The great urban drainage channel and the Pool of Siloam in the Lower City silted up and stopped working, and the city walls collapsed in numerous places.^[55]

Massive stone collapses from the Temple Mount's walls were discovered laying over the Herodian street that runs along the Western Wall.^[56] Among these stones is the Trumpeting Place inscription, a monumental Hebrew inscription which was thrown down by Roman legionnaires during the destruction of the Temple.^[57]

Deaths, enslavement, and displacement

Josephus wrote that 1.1 million people, the majority of them Jewish, were killed during the siege – a death toll he attributes to the celebration of Passover.^[58] Josephus goes on to report that after the Romans killed the armed and elderly people, 97,000 were enslaved.^[59] Josephus records that many people were sold into slavery, and that of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, 40,000 individuals survived, and the emperor let them to go wherever they chose.^[60] Before and during the siege, according to Josephus' account, there were multiple waves of desertions from the city.^[61]

The Roman historian Tacitus later wrote: "... the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand; there were arms for all who could use them, and the number ready to fight was larger than could have been anticipated from the total population. Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death".^[62]

Josephus' death toll figures have been rejected as impossible by Seth Schwartz, who estimates that about a million people lived in all of the land of Israel at the time, about half of them Jews, and that sizable Jewish populations remained in the area after the war was over, even in the hard-hit region of Judea.^[63] Schwartz, however, believes that the captive number of 97,000 is more reliable.^[61] It has also been noted that the revolt had not deterred pilgrims from visiting Jerusalem, and a large number became trapped in the city and perished during the siege.^[64]

Many of the people of the surrounding area are also thought to have been driven from the land or enslaved.^[61]

Aftermath

Further information: First Jewish-Roman War § Aftermath

In Jerusalem

Following the revolt, the ruins of Jerusalem were garrisoned by Legio X Fretensis, which remained stationed there for nearly two centuries.^[65][66] Their presence in the ruined city is well attested through various inscriptions, tiles, and bricks bearing the legion's stamp, though the exact location of their encampment within the city remains unknown.^[67]

The establishment of a Roman garrison in the ruins likely discouraged Jews from returning to reside there.^[67] Josephus noted that Titus compensated him with properties elsewhere, as those in Jerusalem would be of no value due to the Roman military presence.^[68][67]

In Josephus's account of Eleazar ben Yair's speech at Masada (73/74 CE), he quotes Eleazar describing the scene in the ruined city, where "hapless old men sit beside the ashes of the shrine, and a few women, reserved by the enemy for basest outrage."^[69][67] Epiphanius, a Christian bishop who flourished in the 4th century, records what may be authentic testimony of a small, impoverished Jewish community residing on Jerusalem's southwest hill between the revolts.^[70][71] Excavations in Shuafat, 4 kilometers north of Jerusalem's Old City, uncovered evidence of a settlement established after the destruction, designed in the Roman style but hosting a substantial Jewish population. At the onset of the Bar Kokhba revolt, the settlement was partially burned, and its inhabitants fled.^[72]

Jews would be banned from Jerusalem and its vicinity in the aftermath of the Bar Kokhba revolt of 132–136 CE.^[67]

Triumph in Rome

A year after the fall of Jerusalem, in the summer of 71 CE,^[73][74] a triumph was held in Rome to celebrate the fall of Jerusalem and the Roman victory over the Jews.^[75][76] This triumph was unique in Roman history, being the only one dedicated to subjugating an existing province's population.^[77][74] It is also the most thoroughly documented Imperial triumph,^[75][78][79] preserved in vivid detail in Josephus' account in Book VII of The Jewish War.^[80] The triumph drew a vast crowd, with one scholar estimating the number of spectators at around 300,000 or more.^[81][73]

At dawn, Vespasian and Titus, adorned in laurel crowns and purple robes, emerged from the Temple of Isis in the Campus Martius, and proceeded to the Porticus Octaviae, where they were met by senators, chief magistrates, and equestrian order members.^[73] A tribunal with ivory chairs, traditionally reserved for magistrates and priests with imperium, had been prepared, where Vespasian and Titus took their seats, unarmed and crowned with bays.^[73] In response to the acclamations by troops, Vespasian signaled for silence, and offered prayers of thanksgiving, followed by Titus.^[73] After dismissing the troops to breakfast, they proceeded to the Porta Triumphalis, performed sacrifices, donned triumphal robes, and began the procession.^[73]

The procession showcased an elaborate array of artworks, including purple tapestries, rugs, gems, divine statues, and decorated animals.^[82] Multi-story scaffolds displayed golden frames, ivory work, and tapestries illustrating scenes from the war.^[83] Vespasian and Titus rode together in triumphal chariots, with Domitian riding beside them separately.^[84][85] Particularly significant were sacred items from the Temple, such as the menorah, the golden Table of Showbread, and Jewish religious texts.^[86] 700 Jewish captives were paraded as symbols of conquest, according to Josephus, "to make a display of their own destruction".^[87][88][89] The triumph culminating in the execution of Simon bar Giora who was scourged and hanged at the Mamertine Prison in accordance with Roman custom.^[85]

Suppression of the revolt

Further information: Siege of Masada

After the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the city and its temple, there were still a few Judean strongholds in which the rebels continued holding out, at Herodium, Machaerus, and Masada.^[90] Both Herodium and Machaerus fell to the Roman army within the next two years, with Masada remaining as the final stronghold of the Judean rebels. In 73 CE, the Romans breached the walls of Masada and captured the fortress, with Josephus claiming that nearly all of the Jewish defenders had committed mass suicide prior to the entry of the Romans.^[91] With the fall of Masada, the First Jewish–Roman War came to an end.

Bar Kokhba revolt

Further information: Bar Kokhba revolt

Around 130 CE, six decades after the Jerusalem's destruction, a new Roman colony, Aelia Capitolina, was founded on the city's ruins, an act described by historian Martin Goodman as the "final solution for Jewish rebelliousness".^[92] The founding of the colony, coupled with the construction of a temple to Jupiter on the Temple Mount, is widely regarded as a key trigger for the Bar Kokhba revolt, which erupted in 132 CE.^[93][94]

Supported by the Sanhedrin, Simon Bar Kosiba (later known as Bar Kokhba) established an independent state that was conquered by the Romans in 135 CE. The revolt resulted in the extensive depopulation of Judean communities, more so than during the First Jewish–Roman War.^[95] The Jewish communities of Judea were devastated to an extent which some scholars describe as a genocide.^[95][96] However, the Jewish population remained strong in other parts of the land of Israel, thriving in Galilee, Golan, Bet Shean Valley, and the eastern, southern, and western edges of Judea.^[97] Emperor Hadrian wiped the name Judaea off the map and replaced it with Syria Palaestina.^{[98][99][100]}

Following the suppression of the third Jewish revolt, the Romans continued the construction and development of Aelia Capitolina, which remained a modest provincial town within the empire.^[94] Its population consisted primarily of Roman legionaries, veterans, and other non-Jewish settlers.^[94] As a pagan colony, it was dedicated to Capitoline Jupiter, with temples to Roman deities replacing the city's former Jewish character entirely.^[94]

Commemoration

Roman

The victory was commemorated in Rome with the Arch of Titus, which depicts the valuables seized from the Temple, including the Temple menorah

The Flavian dynasty celebrated the fall of Jerusalem by building two monumental triumphal arches. The Arch of Titus, which stills stands today, was built c. 82 CE by the Roman Emperor Domitian on Via Sacra, Rome, to commemorate the siege and fall of Jerusalem.^[101] The bas-relief on the arch depicts soldiers carrying spoils from the Temple, including the Menorah, during a victory procession. A second, less known Arch of Titus constructed at the southeast entrance to the Circus Maximus was built by the Senate in 82 CE. Only a few traces of it remain today.^[7]

In 75 CE, the Temple of Peace, also known as the Forum of Vespasian, was built under Emperor Vespasian in Rome. The monument was built to celebrate the conquest of Jerusalem and it is said to have housed the Temple Menorah from Herod's Temple.^[102]

The Colosseum, otherwise known as the Flavian Amphitheater, built in Rome between 70 and 82 CE, is believed to have been partially financed by the spoils of the Roman victory over the Jews. Archaeological discoveries have found a block of travertine that bears dowel holes that show the Jewish Wars financed the building of the amphitheater.^[103]

The Flavians issued a series of coins, named Judaea Capta ("Judaea has been conquered"), to commemorate their victory.^[104] These coins served as a key component of Flavian imperial propaganda throughout the Roman Empire and were produced over a period of 10 to 12 years.^[105] The obverse featured portraits of Vespasian or, more frequently, Titus,^[105] while the reverse depicted allegorical imagery centered on a mourning female figure representing the conquered Jewish people.^[104] She is shown seated beneath a palm tree, a symbol of Judaea.^[104] The reverse designs varied, sometimes portraying the female figure bound or kneeling before the victory goddess Nike (Victoria).^[105]

Jewish

In Jewish tradition, the annual fast day of Tisha B'Av marks the destruction of the First and Second Temples, which according to Jewish tradition, occurred on the same day on the Hebrew calendar.

In the centuries following the destruction of the Temple, some Jewish communities adopted a new Hebrew calendar that began with the year of the Temple's destruction. In Zoara, located south of the Dead Sea (in modern-day Jordan), this system was consistently used in the Jewish section of the town's cemetery.^[106] One inscription, for instance, belonging to a woman named Marsa, reads, "she died on the fifth day, 17 days into the month of Elul, the fourth year of shemitah, 362 years after the destruction of the Temple." A similar calendar system was adopted by other Jewish communities during late antiquity, starting in the Levant and spreading to diaspora communities, to mark births, marriages, and other significant life events.^[106]

Legacy

In Jewish theology and eschatology

The Jewish Amoraim attributed the destruction of the Temple and Jerusalem as punishment from God for the "baseless" hatred that pervaded Jewish society at the time.^[107] Many Jews in despair are thought to have abandoned Judaism for some version of paganism, and many others sided with the growing Christian sect within Judaism.^{[63]: 196–198}

Jerusalem retained its importance in Jewish life and culture even after its destruction, and it became a symbol of hope for return, rebuilding and renewal of national life.^[25] The belief in a Third Temple remains a cornerstone of Orthodox Judaism.^[108]

In Christian theology

The destruction was an important point in the separation of Christianity from its Jewish roots: many Christians responded by distancing themselves from the rest of Judaism, as reflected in the Gospels, which described Jesus as anti-Temple. Christians understood the events of 70 CE as a fulfilment of his prediction that the temple would be destroyed (in Matthew 24, Luke 21, Mark 13);^{[109][110][111]} some also saw it as a punishment of the Jews for their rejection of Jesus.^{[63]: 30–31}

Jewish Folklore

According to Sephardic Jewish traditions, exiles from Jerusalem in 70 CE were responsible for giving Toledo, Spain its name, deriving it from the Hebrew words toledot or tulaytula (migration or wandering).^[112]

In popular culture

The siege and destruction of Jerusalem has inspired writers and artists through the centuries.

'Siege and destruction of Jerusalem', La Passion de Nostre Seigneur c. 1504

Art

• The Franks Casket (8th century). The back side of the casket depicts the siege.^[113]
• The Destruction of the Temple at Jerusalem by Nicolas Poussin (1637). Oil on canvas, 147 × 198.5 cm. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Depicts the destruction and looting of the Second Temple by the Roman army led by Titus.^[114]
• The Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus by Wilhelm von Kaulbach (1846). Oil on canvas, 585 × 705 cm. Neue Pinakothek, Munich. An allegorical depiction of the destruction of Jerusalem, dramatically centered on the figure of the High Priest, with Titus entering from the right.^[115]
• The Siege and Destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans Under the Command of Titus, 70 by David Roberts (1850). Oil on canvas, 136 × 197 cm. Private collection. Depicts the burning and looting of Jerusalem by the Roman army under Titus.^[116]
• The Destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem by Francesco Hayez (1867). Oil on canvas, 183 × 252 cm. Gallerie dell'Accademia, Venice. Depicts the destruction and looting of the Second Temple by the Roman army.^[117]

The Siege and Destruction of Jerusalem, by David Roberts (1850).

Literature

• Siege of Jerusalem, a Middle English poem (c. 1370–1390).^[118]
• The Great Jewish Revolt, book series by James Mace (2014–2016).
• The Lost Wisdom of the Magi, book by Susie Helme (2020).
• Rebel Daughter, book by Lori Banov Kaufmann (2021).

Film

• Legend of Destruction (2021), an Israeli animated historical drama film.

See also

• History portal

• Council of Jamnia
• Fiscus Judaicus
• Flight to Pella
• Herod's Temple
• Holyland Model of Jerusalem
• Jesus ben Ananias
• Kamsa and Bar Kamsa
• List of incidents of cannibalism
• Preterism

References

1. Weksler-Bdolah, Shlomit (2019). Aelia Capitolina – Jerusalem in the Roman period: in light of archaeological research. Brill. p. 3. ISBN 978-90-04-41707-6. The historical description is consistent with the archeological finds. Collapses of massive stones from the walls of the Temple Mount were exposed lying over the Herodian street running along the Western Wall of the Temple Mount. The residential buildings of the Ophel and the Upper City were destroyed by great fire. The large urban drainage channel and the Pool of Siloam in the Lower City silted up and ceased to function, and in many places the city walls collapsed. ... Following the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 CE, a new era began in the city's history. The Herodian city was destroyed and a military camp of the Tenth Roman Legion established on part of the ruins. In c. 130 CE, the Roman emperor Hadrian founded a new city in place of Herodian Jerusalem next to the military camp. He honored the city with the status of a colony and named it Aelia Capitolina and possibly also forbidding Jews from entering its boundaries
2. Westwood, Ursula (1 April 2017). "A History of the Jewish War, AD 66–74". Journal of Jewish Studies. 68 (1): 189–193. doi:10.18647/3311/jjs-2017. ISSN 0022-2097.
3. Ben-Ami, Doron; Tchekhanovets, Yana (2011). "The Lower City of Jerusalem on the Eve of Its Destruction, 70 CE: A View From Hanyon Givati". Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. 364: 61–85. doi:10.5615/bullamerschoorie.364.0061. ISSN 0003-097X. S2CID 164199980.
4. Schäfer, Peter (2003). The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab. Conquest Routledge. pp. 129–130. ISBN 978-1-134-40317-2.
5. War of the Jews Book V, sect. 99 (Ch. 3, paragraph 1 in Whiston's translation); dates given are approximations since the correspondence between the calendar Josephus used and modern calendars is uncertain.
6. Si Shepperd, The Jewish Revolt AD 66–74, (Osprey Publishing), p. 62. ISBN 9781780961859
7. Maclean Rogers, Guy (2021). For the Freedom of Zion: The Great Revolt of Jews against Romans, 66–74 CE. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. pp. 3–5. ISBN 978-0-300-26256-8.
8. Bunson, Matthew (1995). A Dictionary of the Roman Empire. Oxford University Press. p. 212. ISBN 978-0-19-510233-8.
9. The destruction of both the First and Second temples is still mourned annually during the Jewish fast of Tisha B'Av.
10. Rocca (2008), pp. 51–52.
11. Goodman, Martin (2008). Rome and Jerusalem: The Clash of Ancient Civilizations. Penguin. p. 25. ISBN 978-0-14-029127-8. The capitulation of the rest of Jerusalem was rapid. Those parts of the lower city already under Roman control were deliberately set on fire. The erection of new towers to break down the walls of the upper city was completed on 7 Elul (in mid-August), and the troops forced their way in. By 8 Elul the whole city was in Roman hands – and in ruins. In recompense for the ferocious fighting they had been required to endure, the soldiers were given free rein to loot and kill, until eventually Titus ordered that the city be razed to the ground, 'leaving only the loftiest of the towers, Phasael, Hippicus and Mariamme, and the portion of the wall enclosing the city on the west: the latter as an encampment for the garrison that was to remain, and the towers to indicate to posterity the nature of the city and of the strong defences which had yet yielded to Roman prowess. All the rest of the wall encompassing the city was so completely levelled to the ground as to leave future visitors to the spot no ground for believing that it had ever been inhabited.'
12. Neusner, Jacob (28 November 2017). Hinnells, John (ed.). "Judaism in a Time of Crisis: Four Responses to the Destruction of the Second Temple". Neusner on Judaism. Routledge. pp. 399–413. doi:10.4324/9781351152761-20. ISBN 978-1-351-15276-1.
13. Karesh, Sara E. (2006). Encyclopedia of Judaism. Facts On File. ISBN 978-1-78785-171-9. Until the modern period, the destruction of the Temple was the most cataclysmic moment in the history of the Jewish people. Without the Temple, the Sadducees no longer had any claim to authority, and they faded away. The sage Yochanan ben Zakkai, with permission from Rome, set up the outpost of Yavneh to continue develop of Pharisaic, or rabbinic, Judaism.
14. Katz, Steven T., ed. (2006). The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4: The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period. Vol. 4. Cambridge University Press. p. 268. doi:10.1017/chol9780521772488. ISBN 978-0-521-77248-8. Under the leadership of R. Yohanan ben Zakkai and his circle at Yavneh, Judaism sought to reconstitute itself and find a new equilibrium in the face of the disaster of 70.
15. Stemberger, Guenter (2003). Neusner, Jacob; Avery-Peck, Alan J. (eds.). "The Formation of Rabbinic Judaism, 70–640 CE". The Blackwell Companion to Judaism. Wiley. pp. 78–79. doi:10.1002/9780470758014.ch5. ISBN 978-1-57718-058-6.
16. Goldenberg, Robert (1977). "The Broken Axis: Rabbinic Judaism and the Fall of Jerusalem". Journal of the American Academy of Religion. XLV (3): 353. doi:10.1093/jaarel/xlv.3.353. ISSN 0002-7189.
17. Karesh, Sara E. (2006). Encyclopedia of Judaism. Facts On File. ISBN 978-1-78785-171-9. Until the modern period, the destruction of the Temple was the most cataclysmic moment in the history of the Jewish people. Without the Temple, the Sadducees no longer had any claim to authority, and they faded away. The sage Yochanan ben Zakkai, with permission from Rome, set up the outpost of Yavneh to continue develop of Pharisaic, or rabbinic, Judaism.
18. Weksler-Bdolah, Shlomit (9 December 2019). "The Camp of the Legion X Fretensis". Aelia Capitolina – Jerusalem in the Roman Period. Brill. pp. 19–50. doi:10.1163/9789004417076_003. ISBN 978-90-04-41707-6. S2CID 214005509. After the destruction of the Herodian city of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 CE, a military camp of the Tenth Roman Legion was established on part of the ruins to guard the former center of the revolt. This is clearly stated by Josephus (Jos. BJ, 7:1–5, 17; Vita, 422); it can be understood from the text of a diploma of 93 CE: "(veterani) qui militaverunt Hierosolymnis in legione X Fretense", and it is also clear from epigraphic finds from the town. A bulk of military small finds recovered from several sites around the Old City indicates the presence of the XFretensis in Jerusalem
19. Geva, Hillel (1984). "The Camp of the Tenth Legion in Jerusalem: An Archaeological Reconsideration". Israel Exploration Journal. 34 (4): 239–254. ISSN 0021-2059. JSTOR 27925952.
20. Peter Schäfer (2003). The Bar Kokhba war reconsidered: new perspectives on the second Jewish revolt against Rome. Mohr Siebeck. p. 36. ISBN 978-3-16-148076-8. Retrieved 4 December 2011.
21. Lehmann, Clayton Miles (2007). "Palestine: History". The On-line Encyclopedia of the Roman Provinces. The University of South Dakota. Archived from the original on 10 March 2008. Retrieved 18 April 2007.
22. Cohen, Shaye J. D. (1996). "Judaism to Mishnah: 135–220 AD". In Hershel Shanks (ed.). Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism: A Parallel History of their Origins and Early Development. Washington, D.C.: Biblical Archaeology Society. p. 196.
23. Shlomit Weksler-Bdolah (2019). Aelia Capitolina – Jerusalem in the Roman Period: In Light of Archaeological Research. Brill. pp. 54–58. ISBN 978-90-04-41707-6.
24. Jacobson, David. "The Enigma of the Name Īliyā (= Aelia) for Jerusalem in Early Islam". Revision 4. Retrieved 23 December 2020.
25. Levine, Lee I. (2002). Jerusalem: portrait of the city in the Second Temple period (538 BCE – 70 CE). Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, published in cooperation with the Jewish Theological Seminary of America. pp. 15–20. ISBN 978-0-8276-0956-3.
26. Har-El, Menashe (1977). This Is Jerusalem. Canaan Publishing House. pp. 68–95. ISBN 978-0-86628-002-0.
27. Roth, Helena; Gadot, Yuval; Langgut, Dafna (2019). "Wood Economy in Early Roman Period Jerusalem". Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. 382: 71–87. doi:10.1086/705729. ISSN 0003-097X. S2CID 211672443.
28. Rocca (2008), p. 82.
29. "Josephus, The Jewish War V, 142". Archived from the original on 2 October 2009. Retrieved 18 December 2009.
30. Rocca (2008), pp. 81–82.
31. "Josephus: Of the War, Book VI". penelope.uchicago.edu.
32. Sheppard, Si (2013). The Jewish Revolt AD 66–74. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 42. ISBN 978-1-78096-184-2.
33. Levick, Barbara (1999). Vespasian. Routledge. pp. 116–119. ISBN 978-0-415-33866-0.
34. Colautti, Frederico M. (2002). Passover in the Works of Flavius Josephus. Brill. pp. 115–131. ISBN 978-90-04-12372-4.
35. Rocca (2008), p. 9.
36. Ben-Yehuda, Nachman (2010). Theocratic Democracy: The Social Construction of Religious and Secular Extremism. Oxford University Press. p. 91. ISBN 978-0-19-981323-0.
37. Telushkin, Joseph (1991). Jewish Literacy. New York: William Morrow and Co. Retrieved 11 December 2017. While the Romans would have won the war in any case, the Jewish civil war both hastened their victory and immensely increased the casualties. One horrendous example: In expectation of a Roman siege, Jerusalem's Jews had stockpiled a supply of dry food that could have fed the city for many years. But one of the warring Zealot factions burned the entire supply, apparently hoping that destroying this "security blanket" would compel everyone to participate in the revolt. The starvation resulting from this mad act caused suffering as great as any the Romans inflicted.
38. Whiston, William (1895) [1895]. The Works of Flavius Josephus. A.M. Auburn and Buffalo. John E. Beardsley. p. 28. ISBN 978-1-134-37137-2.
39. Whiston, William (1895) [1895]. The Works of Flavius Josephus. A.M. Auburn and Buffalo. John E. Beardsley. p. 150. ISBN 978-1-134-37137-2.
40. Hadas-Lebel, Mireille (2006). Jerusalem Against Rome. Peeters Publishers. p. 86.
41. Goldenberg, Robert (2006). Katz, Steven T. (ed.). "The destruction of the Jerusalem Temple: its meaning and its consequences". The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4: The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period. The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 194–195. doi:10.1017/chol9780521772488.009. ISBN 978-0-521-77248-8. Retrieved 16 September 2024.
42. Josephus. BJ. Translated by Whiston, William. 7.1.1..
43. Josephus. BJ. Translated by Whiston, William. 6.1.1..
44. Schäfer, Peter (2013) [1995]. The History of the Jews in Antiquity. Routledge. pp. 191–192. ISBN 978-1-134-37137-2.
45. "A.D. 70 Titus Destroys Jerusalem". Christian History. Retrieved 6 July 2017.
46. Peter J. Fast (2012). 70 A.D.: A War of the Jews. AuthorHouse. p. 761. ISBN 978-1-4772-6585-7.
47. Si Sheppard (2013). The Jewish Revolt AD 66–74. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1-78096-185-9.
48. Dr Robert Wahl (2006). Foundations of Faith. David C Cook. p. 103. ISBN 978-0-7814-4380-7.
49. Rogers 2022, p. 368.
50. Price 2011, p. 409.
51. The Jewish War, VII, 1–3
52. רייך, רוני; Reich, Ronny (2009). "The Sack of Jerusalem in 70 CE: Flavius Josephus' Description and the Archaeological Record / חורבן ירושלים בשנת 70 לסה"נ: תיאורו של יוסף בן מתתיהו והממצא הארכאולוגי". Cathedra: For the History of Eretz Israel and Its Yishuv / קתדרה: לתולדות ארץ ישראל ויישובה (131): 25–42. ISSN 0334-4657. JSTOR 23407359.
53. Price 2011, pp. 409–410.
54. Geva, H. ed., 2010 Jewish Quarter Excavations in the Old City of Jerusalem Conducted by Nahman Avigad, 1969–1982 IV: The Burnt House of Area B and Other Studies. Final Report. Jerusalem.
55. Reich, Ronny; Shukron, Eli; Lernau, Omri (2007). "Recent Discoveries in the City of David, Jerusalem". Israel Exploration Journal. 57 (2): 153–169. ISSN 0021-2059. JSTOR 27927171.
56. Reich, R. and Billig, Y. 2008. Jerusalem, The Robinson's Arch Area. NEAEHL 5: 1809–1811.
57. Demsky, Aaron (1986). "When the Priests Trumpeted the Onset of the Sabbath". The BAS Library. Retrieved 22 May 2022.
58. Goldberg, G J. "Chronology of the War According to Josephus: Part 7, The Fall of Jerusalem". www.josephus.org. Retrieved 8 December 2017.
59. Josephus, The Wars of the Jews VI.9.3
60. Flavius Josephus, The Jewish War, Book VI, 378–386
61. Schwartz, Seth (2014). The ancient Jews from Alexander to Muhammad. Cambridge. pp. 85–86. ISBN 978-1-107-04127-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
62. Tacitus, Histories, Book V, Chapter XIII
63. Schwartz, Seth (1984). "Political, social and economic life in the land of Israel". In Davies, William David; Finkelstein, Louis; Katz, Steven T. (eds.). The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period. Cambridge University Press. p. 24. ISBN 978-0-521-77248-8.
64. Wettstein, Howard: Diasporas and Exiles: Varieties of Jewish Identity, p. 31 (2002). University of California Press
65. Millar 1995, p. 76.
66. Belayche 2001, pp. 82–84.
67. Price 2011, p. 414.
68. Josephus, Life, 422
69. The Jewish War, VII, 377
70. Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures, 129–130
71. Price 2011, p. 415.
72. Price 2011, pp. 415–416.
73. Rogers 2022, p. 381.
74. Huitink 2024, p. 216.
75. Millar 2005, p. 101.
76. Rogers 2022, pp. 3–5.
77. Millar 1995, p. 79.
78. Huitink 2024, p. 223.
79. Rocca 2022, p. 246.
80. The Jewish War, VII, 116–57
81. Künzl 1988, p. 72.
82. Rogers 2022, pp. 381–382.
83. Rogers 2022, p. 382.
84. Beard 2002, p. 550.
85. Rogers 2022, p. 383.
86. Rogers 2022, p. 382, 619.
87. The Jewish War, VII, 96
88. Beard 2002, p. 553.
89. Rogers 2022, p. 379.
90. Tropper, Amram D. (2016). Rewriting Ancient Jewish History: The History of the Jews in Roman Times and the New Historical Method. Routledge Studies in Ancient History. Taylor & Francis. p. 92. ISBN 978-1-317-24708-1. Retrieved 27 March 2019.
91. Josephus, Flavius (1974). Wasserstein, Abraham (ed.). Flavius Josephus: Selections from His Works (1st ed.). New York: Viking Press. pp. 186–300. OCLC 470915959.
92. Goodman 2004, p. 27–28. sfn error: no target: CITEREFGoodman2004 (help)
93. Eshel 2006, p. 106.
94. Magness 2024, pp. 338–339.
95. Taylor, J. E. (2012). The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-955448-5. These texts, combined with the relics of those who hid in caves along the western side of the Dead Sea, tells us a great deal. What is clear from the evidence of both skeletal remains and artefacts is that the Roman assault on the Jewish population of the Dead Sea was so severe and comprehensive that no one came to retrieve precious legal documents, or bury the dead. Up until this date the Bar Kokhba documents indicate that towns, villages and ports where Jews lived were busy with industry and activity. Afterwards there is an eerie silence, and the archaeological record testifies to little Jewish presence until the Byzantine era, in En Gedi. This picture coheres with what we have already determined in Part I of this study, that the crucial date for what can only be described as genocide, and the devastation of Jews and Judaism within central Judea, was 135 CE and not, as usually assumed, 70 CE, despite the siege of Jerusalem and the Temple's destruction
96. Totten, S. Teaching about genocide: issues, approaches and resources. p. 24.
97. David Goodblatt, 'The political and social history of the Jewish community in the Land of Israel,' in William David Davies, Louis Finkelstein, Steven T. Katz (eds.) The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period, Cambridge University Press, 2006 pp. 404–430 [406].
98. H.H. Ben-Sasson, A History of the Jewish People, Harvard University Press, 1976, ISBN 978-0-674-39731-6, p. 334: "In an effort to wipe out all memory of the bond between the Jews and the land, Hadrian changed the name of the province from Judaea to Syria-Palestina, a name that became common in non-Jewish literature."
99. Ariel Lewin. The archaeology of Ancient Judea and Palestine. Getty Publications, 2005 p. 33. "It seems clear that by choosing a seemingly neutral name – one juxtaposing that of a neighboring province with the revived name of an ancient geographical entity (Palestine), already known from the writings of Herodotus – Hadrian was intending to suppress any connection between the Jewish people and that land." ISBN 978-0-89236-800-6
100. The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered by Peter Schäfer, ISBN 978-3-16-148076-8
101. "The Arch of Titus". exhibitions.kelsey.lsa.umich.edu. Retrieved 6 July 2017.
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106. Sivan 2008, pp. 243–245.
107. Yoma, 9b
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External links

• The Temple Mount and Fort Antonia
• Map of the siege of Jerusalem Archived 27 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine