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Political party in Minnesota, United States From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Minnesota Democratic–Farmer–Labor Party (DFL) is a political party in the U.S. state of Minnesota affiliated with the national Democratic Party.[1][2] The party was formed by a merger between the Minnesota Democratic Party and the Minnesota Farmer–Labor Party in 1944.[3] The DFL is one of two state Democratic Party affiliates with a different name from that of the national party, the other being the North Dakota Democratic–Nonpartisan League Party.[1]
Minnesota Democratic–Farmer–Labor Party | |
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Abbreviation | DFL |
Chairperson | Ken Martin |
Governor | Tim Walz |
Lieutenant Governor | Peggy Flanagan |
Senate President | Bobby Joe Champion |
Senate Leader | Erin Murphy |
House Speaker | Melissa Hortman |
Founded | April 15, 1944 |
Merger of | Minnesota Democratic Party and Minnesota Farmer–Labor Party |
Headquarters | 255 Plato Boulevard East Saint Paul, Minnesota |
Youth wing | Minnesota Young DFL (MYDFL) |
Ideology | Modern liberalism Progressivism |
National affiliation | Democratic Party |
Colors | Blue |
State Senate | 34 / 67 |
State House | 70 / 134 |
Statewide Executive Offices | 5 / 5 |
U.S. Senate | 2 / 2 |
U.S. House of Representatives | 4 / 8 |
Website | |
dfl | |
The DFL controls four of Minnesota's eight U.S. House seats, both of its U.S. Senate seats, the Minnesota House of Representatives and Senate, and all other statewide offices, including the governorship, making it the dominant party in the state. Its main political rival has been the Republican Party of Minnesota.
During the 1930s, the Farmer-Labor Party had gained traction with radical platforms that challenged economic and social inequalities, backed by Governor Floyd B. Olson. However, by 1938, the party's influence waned due to internal conflicts and accusations of incompetence and corruption, leading to a loss in gubernatorial elections.
On April 15, 1944, the Farmer-Labor Party merged with the Democratic Party, forming the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party (DFL).[4] Leading the merger effort were Elmer Kelm, the head of the Minnesota Democratic Party and the founding chairman of the DFL; Elmer Benson, effectively the head of the Farmer–Labor Party by virtue of his leadership of its dominant left-wing faction; and rising star Hubert H. Humphrey, who chaired the Fusion Committee that accomplished the union and then went on to chair its first state convention.[5] This merger marked a pivotal shift influenced by academic liberals at the University of Minnesota who advocated for integrating the New Deal's progressive reforms within a more centralized, managerial political framework, transitioning from the movement-oriented politics of the Farmer-Labor party to a structure that emphasized interest-group pluralism.
During the post-war years, the DFL confronted various social issues, including antisemitism, which reflected broader national conversations about race and ethnicity. The DFL also navigated with its stance on civil rights and economic justice, influenced significantly by Minnesota's small but politically active African American communities. In early 1946, as a Fair Employment Practice (FEPC) bill was moving through Congress, there was a surge of civil rights activism in the Twin Cities.[6]
Factional battles were intensified by differing views on how to address the left-wing influence within the party, with significant conflicts between proponents of Henry A. Wallace's progressive policies and the more moderate wing led by figures like Hubert Humphrey. By the party's second convention in 1946, tensions had re-emerged between members of the two former parties. While the majority of delegates supported left-wing policies, Humphrey managed to install a more conservative, anti-communist ally, Orville Freeman, as party secretary.[7] Some disaffected Farmer–Labor leaders such as Benson moved to the Progressive Party.[3] Freeman was elected the state's first DFL governor in 1954. Important members of the party have included Humphrey and Walter Mondale, who each went on to be United States senators, vice presidents of the United States, and unsuccessful Democratic nominees for president; Eugene McCarthy, a U.S. senator who ran for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1968 as an anti-Vietnam War candidate; Paul Wellstone, a U.S. senator from 1991 to 2002 who became an icon of populist progressivism;[8] and Tim Walz, two-term governor chosen as Kamala Harris' running mate in the 2024 presidential election.[9] The DFL has had varied success beginning in the late 1970s and through the late 2010s, in part due to the growth of single-issue splinter groups after reforms brought by the national party.[5]
Following the 2022 Minnesota elections, the DFL became the dominant party in the state, retaining every executive office, winning majorities in the state House and Senate, and re-electing all incumbent congressional representatives. With their newly elected trifecta, the DFL pursued a progressive agenda in their first legislative session. Governor Tim Walz described the session as "the most successful legislative session, certainly in many of our lifetimes and maybe in Minnesota history."[10] The newly elected government passed large expansions in welfare programs and spending. Notable policies passed include the expansion of abortion rights, new programs to provide reproductive healthcare, protection of gender affirming care,[11] the legalization of recreational cannabis, indexing education spending to inflation, investments in public transit, and paid sick leave for Minnesota workers.[11][12] Former President Barack Obama praised the state government's actions, saying that "Minnesota has made progress on a whole host of issues – from protecting abortion rights and new gun safety measures to expanding access to the ballot and reducing child poverty. These laws will make a real difference in the lives of Minnesotans."[13]
The DFL is governed by a state central committee, which is composed of representatives from each of the state's congressional districts. The state central committee is responsible for setting the party's platform, electing party officers, and conducting other party business. The DFL also has a constitution and bylaws that govern its operations.[2]
The party operates several community caucuses that organize and represent different communities within Minnesota; they not defined geographically.[14] These include the:
The DFL's base of support is diverse, and it includes urban and suburban voters, working class voters, labor unions, environmentalists, and other progressive groups.[17] The party has a strong presence in the Twin Cities metropolitan area.[18] The DFL has lost support in traditional DFL strongholds such as the Iron Range since 2016.[19]
Out of the eight seats Minnesota is apportioned in the U.S. House of Representatives, four are held by members of the DFL.
Through 1975, the party's constitution called for the election of a separate chairman and chairwoman to head state party activities. Only the chairman received compensation. In the mid-1970's, the party voted to change the titles of the chief party offices to chair and associate chair, specifying that they must both be salaried and must be of the opposite sex.
State Chairmen
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State Chairwomen
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State chair
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Election | Votes | % | Seats (MN) | ± |
---|---|---|---|---|
2004 | 1,399,624 | 51.4 | 4 / 8 |
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2006 | 1,152,621 | 52.9 | 5 / 8 |
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2008 | 1,612,480 | 57.5 | 5 / 8 |
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2010 | 1,002,026 | 47.9 | 4 / 8 |
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2012 | 985,760 | 55.5 | 5 / 8 |
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2014 | 985,760 | 50.2 | 5 / 8 |
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2016 | 1,434,590 | 50.2 | 5 / 8 |
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2018 | 1,420,748 | 55.1 | 5 / 8 |
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2020 | 1,554,373 | 48.7 | 4 / 8 |
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2022 | 1,250,479 | 50.1 | 4 / 8 |
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2024 | TBD | TBD |
Year | Candidate | Votes | % | Won |
---|---|---|---|---|
1944 | Byron G. Allen | 430,132 | 37.8 | No |
1946 | Harold H. Barker | 349,565 | 39.7 | No |
1948 | Charles Halsted | 545,766 | 45.1 | No |
1950 | Harry H. Peterson | 400,637 | 38.3 | No |
1952 | Orville Freeman | 624,480 | 44.0 | No |
1954 | Orville Freeman | 607,099 | 52.7 | Yes |
1956 | Orville Freeman | 731,180 | 51.4 | Yes |
1958 | Orville Freeman | 658,326 | 56.8 | Yes |
1960 | Orville Freeman | 760,934 | 49.1 | No |
1962 | Karl Rolvaag | 619,842 | 49.7 | Yes |
1966 | Karl Rolvaag | 607,943 | 46.9 | No |
1970 | Wendell Anderson | 737,921 | 54.0 | Yes |
1974 | Wendell Anderson | 786,787 | 62.8 | Yes |
1978 | Rudy Perpich | 718,244 | 45.3 | No |
1982 | Rudy Perpich | 718,244 | 58.8 | Yes |
1986 | Rudy Perpich | 790,138 | 56.1 | Yes |
1990 | Rudy Perpich | 836,218 | 46.8 | No |
1994 | John Marty | 589,344 | 34.1 | No |
1998 | Skip Humphrey | 587,528 | 28.1 | No |
2002 | Roger Moe | 821,268 | 36.5 | No |
2006 | Mike Hatch | 1,007,460 | 45.7 | No |
2010 | Mark Dayton | 919,232 | 43.6 | Yes |
2014 | Mark Dayton | 989,113 | 50.1 | Yes |
2018 | Tim Walz | 1,393,096 | 53.8 | Yes |
2022 | Tim Walz | 1,312,349 | 52.3 | Yes |
Election | Votes | % | Seats | ± | Majority |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1976 | 1,024,624 | 51.9 | 49 / 67 |
Yes | |
1980 | 1,024,624 | 49.3 | 46 / 67 |
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Yes |
1982 | 951,287 | 51.8 | 42 / 67 |
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Yes |
1986 | 765,584 | 52.6 | 47 / 67 |
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Yes |
1990 | 990,513 | 53.7 | 46 / 67 |
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Yes |
1992 | 1,247,594 | 53.0 | 45 / 67 |
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Yes |
1996 | 1,129,095 | 51.1 | 42 / 67 |
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Yes |
2000 | 1,219,497 | 49.6 | 39 / 67 |
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Yes |
2002 | 1,080,975 | 49.7 | 35 / 67 |
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Yes |
2006 | 1,183,319 | 55.3 | 44 / 67 |
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Yes |
2010 | 1,005,132 | 48.9 | 30 / 67 |
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No |
2012 | 1,532,065 | 55.8 | 39 / 67 |
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Yes |
2016 | 1,409,775 | 50.1 | 33 / 67 |
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No |
2020 | 1,577,523 | 49.8 | 33 / 67 |
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No |
2022 | 1,239,682 | 50.7 | 34 / 67 |
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Yes |
Election | Votes | % | Seats | ± | Majority |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
2002 | 1,034,046 | 47.8 | 52 / 134 |
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No |
2004 | 1,381,412 | 51.2 | 66 / 134 |
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No |
2006 | 1,169,298 | 54.9 | 85 / 134 |
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Yes |
2008 | 1,516,633 | 54.9 | 87 / 134 |
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Yes |
2010 | 995,853 | 48.5 | 62 / 134 |
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No |
2012 | 1,468,364 | 53.7 | 73 / 134 |
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Yes |
2014 | 944,961 | 49.3 | 62 / 134 |
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No |
2016 | 1,366,375 | 49.1 | 57 / 134 |
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No |
2018 | 1,388,938 | 54.4 | 75 / 134 |
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Yes |
2020 | 1,601,357 | 51.1 | 70 / 134 |
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Yes |
2022 | 1,237,520 | 50.9 | 70 / 134 |
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Yes |
2024 | TBD | TBD | TBD |